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THE LIFE
OP
ISAMBARD KINGDOM BRUNEL,
CIVIL ENGINEER.
BY
ISAMBAED BEUNEL, B.C.L.,
OF LINCOLN'S INN;
CHANCBLLOR OP THB DIOCE8H OF ELY.
LONDON:
LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.
1870.
FEB 23 W
PEEFACE.
I HAVE NOT attempted to describe the events of my
father's life in chronological order beyond the end of
Chapter III., which brings down the narrative to the
close of 1835, the year in which the Act was obtained
for the Great Western Railway.
Chapter IV. contains a general account of my
father's railway works, with the exception of the
Bridges, which are described in Chapter VII. The
history of the Broad Gauge and of the trial of the
Atmospheric System on the South Devon Railway
is given in Chapters V. and VI.
Chapters VIII. — XIII. contain an account of my
father's labours for the advancement of Ocean Steam
Navigation. It will be noted that these chapters
cover the same period as Chapters IV. — VII., namely,
from 1835, the year of the commencement of the
Great Western Railway and the ' Great Western '
VI PEEFACE.
Steam-ship, to 1859, the year of his death, in which
the Saltash Bridge and the ' Great Eastern ' were both
completed.
Chapters VII. (on the Bridges) and XIV. (on the
Docks) have been written by Mr. William BeU, for
many years a member of my father's engineering
staff; and in regard to Chapter V. (on the Broad
Gauge), I have to acknowledge assistance rendered
me by Mr. William Pole, F.R.S.
For the Note on the Carbonic Acid Gas Engine
which follows Chapter I., I am indebted to Mr.
William Hawes; and for Chapter VI. (on the Atmo-
spheric System) to Mr. Froude, F.R.S.
I have also printed letters, written to me at my
request, relating to various incidents in my father's
life.
The assistance I received in the preparation of the
chapters on Steam Navigation from my friend the
late Captain Claxton, R.N., has been referred to in
the note to p. 234.
I have throughout availed myself of my brother's
professional knoAvledge.
I have been compelled, in order to bring the work
within the compass of a single volume, to omit much
PEEFACE. vii
that would otherwise have been inserted, and I must
therefore be held responsible for the general arrange-
ment of those parts which have been contributed by
others, as well as for the chapters which I have
written myself.
Lastly, I desire gratefully to thank those friends
who, by supplying me with materials and revising the
proof sheets, have helped me in my endeavour to
make this book, as far as possible, an accurate record
of my father's life, written in the spirit of which he
would have approved.
I. B.
18 Duke Street, Wesiiiinster :
November, 1870.
CONTENTS.
PAGE
List op Reports and other Original Documents . . xvii
List of Lllustrations . . . . . . xxvii
CHAPTER I.
EARLY LIFE.
A.D. 1806—1828.
Birth of Mr. Brunei, April 9, 1806— Sir Marc Isambard Brunei —
The Block Machinery — Mr. Brunei's School Life — The Thames
Tunnel — Sinking of the Rotherhithe Shaft — Description of the
Shield — Extracts from Sir Isambard Brunei's Journals from the
Commencement of the Thames Tunnel to the date of the Second
Irruption of the River, January 12, 1828 — Note A : The Bourbon
Suspension Bridges — Note B : Experiments with Carbonic Acid
Ga«. ........
CHAPTER II.
THE CLIFTON SUSPENSION BRIDGE.
A.D. 1829—1853. .ffiTTATls 24—48.
Origin of the Undertaking— The First Competition, November 1829
— Description of Mr. Brunei's Plans — Mr. Telford's Decision as
Umpire — Mr. Telford's Design — The Second Competition — Mr.
Brunei appointed Engineer, March 1831 — Commencement of the
Works, August 1836— Description of the Design — Abandonment
of the Works, 1853 — Formation of a New Company and Comple-
tion of the Bridge, 1864 — Note: The Hungerford Suspension Bridge 46
X CONTENTS.
CHAPTER III.
EARLY HISTORY OF THE GREAT WESTERN RAILWAY.
A.D. 1833—1835. .fflTATis 27—30.
PAGE
Sketch of the History of Railways in England prior to 1833 — The
Stockton and Darlington — The Livei-pool and Manchester — The
London and Birmingham —Proposed Railway between London
and Bristol — Mr. Brunei appointed Engineer, March 7, 1833 —
Survey of the Line— Unsuccessful Application to Parliament in
1834 — Successful Application in 1835 — Reminiscences of Mr.
Brunei, 1833-1835 — Extract from Mr. Brunei's Diary, written at
the close of 1835 . . . . . . .61
CHAPTER IV.
RAILWAY WORKS.
A.D. 1835—1859. .ETATIS 30—54.
Construction of the Great Western Railway — The Box Tunnel —
The Bath and Bristol Stations — The Paddington Station — The
Great Western Hotel — Branches and Extensions of the Great
Western Railway — The Bristol and Exeter Railway — Railways
in Devonshire and Cornwall — Railways to Basingstoke, to Wey-
mouth, and to Salisbury — In South Wales — In Ireland — In Italy
— In India — Supervision of Works — Mr. Brunei's Engineering
Staff — His Reputation as a Witness — Reminiscences of Mr. Brunei,
1835-1838 79
CHAPTER V.
THE BROAD GAUGE.
Origin of the Ordinary Gauge of Railways — Adoption by Mr. Brunei
of the Broad Gauge on the Great Western Railway — Reasons for
its Adoption — The Permanent Way — Repoi-ts of Mr. Nicholas
Wood and Mr. John Hawkshaw, 1838 — Extract from Repon-t of
Director's of Great Western Raihoay Company (December 20,
1838) — Extension of the Broad Gauge System — Break of Gauge
— Royal Commission on the Gauge of Railways, 1845 — Letter of
Mr. Brunei on the Broad Gauge (August 6, 1845) — Gauge Act of
1846 — The Mixed Gauge — Report of Railway Commissioners,
1847 — Northern Extensions of the Great Western Railway-
Advantages of the Broad Gauge — Partial Abandonment of the
Broad Gauge . . . . ^ . .99
CONTENTS. XI
CHAPTER VI.
THE ATMOSPHERIC SYSTEM.
A.D. 1840—1848. .asTATls 35—43.
PAGE
Preliminary Observations — The South Devon Railway — Description
of the Atmospheric System — History of its Introduction prior to
1844 — Report hy Mr. Brunei, recommending its Adoption on the
South Devon Baihvay (August 19, 1844) — Examination of this
Report — Mr. Brunei's Evidence before the Select Committee on
Atmospheric Railways, 1845 — History of the Application of the
System on the South Devon Railway, 1844-1848 — Hejwrt on
State of Works (August 28, 1847) — BeiJort on Causes of Failure
(August 19, 1848) — Abandonment of the System, September
1843— Note : Comparison of Stationary and Locomotive Power , 131
CHAPTER VII.
RAILWAY BRIDGES AND VIADUCTS.
1. Brickwork and Masonry Bridges— Hanwell Viaduct — Maiden-
head Bridge — Flying Bridges — Letter from Mr. Brunei on Bridge
Construction (December 30, 1854) — 2. Timber Bridges — Souning
Bridge — Bath Bridge — Stonehouse Viaduct — Bourne Viaduct —
St. Mary's Viaduct — Viaducts on the South Devon Railway — Ivy-
bridge — Viaducts on the South Wales Railway — Newport — Lan-
dore — Viaducts on the Cornwall Railway — St. Pinnock — Viaducts
on the West Cornwall and Tavistock Railways — Preservation
of Timber — 3. Cast-iron Bridges — Letter on Use of Cast Iron
(April 18, 1849) — Hanwell Bridge — Experiments on Cast-iron
Girders — Eoctract from Letter to Secretary of Commission on Aj)-
plication of Iron to Railway Structures (March 13, 1848)
4. Wrought-iron Bridges — Girder Bridges — Experiments on
Wrought-iron Girder — Opening Bridges — Trussed Bridges — New-
port Viaduct — Windsor Bridge — Chepstow Bridge — Method of
Sinking the Cylinders — Description of the Main Truss — The
Floating Operations — The Royal Albert Bridge at Saltash — The
Centre Pier — Description of the Superstructure — The Floating
and Raising of the Trusses — Opening of the Bridge by H. R. H.
the Prince Consort — Note : Experiments on Matters connected
with Bridge Couatiuction . . . . , . 171
Xll CONTENTS.
CHAPTER VIII.
STEAM NAVIGATION. THE ' GREAT WESTERN'
STEAM-SHIP.
A D. 1835—1847. ^TATIS 30—42.
PAGE
Introduction to the Chapters on Steam Navigation — Formation of
the Great Western Steam-Ship Company — Commencement of
the Building of the 'Great Western '—i?epor^ on Selection of
the Builders of the Engines (June 18, 1836) — Statements of Dr.
Lardner on the probable Failure of a line of Steam-ships between
England and America — Voyage of the * Great Western ' to London
— Completion of the Engines — Her return to Bristol — Fire on
Board, and Accident to Mr. Brunei — Voyage to New York — Com-
parison between the Performances of the * Great Western ' and
the * Sirius ' — Subsequent History of the ' Great Western ' — Note :
Dimensions of the Ship and Engines .... 231
CHAPTER IX
S TEAM NA VIGA TION. THE ' GREA T BRIT A IN'
STEAM-SHIP.
A.D. 1838—1847. iETATIS 33—42.
Commencement of the building of the * Great Britain ' — Heport on
the Engines (June 13, 1839) — Experiments on the Screw Pro-
peller— Its Adoption in the ' Great Britain ' — Completion of the
Ship — Her Voyage across the Atlantic — Stranding of the * Great
' Britain ' in Dundrum Bay — Letter to Captain Claxton on the
Condition of the ' Great Britain,' and on the Means to be adojtted
for saving her (December 10, lM&)—Iieport to the Directors on
the same Subject (December 14, 1846)— Appointment of Captain
Claxton to superintend the Execution of Mr. Brunei's Plans —
Letter to Captain Claxton on the Difficulties to be overcome
(December 29, 1846) — Report enclosing Captain Claxton' s Account
of the Erection of the Breakwater (February 27, \%A7)— Report
on the Arrangements for Floating off the Ship (May 4, 1847) —
Successful Accomplishment of the Floating Operations — Sub-
sequent History of the ' Great Britain '—Note : Dimensions of
the Ship and Engines . . . . • • 246
CONTENTS. Xlil
CHAPTER X.
STEAM NAVIGATION. INTRODUCTION OF THE SCREW
PROPELLER INTO THE ROYAL NAVY.
A.D. 1841—1844. .srrATis 36—39.
PAGE
Appointment of Mr. Brunei to conduct Experiments for the Admi-
ralty with various Forms of the Screw Propeller, April 1841 —
Trials with the * Polyphemus ' — Opposition to Mr. Brunei's
Experiments — Trials with the ' Rattler/ October 1843 —
October 1844 . . 283
CHAPTER XI.
STEAM NAVIGATION. THE 'GREAT EASTERN' STEAM-
SHIP, FROM THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE UNDER-
TAKING TO THE LAUNCH.
A.D. 1851—1857. iKTATIS 46—52.
Introductory Observations — The Australian Steam Navigation
Company — Statement of Mr. BruneVa Project of a Line of large
Ships (June 10, 1852) — Adoption of his Plans by the Eastern
Steam Navigation Company — Attract from a Letter describing the
Scheme (July 1, 1852) — Letter to J, Scott Russell, Esq., on tJie
Form and Dimensions of the Great Ship (July 13, 1852) — Report
on Mode of Proceeding (July 21, 1852) — Report on Enquiries
Relating to the Draught and Form of the Vessel (October 6, 1852)
— Report on tJie Proceedings of the Committee appointed to con-
sider Mr. BruneVs Plans (March 21, 1853) — Tenders invited for
the Ship and Engines — Report on Tenders (May 18, 1853) —
Preparation of the Contracts and Specifications — Extracts from
Mr. Brunei's Memoranda (a.d. 1852, 1853, 1854) — Letter on his
Position and Duties as Engineer of the Company (August 16,
1854) — Letter on an Article in a Newspaper (November 16,
1854) — Rejwrt on the Undertaking (February 5, 1855) —
Arrangements proposed for obtaining Astronomical Observa-
tions— Letter to G. B. Airy, Esq., Astronomer Royal (October 5,
1852) — Appointment of Mr. William Harrison to the Command
of the Ship — Meinorandum on the Management of the Great Shij?
(October 1855) — Letter on the Duties of the Chief Engineer
(March 19, 1857) — Suspension and Resumption of the Works , 289
XIV CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XII.
S TEAM NA VI G A TION. THE ' GREA T EAS TERN ' S TEAM-
SHIP. THE LAUNCH.
A.D. 1857, 1858. iETATiS 62.
PAOE
Determination that the Ship should be launched broadside to the
River — And that the Launch should be slow — Extracts from Mr.
BruneTs Report of February 1855 — Reasons for the Adoption of
Iron Sliding Surfaces — Description of the Ways and Cradles — And
of the Motive Power provided for launching the Ship — Memo-
randum on proposed Arrangements for the Launch (September 26,
1857) — Letter to Captain Harrison on River Tackle (September 30,
1857) — Letter on the Nature of the Operations (October 23, 1857)
— Memorandum on general Arrangements and intended Mode of
Proceeding (October 30, 1857) — History of the Launch, Nov. 3,
1857 to January 31, 1858 — Letter to the Directors (November 26,
1857) — Report and Memorandum on the Launching Ojwrations
(December 17, 1857) — Floating the Ship — Note A: Experiments
and Observations on Friction — Note B: Letter to W. Froude,
Esq. (February 2, 1858) 340
CHAPTER XIII.
S TEAM NA VI G A TION. THE « GREA TEAS TERN' S TEAM-
SHIP. COMPLETION AND SUBSEQUENT HISTORY.
A.D, 1858, 1859. JETAllS 52-54.
A.D. 1859—1870.
Preparations for completing the Ship — Formation of the Great
Ship Company — Mr. Brunei's Absence from England — Progress
of the Works from his Return to his last Illness — Voyage to Wey-
mouth— Explosion of Water-Heater — Storm at Holyhead — De-
scription of the Ship — Her first Voyage to New York, June 1860 —
Second Voyage to New York, May 1861 — Voyage with Troops to
Quebec, June 1861 — Fracture of Rudder Head and Destruction of
Paddlewheels, September 1861 — Voyages in 1862 — Accident off
Montauk Point, August 27, 1862— Voyages in 1863 — Formation
of the Great Eastern Steam-Ship Company — Remarks on the
History of the ' Great Eastern ' previous to her Employment in
laying Submarine Telegraph Cables — Telegraph Expeditions of
1865 and 1866— French Cable Expedition of 1869— Voyage to
Bombay and Aden, 1869, 1870— Concluding Remarks — Note:
Dimensions of the Ship and Engines 392
CONTENTS. XV
CHAPTER XrV.
DOCK AND PIER WORKS.
A.D. 1831—1859. iETATis 26-54,
PAGE
Monkwearmouth Docks, 1831 — Bristol Docks — Floating Harbour,
1832 — Proposed Works at Portishead — New Lock at Bristol, 1845
— Bristol Dock Gates — Plymouth Great Western Docks, 1847 —
Briton Ferry Docks, 1851— Brentford Dock, 1856— Pier at Mil-
ford Haven, 1857 417
CHAPTER XV.
MISCELLANEOUS WORKS.
The Great Exhibition of 1851— The Crystal Palace Water Towers,
1853— Polygonal Rifle, 1852 — Gunnery Experiments, 1854 —
Floating Gun-Carriage, 1854 — Renkioi Hospital Buildings, 1856 . 445
CHAPTER XVI.
MR. BRUNEUS PROFESSIONAL OPINIONS AND
PRACTICE.
Scheme of the Chapter — Mr. Brunei's Position in relation to the
Companies of which he was Engineer — Letter on the Dii-ection of
Railway Works in Italy (March 4, 1845) — Letter on the Position
of Joint Engineer (October 16, 1843) — Letter on tJie Position of
Consulting Engineer (December 30, 1851) — Letter on the Position
of the Engineer in relation to the Contractors (May 26, 1854)
— Letters on the Position of the Engineer in relation to the Directors
(April 15, 1850, December 6, 1851, January 22, 1857)— Mr.
Brunei's Assistants — Letters on Interference of Directors with the
Assistant Engineers (January 19, 1842, January 28, 1842, January
12, 1851)— Mr. Brunei's Pupils— His Relations with other En-
gineers— Inventors — Letter in reply to an Inventor (September 17,
1847) — Mr. Brunei's Views as to State Interference — Letter on the
Royal Commission on the Application of Iron to Raihvay Structures
(March 13, 1848) — Letter on a Proposal to obtain the Recognition in
England of Decorations conferred at the Paris Exhibition of 1855
(February 9, 1856) — Mr. Brunei's Opinion on the Patent Laws —
Metnorandum for Evidence before the Select Committee of the House
of Lords on the Patent Laws, 1851 — Extract fro7n Observations on
the Patent Laivs, made by Mr. Brunei at a Meeting of the Society
of Arts, March 26, 1856 . . . . .474
XVI CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XYII.
PRIVATE LIFE.
PAGE
Keininiscences of Mr. Brunei's Private Life — Removal to 18 Duke
Street, Westminster — His Marriage, 1836 — Special Constable in
1848— Mr. Brunei's Love of Art— His Journey to Italy, 1842—
Accident vrith the Half-Sovereign, 1843 — Purchase of Property
in Devonshire, 1847 — His life at Watcombe — The Launch of the
' Great Eastern,' 1857 — Mr. Brunei's Failing Health — Journeys
to Switzerland and Egj^t, 1858 — Letter from Philce (February 12,
1859)— His last Illness— His Death, September 15, 1859—
Funeral — Address of Joseph Locke, Esq., M.P., at the Institution
of Civil Engineers, November 8, 1859 .... 499
APPENDIX I.
Report to the Directors of the Great Western Railway on the Broad
Gauge, &c. (August 1838) . . . . .525
APPENDIX II.
Report to the Directors of the Great Western Steam-Ship Company,
recommending the Adoption of the Screw Propeller in the < Great
* Britain ' Steam-ship (October 1840) .... 539
INDEX 559
LIST
OF
EEPORTS AND OTHER ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS.
FAGS
1. Extract from Mr. Brunei's Diary (December 26, 1835). . 78
2. Letter on the Box Tunnel (June 21, 1842) . . .81
3. Extract from Report to Directors of the Great Western Rail-
way Company on Break of Gauge (December 13, 1838) . 105
J 4. Extract from Report to Directors of the Great Western Rail-
way Company on the Permanent Way (February 1837) . 109
5. Letter on various Points relating to the Broad Gauge (August 4,
1845) 120
6. Extract from Letter on Atmospheric System (April 8, 1844) . 137
7. Report to the Directors of the South Devon Railway Company,
recommending them to adopt the Atmospheric System
(August 19, 1844) . . ... 138
The question had been frequently considered by him (p. 138)
— Stationary power is cheaper and otherwise better than locomotive
power (p. 138) — The Atmospheric System is a good, economical
mode of applying stationary power (p. 138) — Reasons for con-
sidering it applicable to the South Devon Railway (p. 139) — In
the construction of the line (p. 140) — In the subsequent working
(p. 141).
8. 9. Letters on giving Evidence before the Select Committee of the
House of Commons on the Atmospheric System (March 31,
1845 J April 3, 1845) 146
10. Report to the Directors of the South Devon Railway on the
State of the Atmospheric Apparatus (August 27, 1847) . 149
Regret at postponement of working (p. 149) — Which has been
caused by delay in completion of the engines (p. 149) — Experi-
mental trains have run (p. 149) — Difficulties have exceeded all
just anticipations (p. 150).
a
XVlll LIST, OF REPORTS, ETC,
PAGE
11. Report toa Committee of tlie Directors of the South Devon
Railway Company on the Causes of the Failure of the Atmo-
spheric System (August 19, 1848) . . . .159
The first difficulty has been in the stationary engines, which
have consumed an excessive amount of fuel (p. 159) — The diffi-
culties in the working of the longitudinal valve have been more
numerous (p. 161) — The principal evil might be remedied in a
new valve (p. 1 62) — An extension of the system beyond Newton
cannot be recommended (p. 162) — The delay in obtaining the
telegraph has been a great disappointment (p. 163).
12. Letter on the Design of Engineering Works (December 30, 1854) 178
13. Extract from Letter on the Use of Cast Iron in Bridge Con-
struction (April 18, 1849) . . . . .100
14. Extract from Letter on the same Subject (March 13, 1848) . 192
15. 16, 17. Extract from Letters on Bridges of Large Spans
(January 31, 1862; December 1, 1852; May 30, 1854) . 212
18. Extract from Report on the Cornwall Railway as to making
the Saltash Bridge for a Single Line (February 5, 1862) . 214
19. Report to the Directors of the Great Western Steam-Ship
Company on the Selection of the Builders of the Engines
for the * Great Western ' Steam-ship (June 18, 1836) . 235
Every means must be taken to secure the best engines possible
in this the boldest attempt yet made (p. 235) — The peculiar con-
ditions required in these engines (p. 235) — They must, as far as
is possible, be perfect in all their details from the moment of
their completion (p. 235) — The machinery required is by no
means an ordinary steam-engine (p. 236) — Modifications neces-
sary in designing engines of so large a size (p. 236) — Reasons
based on these considerations for preferring Messrs. Maudslay
and Field as builders of these engines (p. 236).
20. Letter on the Engines for the ' Great Britain ' Steam-ship
(June 12, 1839) 249
Both the plans of Messrs. Maudslay and Field and Mr. Hum-
phrys are adapted to the case, and the choice will depend upon
the relative cost and advantages of forming an establishment to
build the engines, and that of having the skill of experienced manu-
factvu^ers (p. 249).
21. Letter to T. R. Guppy, Esq., on the Construction of Iron Ships
(August 3, 1843) 259
22. Extract from Letter on the * Great Britain ' Steam-ship (Decem-
ber 11, 1844) 261
23. Letter to Captain Claxton on the State of the ' Great Britain '
Steam-ship (December 10, 1846) . . . .264
LIST OF REPORTS, ETC. XIX
PAGE
24. Report on the Condition of the 'Great Britain' Steam-ship
when stranded in Dundrum Bay (December 14, 1846) . 267
The ship is, apart from mere local damage, perfectly sound,
which would not have been the case had she been built of timber
(p. 267) — Description of hor injuries (p. 268) — Consideration of
the best means of recovering the property invested in her — It
would not be profitable to break her up (p. 268) — How, then, is
the vessel to be got into port? (p. 269) — This question is
secondary to that of how she is to be preserved until she can be
removed (p. 269) — A stiff timber breakwater would not stand,
even if it could be safely constructed (p. 269) — The best plan is
to form under the stem and along the exposed side of the ship a
mass of fagots (p. 270) — And in order to preserve the ship, this
must be done without delay (p. 270) — As to floating her off, she
should be lifted and made water-tight (p. 271) — But she must first
be preserved (p. 272).
25. Letter to Captain Claxton on the Breakwater (December 29,
1846) . 272
26. Report enclosing Captain Claxton's Account of the Proceedings
at Dundrum (February 27, 1847) . . . .273
Success achieved by Captain Claxton in constructing the break-
water of fagots (p. 273) — Introduction by him of several im-
portant alterations and improvements in the plans proposed
(p. 274).
27. Report on the proposed Means of Floating the * Great Britain '
Steam-ship (May 4, 1847) . . . . .278
The ship has been successfully protected and lifted, and made
water-tight, so that the operation of floating by camels becomes
more practicable (p. 279) — The Directors would do well to call in
Mr. Bremner to advise them (p. 280).
28. Extract from Letter relating to Proceedings at the Admiralty
as to the Screw Propeller (July 8, 1842) . . .283
20. Extract from Letter on the same Subject (August 6, 1842) . 286
80. Statement of Project for a Line of large Steam-ships (June 10,
1852) . . . . . . . .292
The principle advocated is that of making the vessel large
enough to carry her own coal for the voyage, just as the ' Great
'Western' steam-ship did in 1838 (p. 292) — The size being
limited only by the extent of demand for freight, and by the
circumstances of the ports to be frequented (p. 292).
31. Extract from Letter describing the Project of the Great Ship
(July 1, 1852) 293
32. Letter to J. Scott Russell, Esq., on the Form and Dimensions of
the Great Ship (July 13, 1852) . . . .294
33. Report to the Directors of the Eastern Steam Navigation Com-
pany on mode of Proceeding (July 21, 1852) . . 296
a 2
XJC LIST OF EEPORTS, ETC.
FAOB
34. Report on Enquiries relating to the Draught and Form of the
Great Ship (October 6, 1852) . . . . .297
35. Report on the Dimensions of the Great Ship (March 21, 1853) 299
36. Report on the Tenders for the Ship and Engines (May 18,
1853) 301
A short specification was drawn up for the engines, and detailed
drawings and specifications for the ship (p. 301) — Tenders
have been received for the engines from Mr. J. Scott Eussell,
Messrs. Watt and Co., and Mr. Humphrys (p. 302) — After fre-
quent communications with these gentlemen, Messrs. Watt and Co.'s
designs are preferred for the screw engines, which will be the
largest yet made, and on which will mainly depend the perform-
ances of the ship (p. 302), and Mr. J. Scott Russell's for the
paddle engines (p. 302) — As regards a tender for the ship, after
communications with several parties, the result is a tender from
Mr. J. Scott Russell (p. 303).
87. Extracts from Mr. Brunei's Memoranda relating to the ' Great
Eastern ' Steam-ship (July 11, 1852, to Novemher 18, 1853) 304
July 11, 1852 : Dimensions of the ship (p. 304) — Division of
power between the screw and paddle engines (p. 305) — Every
known means must be adopted to ensure efficiency (p. 305) —
Jacketing of steam pipes, &c. (p. 305). July 17, 1852: Con-
ference with Mr. Field as to division of power between the screw
and paddle engines (p. 305) — Pressure of steam (p. 305) — Nothing
uncertain must be risked (p. 305) — Jacketing (p. 305). July 19,
1852 : Strong bulkheads every 30 feat or thereabouts, and the
main ribs, and even at least two main deck beams, to be longitu-
dinal, instead of transverse (p. 305). February 2, 1853 : Present
views as to the construction of the ship and engines (p. 306) —
Boilfirs (p. 307) — Advantages of oscillating engines for both screw
and paddle engines (p. 307). February 21, 1853 : Proper dimen-
sions for the Calcutta line (p. 308) — Gas (p. 308) — Ventilation
(p. 308)— Steering (p. 308). March 14, 1853: Dimensions now
determined on (p. 308). March 22, 1853 : Various dimensions
settled (p. 308). April 28, 1853 : Tenders are being sought for
(p. 308) — Arrangements for measuring the coal (p. 309) — Use
of clean water (p. 309). August 7, 1853 : Memoranda for engines
(p. 309). November 18, 1853 : Governors (p. 309)— Auxiliary
engine and boiler (p. 309).
38. Extracts from Mr. Brunei's Memoranda relating to the * Great
Eastern ' Steam-ship (February 25 to March 10, 1854) . 310
February 25, 1854 : Thought and labour involved in the
details of the construction both of the ship and engines (p. 310) —
Cabin arrangements (p. 310) — Economy of material in the con-
struction of the ship (p. 310) — A matter generally neglected in
shipbuilding (p. 310) — AH this misconstruction forbidden (p. 311).
March 3, 1854: Details of screw engines (p. 311). March 10,
1854 : Details of ship (p. 311).
LIST OF REPOETS, ETC. xxi
39. Letter to the Secretary of the Eastern Steam Navigation Com-
pany, on Position as Engineer of the Company (August 16,
1854) 311
His unusual stake in the undertaking, and the heavy responsi-
bility he has incurred (p. 311) — The work is one which requires
that it should be entirely under his individual management and
control (p. 312) — And therefore there must be no other adviser
or source of information on any question connected with the con-
struction or mode of carrying out the work (p. 312).
40. Letter to the same on an Article in a Newspaper (November
16, 1854) 813
His general rule is not to notice newspaper articles, but this one
bears the stamp of authority (p. 313) — Marked care is shown in
depreciating his former efforts in advancing steam navigation, and
in representing him, in the present case, as the passive approver
of the project of another (p. 313) — Whereas it originated solely
with him, and has been worked out by him with great thought
and labour (p. 314).
41. Report to the Directors of the Eastern Steam Navigation Com-
pany, describing the Nature of the Undertaking (February 5,
1856) 315
Labour of preparing the preliminary designs for the ship
(p. 316) — [Proposed arrangements for launching] — Principal
peculiarities in the construction of the ship (p. 316) — Water-tight
compartments (p. 316) — Transverse bulkheads (p. 316) — Double
skin (p. 317) — Longitudinal bulkheads (p. 318) — Economy in
materials (p. 318)— Engines (p. 318)-y Boilers (p. 319)— The best
advice has been sought on every point (p. 319) — The position
and design of the paddlewheels (p. 319) — The screw propeller —
(p. 320)— Protection from fire (p. 320)— Masts and sails (p. 320)—
Astronomical observations (p. 320) — Lightning conductors (p. 321)
— Adjustment of compasses (p. 321).
42. Letter to G. B. Airy, Esq., Astronomer Royal (October 5,
1852) 821
As so much depends on perfect navigation, every means is to be
taken to ensure a constant determination of the ship's position and
course (p. 321) — It is proposed to have an observatory and staff of
observers to be constantly engaged in taking observations (p. 322)
— What should be the nature of these observations and of the
instruments required ? (p. 322).
43. Memorandum on the Management of the Great Ship (October
1865) 324
The principles to be followed in the use of this new machine, and
the qualifications of the commander, have long been a subject of
anxious consideration by him (p. 324) — This ship requires a totally
different management from that suited to ordinary vessels (p. 325)
— Examples of this proposition (p. 326) — Size of the great ship (p.
326) — By no possibility must she be allowed to touch the ground
(p. 327) — Probable effects of the great size and mass of this vessel
Univergitv — -
XXU LIST OF EEPORTS, ETC.
PAGE
(p. 329) — And of her speed (p. 330) — The proposed system of con-
tiuuous observation (p. 330) — The exact course the ship is to take
must be determined previously to the voyage, and must be strictly
adhered to (p. 331) — Economy of fuel another consideration of the
highest importance (p. 332) — Proper speed of the engines (p. 332)
— Use of the sails (p. 333) — Peculiarities of the position of the com-
mander (p. 333) — His attention must be devoted exclusively to the
general management of the system by which the ship is to be made
to go like a piece of machinery (p. 333) — His assistants (p. 334) —
Four chief officers (p. 334) — A master at the head of a staif of ob-
servers, who are to make continuous observations upon the position
and performances of the ship (p. 334) — The chief engineer (p. 335)
— The principles herein set out are to be adopted by the com-
mander as the guide of his conduct in working this machine
(p. 336).
44. Letter on the Responsibility of his Position (sent with last) . 324
46. Letter on the Duties of the Chief Engineer of the Great Ship
(March 19, 1857) . 335
The success of the ship as a steamboat will depend entirely upon
the amount of power developed by the engines in proportion to the
fuel consumed (p. 336) — The peculiar duties of the chief engineer
will be to obtain the largest amount of steam from the defined ex-
penditure of fuel, and the use of this steam so as to obtain the
largest amount of power and the largest amount of result (p. 337)
■ — Accurate measurements required of fuel expended and results
obtained (p. 337) — Economy in every department may make the
difference between the success and failure of the ship (p. 337) —
The chief engineer should, if possible, superintend the erection of
the engines (p. 338).
46. Extract from Report to the Directors of the Eastern Steam Na-
vigation Company, describing the proposed Arrangements for
Launching (February 5, 1855) .... 341
Eeasons for deciding to launch the ship sideways (p. 341) — And
probably gradually (p. 342).
47. Extract from Memorandum as to Power rec[uired to move the
Ship (September 26, 1857) . . . . .352
48. Letter to Captain Harrison on the River Tackle (September 30,
1867) . . . . . . . . 354
49. Letter to the Directors of the Eastern Steam Navigation Com-
pany on the Nature of the Launching Operations (October 23,
1857) 355
The date is imcertain (p. 355) — The ship is to be lowered down
and floated off by a slow and laborious operation (p. 355) — She
may stop or not move at all (p. 856).
50. Memorandum on General Arrangements and intended JMode of
Proceeduig in the Launching Operations (October 30, 1857) . 356
LIST OF EEPORTS, ETC. xxiii
PAGE
51. Letter to the Directors of the Eastern Steam Navigation Com-
pany on the State of the Operations (November 26, 1857) . 366
52. Letter to the Directors, and Memorandum on the State of the
Operations (December 17, 1857) .... 377
53. Letter to W. Froude, Esq., describing the Floating of the ' Great
Eastern ' (February 2, 1858) . . , . .389
64. Extract from Report to the Directors of the Bristol Dock Com-
pany on the Condition of the Floating Harbour (August 31,
1832) 423
55. Extract from Report on the same subject (January 31, 1842) . 424
66. Extract from Report on Portishead Pier (December 26, 1839) . 427
57. Letter on the Distribution of Prizes, addressed to the Chairman
of the Committee of the Section of Machinery of the Exhi-
bition of 1851 (March 11, 1850) . . . .445
58. Extract from Report of the Jury of Class VII. of the Exhibition
of 1851 on Sir Joseph Paxton's Design for the Building . 447
59, 60, 61. Letters to Westley Richards, Esq., on the Polygonal Rifle
(October 25, 1862 ; February 7, 1853; November 26, 1858) 450-1
62. Extract from Letter to James Nasmyth, Esq., on the Construc-
tion of Large Guns (April 2, 1855) .... 452
C3. Extract from Letter to W. G. Armstrong, Esq., on the Wire
Gun (June 8, 1865) . . . . . .464
64. Memorandum on the Floating Gun-Carriage (December 20,
1855) 455
The principle is fixing a very heavy gun in a floating shot-proof
chamber (p. 465) — Mode of working the gun (p. 455) — Mode of
manoeuvring the vessel (p. 456) — Mode of attacking the Baltic
forts with a fleet of such vessels (p. 457) — Thickness of iron re-
quired to make the vessel shot proof (p. 458) — Best manner of
constructing the vessels (p. 458).
65. Letter to the Secretary of the Admiralty on the Floating Gun-
Carriage (July 27, 1855) 459
66. Memorandum on Renkioi Hospital Buildings (March 1856) . 463
Necessary conditions in designing these buildings (p. 463) —
General description of them (p. 463) — Closets and lavatories
(p. 464)— External and internal covering (p. 464) — Ventilation
(p. 464) — Kitchens (p. 465) — Drainage (p. 466) — Officers' quarters
(p. 466) — Transport of materials (p. 466) — Portable baths {p. 467)
—Cost of buildings (p. 467).
ixiv LIST OF EEPORTS, ETC.
PAGE
67. Letter on the Direction of Railway Works (March 4, 1845) . 476
68. Letter on the Position of Joint Engineer (October 16, 1843) . 476
69. Letter on the Position of Consulting Engineer (December 80,
1851) 477
70. Letter on the Position of the Engineer in relation to the Con-
tractors (May 26, 1854) . . . . .477
71. 72, 73. Extracts from Letters on the Relations between the Engi-
neer and the Directors (April 15, 1850 ; December 6, 1851 ;
Jan. 22, 1857) . ..... 478-481
74, 76, 76. Extracts from Letters on Interference of Directors with
the Assistant Engineers (January 19, 1842 ; January 28, 1842 ;
December 12, 1851) ..... 481-3
77. Extract from Diary (May 6, 1846) ... 485
78. Letter to an Inventor (September 17, 1847) . . .486
79. Letter on the Royal Commission on the Application of Iron to
Railway Structures (March 13, 1848) . . . 486
80. Letter on a Proposal to obtain Recognition in England of De-
corations conferred at the Paris Exhibition of 1855 (Feb. 9,
1866) . .489
81. Memorandum for Evidence before the Select Committee of the
House of Lords on the Patent Laws, a.d, 1851 . . 490
He has had large experience of the patent laws (p. 490) — Has
never taken out one, and is of opinion that the system is productive
of immense evil (p. 491) — Eeasons for this belief (p. 491) — Condi-
tions necessary for a successful patent (p. 493) — Disadvantages of
patents (p. 494) — Impediments in the way of improvements
(p. 495).
82. Extract from Observations on the Patent Laws made by Mr.
Brunei at a Meeting of the Society of Arts (March 28, 1856) 497
83. Letter from Philse, describing the Ascent of the Cataracts
(February 12, 1859) . . . . . .617
84. Report to the Directors of th© Great Western Railway Com-
pany on the Broad Gauge, &c. (August 1838) . . 625
He is desirous of combining his views into one report (p. 625)
— The difficulties have been overcome, or are gradually diminish-
ing (p. 625) — And the result justifies the attempt which has been
made (p. 526) — The gradients of the Great Western Eailway are
favourable (p. 526) — Advantages of the broad gauge (p. 527) —
Eeasons for adopting it (p. 528) — Additional cost in construction
is very slight (p. 529) — Weight of carriages (p. 630) — Freedom
LIST OF REPOETS, ETC. XXV
from accidents (p. 531) — Greater space for works of locomotives
(p. 532)^ — The greater width gives scope for improvement in every
part (p. 532) — Speed obtained (p. 532) — Design of the engines
(p. 533) — The continuous system of permanent way is best adapted
to high speeds (p. 535) — Calculations as to its cost compared with
that of a well constructed line with stone blocks (p. 537).
85. Report to the Directors of the Great Western Steatn-Ship
Company, recommending the Adoption of the Screw Pro-
peller in the ' Great Britain ' Steam-ship (October 1840) . 539
This subject will be considered under two heads : 1 . The
efficiency of the screw propeller, compared with the paddlewheel.
2. The advantages or disadvantages attending its use (p. 539) —
The first question involves the consideration not merely of the
effect produced, but also of the proportionate power absorbed in
producing that effect (p. 539) — Observations on the slip of the
paddlewheel and screw in the 'Great Western' and 'Archimedes,'
respectively (p. 540) — The result of the comparison being, that
with similar areas the screw will meet with at least equal, if not a
greater resistance, and will consequently slip as little as or less
than the ordinary paddle-board (p. 542) — Eefiitation of the com-
mon error, that the action of the screw is a very oblique one, and
that it imparts a considerable rotatory motion to the water (p. 543)
— Description of the action of the screw (p. 543) — The result
of the experiments is that, as compared with the ordinary
paddlewheel of sea-going steamers, the screw is, both as regards
the effect produced and the proportionate power required to
obtain that effect, an efficient propeller (p. 548) — Objections to
the use of the screw propeller (p. 548) — Answered seriatim
(p. 549) — Statement of the principal advantages peculiar to the
use of the screw (p, 652) — The result of these enquiries is a strong
and decided opinion in favour of the screw propeller being adopted
in the ' Great Britain ' steam-ship (p. 657).
LIST
OF
ILLUSTRATIONS.
ENGRA VINGS.
Portrait (engraved with permission of Messrs. Graves and Company by
T. O, Barlow, from a portrait by J. C. Horsley, R.A., in the pos-
session of Mrs. Brunei) ..... Frontispiece
PLATE to face PAGB
I. The Clifton Suspension Bridge . . . . . 49 '
n. The Hungerford Suspension Bridge . . . .59
III. The Royal Albert Bridge at Saltash. General View . . 171
IV. The Newport, Windsor, and Chepstow Bridges. Elevations
and Sections ...... 206
V. The Royal Albert Bridge at Saltash. Elevations and Sections . 218
WOODCUTS.
FIG. PAQB
1. Maidenhead Bridge (longitudinal section) . . . 174
2. Bourne Viaduct (outline elevation) . . . . 181
3. Ivybridge Viaduct (the same) ..... 182
4. Landore Viaduct (the same) ..... 184
XXVIU LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
no. PAGB
5. St, Pinnock Viaduct (outline elevation, transverse section, and
plans of piers) ....... 187
6. Experimental Girder (transverse section) . . . 193
7. Girder on South Wales Railway (the same) . . . 194
8. Girder on Eastern Bengal Railway (the same) . . . 195
9. Cumberland Basin Swing Bridge (transverse section of girder) . 196
10. Windsor Bridge (transverse section of truss) . . . 200
11. Chepstow Bridge (the same) ..... 208
12. Saltash Bridge (the same) . . . . .219
13. Transverse Section of the ' Great Britain ' Steam-Ship . . 256
14. Copy of a Sketch in a Letter on Iron Ships . . . 259
15. Transverse Section of the Cradles and the Launching Ways of
the ' Great Eastern ' Steam-Ship .... 347
16. Longitudinal Section, Plan, and Midship Section of the ' Great
Eastern ' Steam-Ship . . . . . . 397
17. Monkwearmouth Dock Gates ..... 421
18. Bristol Dock Gate . . . . . .430
19. Plymouth Great Western Dock Gates .... 435
20. Briton Ferry Dock Gate . . . . . .439
21. Brentford Dock Gate . . . . . .441
22. Renkioi Hospital . . . . . .470
LIFE
OF
ISAMBAED KINGDOM BEUNEL
CHAPTEE I.
EARLY LIFE.
A.D. 1806—1828.
BIRTH OF MR. BRUNEI,, APEIl 9, 1806 — SIR MARC ISAMBARD BRUNEI,
THE BLOCJt MACHINERY MR. BRUNEl'S SCHOOL LIFE THE THAMES TUNNEL
SINKING OF THE EOTHERHITHE SHAFT DESCRIPTION OF THE SHIELD
EXTRACTS FROM SIR ISAMBARD BRUNEL's JOURNALS FROM THE COM-
MENCEMENT OF THE THAMES TUNNEL TO THE DATE OF THE SECOND
IRRUPTION OF THE RIVER, JANUARY 12, 1828 — NOTE A : THE BOURBON
SUSPENSION BRIDGES t^OTE B ; EXPERIMENTS "WITH CARBONIC ACID GAS,
IsAMBAED Kingdom Brunel was born on the ninth, day of
April, 1806, at Portsmouth, and was the onlj son of Sir
Marc Isambard Brunei.^
Most biographies commence with an account of the
parentage of the person whose life is about to be written.
If this be permitted in any case, no apology can be
needed for prefixing to a Life of Mr. Brunei some par-
ticulars of his father's career, since he was indebted to
him, not only for the inheritance of many natural gifts,
and for a professional education such as few have been
' To avoid confusion, Sir Isambard on March 24, 1841.
Brunei has been called throughout by His Life has been written by Mr.
that designation, the one by which he Kichard Beamish, F.E.S. (London,
is generally known : he was knighted 1862.)
'O
B
2 SIR ISAMBARD BRUNEL.
able to procure, but also for a bright example of the culti-
vation of those habits of forethought and perseverance,
which alone can ensure the successful accomplishment of
great designs.
Sir Marc Isambard Brunei was a native of Hacqueville,
a village in Normandy, where his family had been settled
for several generations. He was originally intended for
the priesthood ; but, as he showed no inclination for that
calling, and a very decided talent for mechanical pursuits,
he was permitted to enter the French Navy ; and he served
in the West Indies for six years, namely, from 1786 to
1 792. On his return home, at the expiration of his term of
service, his strong loyalist sympathies made it unsafe for
him to remain in France, and with great difficulty he
managed to escape to America. He landed at New York
in September 1793, and soon obtained employment as a
civil engineer. A few years afterwards he was appointed
engineer to the State of New York ; and, while holding
that office, he designed a cannon foundry and other im-
portant public works.
In January 1799, when Sir Isambard was in his thir-
tieth year, he came over to England, and shortly after his
arrival married Miss Sophia Kingdom, a lady for whom he
had formed an attachment some years before.^
The first great work undertaken by him in this country
was the machinery for making blocks, which he designed
and erected for Government at Portsmouth.
The history of the invention and construction of this
system of machinery (for it consisted oi forty -three separate
machines) need not be given at length ; but it may be per-
mitted to extract the following passage from Mr. Beamish's
' Lady Brunei survived her husband wife of the late Sir Benjamin Hawes,
five years. Of their children, three K.C.B., Under Secretary of State for
lived to maturity, one son, Isambard War, and Emma, wife of the Rev.
Kingdom, and two daughters, Sophia, George Harrison, Rector of Sutcombe.
THE BLOCK MACHINEEY. 3
'Life of Sir Isambard Brunei' (pp. 97, 99, 2nd edition),
in wliich lie points out the benefits whicli have resulted
from its introduction, and the position its inventor is
entitled to hold among those who have contributed to the
progress of mechanical science.
Where fifty men were necessary to complete the shells of blocks
previous to the erection of Brunei's machinery, four men only are
now required, and to prepare the sheaves, six men can now do the
work which formerly demanded the labours of sixty. So that ten
men, by the aid of this machinery, can accomplish with uniformity,
celerity, and ease, what formerly required the uncertain labour of
one hundred and ten.
When we call to mind that at the time these works were
executed, mechanical engineering was only in its infancy, we are
filled with amazement at the sagacity and skill that should have so
far anticipated the progress of the age, as to leave scarcely any room,
during half a century, for the introduction of any improvement. . . .
Beautiful as are the combinations and contrivances in the block
machinery, and highly deserving as the inventor may be of credit
for originating such labour-saving machines for the production of
ships' blocks, there is a far higher claim to the admiration and
gratitude of all constructors of machinery, and of all workers in
metal. In this block machinery exist the types and examples of all
the modern self-acting tools, without the aid of which the various
mechanical appliances of the present day could not be produced with
the marvellous accuracy which has been attained. It is true that to
the trades unions or combinations among the artisans, is in a grent
measure directly due the introduction of self-acting machines ; but
the types of all these tools existed in the machines and combinations
of Brunei's block machinery. The drilling, the slotting, and the
shaping machines, the eccentric chuck, and the slide rest, Avith the
worm wheel motion, are all to be found in his machine.
On the completion of the block machinery Sir Isambard
Brunei removed to London, and took a house in Lindsay
Row, Chelsea, where he remained until he was obliged
to live nearer the works of the Thames Tunnel.
Mr. Brunei's first recollections were of the house at
Chelsea ; and in 1814, when he was eight years old, he
B 2
4 ISAMBAED KINGDOM BKUNEL. [a.d. 18U.
commenced his school life under the Rev. Weeden Butler,
who resided in the neighbourhood. Previously to his going
to Mr. Butler, he had been taught Euclid by Sir Isambard ;
and he had also a great talent for drawing, for which he
had been remarkable even from four years old. His
drawings were beautifully precise and neat, but, when
the subject admitted of it, full of vigour and picturesque
effect.
After some time he was sent to Dr. Morell's school at
Hove, near Brighton. The following extract is taken
from one of his letters home in 1820 : — ■
I have past Sallust some time, but I am sorry to say I did not
read all, as Dr. Morell wished me to get into another class. I am at
present reading Terence and Horace. I like Horace very much, but
not as much as Virgil. As to what I am about, I have been making
half a dozen boats lately, till I have worn my hands to pieces. I
have also taken a plan of Hove, which is a very amusing job. I
should be much obliged to you if you would ask papa (I hope he is
quite well and hearty), whether he would lend me his long measure.
It is a long eighty-foot tape ; he will know what I mean. I will
take care of it, for I want to take a moi'e exact plan, though this
is pretty exact, I think. I have also been drawing a little. I intend
to take a view of all (about five) the principal houses in that great
town. Hove. I have already taken one or two.
In the intervals of his classical studies he seems to have
employed himself, not only in making a survey of Hove in
its existing state, but also in a critical examination of the
works in progress for its enlargement. It is told of him
that one evening he predicted the fall, before the next
morning, of some houses which were building opposite the
school, and laid a bet on the subject, which his com-
panions readily accepted. He had noticed the bad way in
which the work was done, and that the stormy weather,
which appeared to be setting in for the night, would
probably blow the walls down. In the morning he
iET. 9.] SCHOOL LIFt:. 6
claimed the wager, for the buildings had fallen in the
night.
Except from November 1820 to August 1822, when
he was at the College Henri Quatre at Paris, ^ Mr. Brunei
was so verj little absent from home that he became tho-
roughly acquainted with all his father's undertakings.
Among these was the veneering machinery at Battersea,
remarkable for the great diameter of the saw, the steadi-
ness of its motion, and the mechanical arrangements for
clearing the veneer from the saw ; also the works at the
Government establishments at Woolwich and Chatham,
and the machinery for making shoes. They have been
fully described by Mr. Beamish ; but the mere mention of
their names is enough to show how great were the advan-
tages enjoyed by Mr. Brunei in receiving from his father
his early professional education.
From the year 1828 Mr. Brunei was regularly employed
in his father's office. It was in the early part of this year
that the project of the Thames Tunnel first began to occupy
Sir Isambard's attention ; but he was also engaged at that
time in other works of great importance, among them
the suspension bridges for the He de Bourbon, and
designs for bridges of the same character over the
Serpentine, and over the Thames at Kingston.^ Some ac-
count of the Bourbon bridges, and also of experiments with
carbonic acid gas, on which Mr. Brunei was engaged, will
be found in the notes to this chapter.
' He was sent to Paris to re- holidays in examining the various
cover his knowledge of French, which engineering works going on in Paris,
had got rather rusty at school, and and he used to send his father draw-
also to study mathematics. He re- ings and descriptions of them,
tained through life a great admira- ^ Sir Isambard was also consulted
tion of the method of teaching this upon a proposed suspension bridge
subject which was adopted in France. over the Tamar at Saltash, where Mr.
In addition to the time spent in the Brunei subsequently built the Koyal
study of mathematics and languages, Albert Bridge.
Mr. Brunei occupied himself on his
6 THE THAMES TUNNEL. [a.d. 1823.
The history of the Thames Tunnel will be told, as far
as possible, in Sir Isambard Brunei's own words, as given
in his journals.^ Although these extracts do not relate
to works for which Mr. Brunei was personally responsible,
they have been inserted in the belief that they are valu-
able, not only as showing the nature and extent of his
duties as his father's assistant, but also as displaying, in
the most interesting and authentic form. Sir Isambard's
character and genius at a time when his son was brought
into hourly contact with him, and under circumstances
which would cause the influence of his example to make a
deep and lasting impression.
Previously to the year 1823 there had been several plans
suggested for the construction of a tunnel under the
Thames ; and it would seem that a great demand was
supposed to exist for some such means of communication
between the two sides of the river eastward of London
Bridge ; for after the failure of the operations undertaken
by Mr. Vasie in 1805, and Mr. Trevethick in 1807,^ a high
level suspension bridge was proposed, although it was not
intended to be used for heavy traffic.^
The first reference to the Tunnel in Sir Isambard's
journals is dated February 12, 1823. * Engaged on draw-
' ings connected with Tunnel ; ' and on the 1 7th and
following days of the same month, ' Isambard was en-
* gaged on Tunnel.' These entries become more and more
frequent in the pages of his diary, until it is evident that
' This history has been -written by * For an aceonnt of these earlier
Mr. Beamish in his Life of Sir Isam- attempts see Law, pp. 3-7.
hard Brunei, pp. 202-304, and also, up ^ This expectation does not seem to
to the year 1828, in the very valuable have been realised, as there was never
work by Mr. Henry Law, C.E., entitled any considerable traffic through the
' A Memoir of the several Operations, Thames Tunnel. Perhaps, however,
' and the Construction, of the Thames it would have been otherwise had the
' Tunnel,' and published by the late large descents for carriages and horses
Mr. Weale in his Quarterly Papers been constructed.
on Engineering.
iET. 17.] OKIGINATION OF THE PROJECT. " 7
Sir Isambard's whole time and thouglits were absorbed
in this work.
The spring of 1823 was occupied in preparing drawings
and models of his plans, and in enlisting the sympathy and
assistance of various influential persons. By the close of
the year the designs were matured sufficiently to enable
the promoters of the scheme to commence the task of
organising a company for carrying it out ; and in January
1824 they resolved to call a general meeting of their
friends, and invite public subscriptions.
On February 17, Sir Isambard explained his plans at
the Institution of Civil Engineers, and on the next day
a meeting was held at the City of London Tavern, under
the presidency of Mr. William Smith, M.P., more than
a hundred persons being present. Resolutions authoris-
ing the formation of a company were passed unanimously,
and the share list was opened. In the course of an hour
one-third of the subscriptions was filled up, namely, 1250
shares ; and before the end of the day the number of shares
taken was 1381.
Borings were then commenced in order to ascertain the
nature of the strata through which the Tunnel would pass.
A bed of gravel was found over the clay, which gave Sir
Isambard great anxiety. A large pipe or shaft was sunk
on the side of the river, and in it the water rose to within
three feet of the surface of the ground, and fell about
eighteen inches with the tide. ' It is manifest (Sir
' Isambard writes) from this that unless the Tunnel is
* enclosed in the stratum of clay, it would be unsafe to
* drive through the bed of gravel. The Tunnel must,
* therefore, begin with the substantial clay.'
However, the result of thirty-nine borings in two parallel
lines across the river, to the depth of from 23 to 37^ feet,
seemed to prove that there was below the gravel a stratum
8
THE THAMES TUNNEL.
[a.u. 1824,
of strong blue clay of sufficient depth, to ensure tlie safety
of tlie Tunnel.^
' The results obtained by tbese
borings were no doubt fallacious, but-
not to the extent which has sometimes
been imagined. At a meeting of the
Institution of Civil Engineers, in No-
vember 1849, Dean Buckland called
attention to ' the evils arising from
' the ignorance of the engineers who
' reported to Sir Isambard Brunei,
' previous to tlie commencement of the
' Thames Tunnel, that the whole of
' the bottom of the river at that spot
' was London clay.' Whereupon Mr.
Brunei rose and said, that he ' agreed
' that knowledge of every kind was
' most desirable, and that it would be
' well if engineers were generally much
' better informed on many subjects
' which would be useful, and more par-
' ticularly on matters connected with
' geology; at the same time he could
' not admit that tlioy were deficient in
* that knowledge of the surface of the
' earth which was necessary for the
' purpose of guiding them in their
' work. It might be true that many
' members of the profession were, like
' himself, not perfectly well acquainted
* with the minute geological character-
'istics of the soils they bad to deal
' with, but he thought the education
' and the practical experience of the
' profession generally rendered them
' well acquainted with those features
* and characteristics which were ne-
' cessary for their guidance in the de-
' sign or execution of work. He must
' also say a few words in defence of
' those persons (now nearly all dead)
' who made the borings in the Thames,
' and were stated to have made so fal-
' lacious a report previous to the com-
' mencement of the Tunnel. Now,
' although that statement had by con-
' stant repetition become a sort of
* historical fact, it was really only one
' of those popular fallacies which ob-
' tained too ready credence in the
' world. The position of the Tunnel
' was not determined by any report, or
' by the result of any borings, but with
' a view to establishing a communica-
' tion between particular localities for
' encouraging the traffic which was an-
' ticipated from the facility of access to
' the docks, and for other local reasons,
' such as the general direction of the
' roads and streets on both shores.
' After the position was settled, and
' not until tlien, borings were made to
'ascertain what soils might be ex-
' pected in that part of the river. It
' must be remembered that these bor-
' ings were made fuU twenty-five years
' ago, when boring in the bed of a
' river through a depth of water of
' nearly thirty feet was not an ordinary
' occurrence. The tool then generally
' employed was the worm, and tubes
' were not even used in such cases.
' The borings showed the existence in
' that spot of something which, in the
' ordinary acceptation of the term,
' might have been inadvertently called
' London clay, but he had no recoUec-
' tion of its geological designation
' having ever been thouglit of. It was
' reported and shown to be a very fair
'clay for working in .... The
' errors which were made in giving the
' results of the borings did not, in fact,
' arise from ignorance, but from me-
'chanical defects in the tools, for it
' was subsequently discovered that the
' worm frequently carried a portion of
' the upper tenacious clay through the
' softer strata beneath, and brought it
' up again. The tenacious clay might
' have been called London clay, but
' no value was attached to that parti-
' cular designation ; they cared little
' in engineering for its denomination,
' provided it was of a good tenacious
' quality. This mistake in terms
' (supposing it to have occurred) could
' not have had any influence on after
^T. 18.] COMMENCEMENT OF THE WORKS. 9
A report to this effect was made to tlie shareholders at
their first general meeting in Julj, and it was also stated
that the works would be completed in three years.
The first operation connected with the works, was the
construction of a shaft; and for this purpose land was
bought on the Rotherhithe bank, about fifty yards from
the river. On March 2, 1825, the ceremony of laying the
first stone of the shaft was performed.
Mr. Smith, our chairman, attended by most of the members of the
Court of Directors, and a very numerous cortege of friends invited
on the occasion, proceeded from the Tunnel Wharf to the ground,
where they were received among the cheers of a great concourse of
people. Mr. Smith addressed the assembly in a very eloquent speech
suitable to the occasion, and performed the ceremony of laying the
first stone. From this day dates the beginning of the work.^
The mode in which Sir Isambard decided to construct
the shaft was one not uncommonly adopted in the con-
struction of wells ; but to apply it to sinking a shaft fifty
feet in diameter was a novel and bold undertaking. The
brickwork intended to form the lining of the shaft was
built on the surface of the ground, and the earth being
excavated from within and underneath the structure, it
sank gradually down to its final position.
The brickwork was 3 feet thick, bound together by
' proceedings ; for, Ijefore the Tunnel ' length into these details than might
' was far advanced, he conducted with ' perhaps appear necessary, because he
' great care a series of borings extend- ' felt it was incumbent upon those who
' ing across the Thames, and, as he ' had the conduct of works to show
' used improved tools and worked ' that they did not proceed so igno-
' through tubes, the holes were kept • rantly or so recklessly as had been
' so dry that a candle was frequently ' assumed, in the design or execution
' lowered down to the bottom in order ' of large undertakings.'
' to see the amount of infiltration. By ' The paragraphs in small type,
' this means he was enabled to con- without any reference, are from Sir
' struct a correct section of the bed of Isambard's joiuTials. The sentences
• the Thames at that spot, showing inserted at the side are his marginal
' every layer of shells and gravel as summary. Occasionally a few words
' well as every variation of the surface are added (in square brackets) by way
' of the silt, &c. He entered more at of explanation.
10 THE THAMES TUNNEL. [a.d. 1825.
iron and timber ties, and tliere were built into it 48 per-
pendicular iron rods, one inch, in diameter, fastened to
a wooden curb at the bottom, and to another curb at
the top of the wall, by nuts and screws.
When the shaft or tower of brickwork was completed
np to the top, 42 feet in height, the next step was to
remove the blockings on which it rested, and this being
done the gravel was excavated and hoisted up, and the
shaft descended by its own weight.
The Eotherhithe shaft was only sunk forty feet in this
manner ; the remaining twenty feet, in order to leave the
opening for the Tunnel, was constructed by under- pinning,
or underlaying, as it was then termed. The underlaying
was commenced in the beginning of June.^
By July 4 they had got down to the level of the in-
tended foundation of the shaft, having passed into a
stratum of gravel, black pebbles embedded in greenish sand,
with little or no water ; from which circumstance Sir
Isambard was of opinion that it was unconnected with the
stratum of gravel above.
July 12. — Engaged on a general drawing for the great shield, and
in preparing some instructions for moving the same (a very intricate
operation ! )
July 22 Underlaying is a very laborious mode of proceeding.
The sinliing of a wall well bound as the first, would evidently be the
best and cheapest mode for making another tower of 50 feet
diameter.
On the 28th Sir Isambard enters in his journal the
following additional observations upon the success of his
plans for sinking the shaft : —
Considering the great labour necessary for securing the ground for
the underlaying, the waste of planking, and of shores, and the time
necessarily taken up in moving about, in securing and in baling out
' The shaft subsequently made on the Wapping shore was sunk to its full
depth without any under-pinning.
XT. 19.] THE EOTHEKHITHE SHAFT. 11
the water, and the many causes of interruption, and the imperfect
way tliat things are done in underlaying, it is quite conclusive that
the original plan of making a shaft, by sinking the structure, is the
safest and the most economical. What is done is sound, and when
once in place, may be secured with foundations in a very easy man-
ner. The brickwork of the shaft is remarkably hard. Had it been
made with brick facings and rubble stone, it would certainly be
water-tight, and almost impenetrable by ordinary ways. The
vertical ties and the circular wall bands are not to be dispensed with
in a structure destined to be moved as the present has been.
On August 11 the underlaying was completed, and pre-
parations were made for constructing a reservoir in the
bottom of the shaft for receiving the permanent pumps.
This was finished on October 11, with great difficult j,
ovdng to the nature of the ground, which consisted of
loose sand containing a large quantity of water.
August 19. — Engaged at home in revising my plans for the man-
ner of carrying on the horizontal excavation, more particularly of
penetrating through the shaft. This part of the operation requires
indeed very great attention, as it presents great difficulties, arising
from the wall to be broken through, and chiefly from the angular
opening that is to be made at each extremity. Then another con-
sideration is the uniting the brick arches to the brickwork of the
shaft.
September 16. — Engaged in the early part of the day on revising
my plans of future operations in the Tunnel work, and in adapting
them to the nature of the ground as it is found at the various depths
we have penetrated : namely, to about 73 feet. Went afterwards
to Maudslay to request that the great shield may be completed.
October 14. — Engaged in the early part of the morning in making
Great shield, some arrangements for the working of the great shield.
Too much attention cannot be given to that subject at the early part;
for, when once in its place, it would be extremely inconvenient to
make any alteration.
October 15. — The dome of the reservoir will be covered to-day
about noon ; the bottom of the shaft will therefore be completed.
Thev are now preparing to apply two frames of the shield. Preparing
r^-, 1 • 1 / • 1 1 , T T for the
The ground now open in the front is remarkably hard ; frames.
it consists of pebbles imbedded in a chalky substance, Avith hard
12 TIIE THAMES TUNNEL. [a.b. 1825.
loose stones of the nature of the Kentish rag. Everything is going on
well. Devised -with Isambard how to make our wells for the descent
of the materials, &c.
TIlus at last the shaft was completed, and Sir Isambard
was able to commence the Tunnel itself, which, he nlti-
matelj determined to construct in the form of a rectan-
gular mass of brickwork, 37^ feet wide and 22 feet high,
pierced bj two parallel horseshoe archways, each 14 feet
wide and 17 feet high.
Before entering upon the history of this undertaking,
some account must be given of the machine which Sir
Isambard Brunei devised for effecting its accomplishment.
In order to avoid a quicksand of considerable depth and
extent, the Tunnel had to be carried but a short distance
below the bed of the river ; and, as in all tunnelling
through soft soil,^ the top and sides of the excavation
had to be supported until the brickwork was built in ; and
the front or face had also to be held up as the miners
advanced. This support was given by means of a machine
called 'the shield,' described on one occasion by Sir
Isambard as ' an ambulating cofferdam, travelling hori-
* zontally.' ^
The main body of the shield consisted of twelve inde-
pendent structures or ' frames ' made of cast and wrought
iron. They were each 22 feet high, and rather more than
3 feet wide ; and, when placed side by side, like books on
a shelf, against the face of the excavation, they occupied
the whole area of the face, and also the top, bottom, and
sides for 9 feet in advance of the brickwork. Each frame
' Professor Rankine, in his work on circumstances which led Sir Isambard
Civil Engineering, p. 699, describes to conceive the idea of a shield, and
the Thames Tunnel works under the the earlier designs he made for it, are
significant heading ' Tunnelling in described, with illustrations, by Mr.
' Mud.' Law, pp. 7-10.
^ Proceedings Inst. C. E. i. 34. The
XT. 20.] THE SHIELD. V6
stood on two feet resting on tlie ground, and was divided
in its height into three cells by cast-iron floors. In these
cells, of which there were thus thirty-six in all, the
miners stood, and worked at the ground in front of
them.
The duty which the shield had to perform was to sup-
port the ground until the brickwork was built within the
excavation ; but it was essential that this should be done
in such a manner as to allow of the mining operations
being carried on ; and it was also necessary that the
machine itself should be capable of being moved forward.
The first point, therefore, which has to be explained in
the action of the shield is the manner in which the earth
was supported by it.
It has been already stated that each frame rested upon
two feet, or large iron plates. These two feet together
covered the ground under the frame to which they
belonged, and thus the whole of the earth beneath the
frames was pressed down by the feet.
The earth above was supported by narrow iron plates,
called staves, laid on the heads of the frames parallel to
the line of the Tunnel, the ends resting on the completed
brickwork behind it. The earth at the sides was kept up
by staves resting against the outermost frames.
The arrangement for holding up the earth at the face
of the excavation was necessarily of a more complicated
character. Each frame supported a series of boards called
poling-boards, by means of small screw-jacks or poling-
screws, two to each poling-board, which abutted against
the frames, and pressed the boards against the earth.
The boards were 3 feet long, 6 inches wide, and 3 inches
thick, and were arranged horizontally. These poling-
boards, more than five hundred in number, covered the
whole surface in front of the frames.
14 THE THAMES TUNNEL. [a.d. 1825.
To resist the backward tlirust of tlie poling-screws
against tlie frames, eacli frame was held forward by two
large screws, one at the top of the frame, and the other
at the bottom, abutting against the brickwork of the
Tunnel. The brickwork was completed close up behind
the shield as it advanced.
The way in which the earth was excavated, and the
shield moved forward, has now to be explained.
The plates or staves which supported the ground at the
top and sides of the shield were pushed forward sepa-
rately by screw-jacks ; but in order to advance the poling-
boards in front, it was necessary that that portion of the
ground against which they pressed should be removed.
The miner, standing in his cell, took down one, or, at
the most, two of the poling-boards, commencing at the
top of the cell, and having excavated the earth a few
inches in advance, replaced the poling-boards against the
newly-formed face, pressing them against it with the
poling-screws. Thus the excavation was carried on with-
out depriving the ground of the support it received from
the shield, except at the point where the miner was
actually at work.
The operation of advancing the frames was effected in
the following way. When everything was ready for a
move, one of the feet which carried the frames on jointed
legs was lifted up, and advanced forward a few inches,
and then pressed down on to the ground, until in its new
position it again bore the weight of the frame. This
done, the other foot was lifted, moved forward, and
screwed down in the same manner, and then the frame
itself was pushed ahead by means of the large abutting
screws, which kept it top and bottom from being forced
back on the brickwork.
It is, however, evident that these abutting screws would
MT. 20.] THE SHIELD. 15
have been unable to push on the frame, while the ground
in front was pressing back the poling-boards against
it; therefore, during the process of moving a frame,
it had to be relieved from the thrust of its poling-screws.
Accordingly, when it was desired to advance any one of
the frames, the butts of the poling-screws of the tier
of boards in front of it were shifted sideways, so as to
rest, not against the frame to which they belonged, but
against the frames next it on either side. This done, the
frame itself was advanced, and was then ready to receive
again its own poling-screws, and also those belonging to
the adjoining frames, so that they might in their turn be
moved forward. It will thus be seen that the whole
shield was not moved forward at one time, but that the
frames were advanced alternately.
There were many other ingenious arrangements in the
design of the shield, which need not be referred to in a
description intended only to give such a general idea of
the machine as may make the history of its operation in-
telligible.'
When the frames had been completed in Messrs. Mauds-
lay's factory, they were conveyed to Rotherhithe, and
lowered down the shaft. An opening had been left at the
bottom of the wall, about 37 feet wide by 22 feet high,
and against this the shield was erected. It was then
ready to commence its progress through the ground below
the river.
On November 25, 1825, the shield made its first start.
Sir Isambard was unfortunately unable to witness what
was in fact the actual commencement of the Tunnel, as
he had three days before been seized with a sudden and
alarming attack of illness, which kept him at home till
' Mr. Law's memoir contains a detailed description of every part of the shield,
illustrated by careful drawings.
16 THE THAINIES TUNNEL. [a.d. 1825.
December 6. The works were left under the direction
of Mr. Brunei.
December 8. — The great shield is advancing very slowly, meeting
with much interruption by the water, which still runs within the
cells, and also by the difficulty of forming abutments for the
frames. {^Temporary abutments were necessary until the shield was
sufficiently advanced to allow of its being pushed forwards from the
hrichworh built up behind itJ]
December 29. — The frames are very much out of level in the
transverse line of the Tunnel. This would be attended with serious
inconvenience if I had not provided for the means of recovering any
irregularity that might take place, and which, as it appears, cannot
perhaps be prevented ; but having foreseen this, I have provided
the remedy by being able to take down the top of each frame, and
to remove the top staves in parts, or the whole, at pleasure — a very
important provision it proves to be.
January 16, 1826. — Too much precaution cannot be taken, in the
management of the frames, to have the leg- screw particularly well
secvired, as every foot- run of the arch of the Tunnel sustains 82 tons.
Each frame carries as follows : —
The two end frames each 65 tons = 130
Ten others, each . . 52J ,, =525
655 tons.
January 21. — The ground at the top and sides very good ; same
in the front. In breaking the ground out of the limits of the shield
on the right a great deal of ground fell in. This indicates that, if it
was not for the protection of the shield, nothing could be done.
This accounts also for the occasional breaking of the ground in
making the drift in 1809.
Tunnel The brickwork of the entrance being carried as far as
begun. directed, the body of the Tunnel was begun to-day.
January 26. — Isambard went down to Eotherhithe ; the water
had broken in in great abundance upon the work over Nos. 4 and 5.
Water broke [The twelve frames were distinguished by numbers.'] A
■works. 4-inch pipe was driven over the shield from inside the
shaft, but the water did not follow it, and the stream augmented
very rapidly. The frame No. 5 was moved forward, and it checked
the water for a moment, but it came again with violence. A
heading was immediately ordered by Armstrong [the resident
engineer] from the east well, in which Isambard concurred.
^T. 20.] PEOGEESS TO MAECH 6, 1826. 17
Fehruaru 3. — Ordered a pit to be opened and made by sinking a
curb 8 feet diameter and 18 inches thick, well bound with bolts.
\_This pit teas a loell sunk from the surface to enable the gravel
containing water, into which the head of the shield had penetrated, to
he removed, and clay substituted.^
Febi^ary 6. — The shaft begun last night, and was sunk 20 feet
to-day, and remarkably true. Had we known the ground as we
now know it, we might, by having opened a Avell contiguous to the
great shaft, have sunk the shaft in a week ; but for that purpose we
must have had two steam engines, one for pumping the water, and
the other for taking up the ground.
February 10. — Went very early to the Tunnel for the purpose of
giving directions to prop up the back of the staves, which, for want
of weight at the new shaft, might be overbalanced by the pressure of
the ground at the back. I could not rest a moment txnremittcd
° , attention
until it was done, for the consequences might have been wanted.
fatal, at this moment in particular. What incessant attention and
anxiety 1 To be at the mercy of ignorance and carelessness ! No
Avork like this.
February 12. — The ground having been opened carefully from
under the curb of the pit [see above on date February 3], ^^l^^ni^d*
the greater part of the gravel Avas removed, and stilf adopted to
clay substituted for it. This was done by driving first water,
some wrought-iron flat bars, Avhich kept the ground up. This
shoAvs that the shield is a most powerful protection, and Avould
enable us to penetrate through a bed of gravel. Though the break-
ing in of the water had somewhat terrified the man in No. 5, he soon
returned to his post, and the others have acknoAvledged their full
confidence in the security afforded by the shield. The boring
ahead had not yet been attended to : it is owing to the want of this
precaution that this accident is chiefly to be ascribed ; for had Ave
knoAvn as much as Ave now do, Ave might have passed through Avith-
out the pit being opened.
March 1. — Water at the back of the frames, but less than before.
The men show a great deal of spirit in overcoming the present
diflBculties. Isambard was very busy yesterday and to-day in the
frames, and about the works. He was severely hurt in the leg by a
piece of timber falling against it. \_This accident prevented his
attending again at the Tunnel until the 24^^.1
On March 6 tlie proprietors paid a visit to the Tunnel,
0
18 - THE THAMES TUNNEL. [a.d. 182G.
and were liignly satisfied with what they saw. On that
evening Sir Isambard writes : —
It is of absolute necessity now to provide for everything that is
conducive to the more expeditious management of the frames, and
to a greater facility in getting up the brickwork. If these two
points are realized, then indeed we may soon expect to be moving
at a good rate — not less than I have held out, namely, 3 feet per
24 hours.
March 11. — Eecelved early In the morning a report from
Armstrong stating that the water was completely stopped — that it
Water had been stopped during the night. Aware that we had
ptopped as , , , . „ , ,
expected. passed the gravel, it was of course expected that we were
under the clay ; means were therefore resorted to, to drive clay and
oakum at the tail of the top staves, which was productive of a very
good effect. The great shield was soon entirely free of water. This
shoAvs the efficiency of the shield to oppose difficulties which could
not have been overcome without the complete protection it affords,
under almost any circumstances. Indeed this has been a tedioils
operation since January 25, when the water first burst upon No. 5,
at the front of the shield. The miners as well as the bricklayers
have worked with great spirit and perseverance through the whole,
during a period of 44 days. The well that was made at the front
of the shaft has been of use in acquainting us with the extent of the
open ground we had to pass through. It will be made a useful
opening for ventilating the works. By means of this well Ave have
been able to apply the lead pipes with which the water has been
diverted : it is not therefore a useless expense. Things were put
in better order to prepare for a more expeditious Avay of working.
Directions Avere given to place the frames in a better condition.
Isambard is ?till too unwell to go to the Tunnel.
March 25. — Went to the Tunnel with Isambard. Found that a
considerable fall of ground had taken place again at the right side.
Considerable ■'^° *^"^ could account satisfactorily for it. I inspected it,
slip of and directed that, after making it good, flat bars of Iron
pround:how _ ' . .
to check it. be driven at the head of the side staves, in order to pin
it up, and in order to enable the miners to get at the solid ground,
y dan- I* i^ '^'^^y b'^^ ^"^ extremely dangerous ; the ground is
gerous. evidently the same as that which, in the report of the
first attempt, was found so loose as to have dropped upon the Avorks,
leaA'ing a large cavity above, AA'hen it is said the man ascended and
made good the hole. We should be warned by this, lest Ave shoidd
iKT. 20.] PROGEESS TO JUNE 5, 1826. 19
meet another as fatal as it ultimately was on that occasion. [^This
observation refers to the driftway o/1807.]
April 24. — By Armstrong's report the water is entirely out, and
the men at work in the morning in removing the dirt, &c. Isam-
bard engaged at the Tunnel, where I am not yet able to attend as
often as I could wish. Everything goes on well, much through his
exertions.
]\ray 11. — One hundred feet will be completed to-night.
Maij 22. — The top plate over the frame No. 1 has been cracked
without any particular violence or stress. It appears that it is
nothing but the change of temperature that is the cause of that
rupture. The accident justifies the opinion I have of cast-iron not
being safe upon traction, and the precaution of having had wrought-
iron bolts at the back of the frames. [ TAese were vertical rods ivhich
took the tensional strain.^ Without these bolts what would have
become of the shield, if one casting Avas to break ? The fracture
was accompanied with a loud report like that of a gun. Isambard
was in the work.s at the time of breaking : nothing could have pre-
vented it.
May 25. — I observed that nothing whatever had been gained
to recover the deviation [^the shield had gradually ivorked The shield
2 feet 3 inches to the ivestward'], which subjects us to so mich out,
much inconvenience and loss of time. The only way to move^ft *"
bring the shield right is by taking the frames sideways. bodUy.
June 3. — Finding it too laborious and almost fruitless to bring
the frames in the right way, I came to the determination of having
them brought bodily to the east by cutting the ground on the side.
I accordingly gave directions to Armstrong to proceed in making a
heading out of No. 12, and by securing the side staves to continue
downwards until the ground be clear. The working was accordingly
discontinued in front.
June 4. — The mode of proceeding by the common way of mining
shows the impracticability of carrying a large excavation anywhere,
particularly under a considerable body of water. The expense of
timbering Avould be too great, even if it could be sound. The
ground above the frames is remarkably good, but under it there is
a stratum of silt which breaks and falls in large masses.
June 5. — Isambard got into the drift, and gave the line for the
better disposition of the staves, which was afterwards done isambard's
in a proper manner, Isambard's vigilance and constant important
attendance were of great benefit. He is in every respect effldciit?
a most useful coadjutor in this undertaking.
c 2
20 THE THAMES TUNNEL. [a.u. 1826.
June 10. — The last frame (No. 1) is brought close to the others,
and the brickwork brought up to fill the back,
June 15. — On inspecting the face of the ground this morning I
observed a breach in the front of Nos. 3, 4, and 5, where the ground
Dangerous has given wav in the lower cell. This was truly alarm-
state of the . '^ •' •'
ground. ing. 1 Ordered iron staves to each floor in order to pin
taken. the ground, and thereby to counteract the slipping which
would immediately take place.
June 19. — The bricklayers left off work, but, on enquiring into
the cause, I learned there was no other but to have a libation upon
the new arrangement of piece-Avork.
June 29. — Gave positive directions to cut only 4^ to 5 inches
thick at a time at the front of the top cells, instead of 9 inches, as
they had done for some time.
July 3. — The great question is, does the clay undulate at its
surface ? We should have some reason to apprehend that it does
so, because at the beginning we had not proceeded many feet into
the clay when we struck again into the gravelly stratum. The
surface of the clay must therefore have sunk at that particular spot ;
which circumstance seems to warn one of the need of great vigilance
and great prudence in the progress of the enterprise.
July 10. — A cofferdam burst yesterday at the works at Woolwich,
Cofferdam having blowu up from the foundation. How cautious this
Wooiw^kih should make our men ! The cofferdam may be repaired,
Warning and very easily too, but an irruption into the Tunnel — •
forus. what a difference, particularly at this eai-ly period !
August 10. — Found the lowest cell of No. 1 left by the workmen
Carelessness witliout a single poling against the ground. This is indeed
miners. a most unjustifiable neglect.
August 12. — At six this morning completed 205 feet.
August 21. — This piece-work has not been productive of much
effect as to quantity of work. As to quality it is very qucstion-
Observations able. A work of this nature should not be hurried in
on the bad ,
effect and this manner. Fewer hands, enough to produce 9 feet
consequence , iiipi ^ ■,
of driving per Week, would be far better than the mode now pur-
done.'^ sued from necessity^ but not from inclination on my part.
Great risks are in our way, and we increase them by the manner
the excavation is can-ied on. The frames are in a very bad
condition
September 5. — It is much to be regi-etted that such a work as the
Tunnel should be carried on by the piece. Obliged to drive on, no
time is left to make any repair, or to recover any lost advantage.
MT. 2].] PROGRESS TO SEPTEMBER 12, 1826. 21
Isanibard is most active. Mr. Beamish shows much judgment in
his exertions, and zeal in his attendance.*
Septembei' 8. — About 2 p.m. I was informed by Munday that
water was running down over No. 9. I went immediately to it.
The ground being open, and consequently unsupported, it water
soon became soft, and settled on the back of the staves, arback^or
moving down in a stream of diluted silt, which is the ^aii'^s-
most dangerous substance we have to contend with. Some oakum
was forced through the joints of the staves, and the How to
water was partly checked. Isambard was the whole j^ambard's
night, till three, in the frames. At three I relieved him. exertions.
He went to rest for about a couple of hours ; I took some rest on
the stage.
September 9. — Towards noon the stream changed its character.
The clay, being loosened by the water, began to run, but it thickened
gradually. It was late in the evening before the loosened clay
acquired the consistency of a loose puddling, which covered the
staves, and made them a complete shield against further irruption,
or rather, oozings of mud. If we consider that at this place Ave
have at the utmost 9 feet between the top staves and the gravel, over
which the river flows, it is most satisfactory and most encouraging
to have this additional proof of the protection which the shield
affords. At nine o'clock at night Isambard sent me word that ' tout
* va a mcrveille ; ' indeed it was so, for it was like a stopper inter-
posed between the river and the top-staves. Instructed Things
as the men were by the fii'st accident, they went on as ™p'o'^"'s.
usual in the irrespective occupations. Pascoe, junr., and Collins were
remarkably active and persevering, and some other men equally so ;
while old Greenwell encouraged them by a speech of his own in
high commendation of the secimty of their situation.
September 12. — The water, bringing with it a sort of clay broken
in small particles, increased to an alarming degree. In consequence
of this continued displacement of the silt and clay, a water more
cavity had been formed above the staves. At about i^i"^o'm
three, when I had gone to the Court of Directors, the *^® ^''^^ '
ground fell upon the staves with great violence, causing a surge
most alarming as to probable consequences. Isambard was at that
moment in the upper frames, and he gave directions for increasing
the means of security. On my return I found things much worse
than I left them, but every means of security was judiciously
1 Mr. Beumiah had joined the works on August 7.
22 THE THAMES TUNNEL. [a.d. 182G.
applied. During the night in particular things presented a very
unfavourable appearance. The men, however, were as calm as if
there were no other danger to be dreaded than wet clothes or the
splashing of mud. I observed the men in the lower cells were
sound asleep.
September 13. — Every means were resorted to in the course of
the night and during the early part of the day to stop the water.
Exertions by '^^^^ vaeii have shown great zeal and good manage-
themen. ment in their respective avocations, and above all the
utmost confidence. Isambard has not quitted the frames but to lay
down now and then on the stage. I have prevailed on him to go to
his bed, or rather, used my endeavours to induce him ; but he has
Blight im- ^ot since last Friday night (the 8th). Things were
proTement. j.aj.jjgr better at the close of the day.
September ^14:. — Things upon the whole have assumed a more
favourable aspect. The situation is nevertheless very critical.
Nothing but the utmost precaution in following up what has begun
can bring us out of it. This has been a most eventful week !
September 18. — Isambard was the greater part of the night in the
works, and the benefit of his exertions is indeed most highly felt :
no one has stood out like him ! Everything is quite safe, the water
is kept back, and the work proceeds in a most satisfactory manner.
October 22. — It is evident [_from a Jloio of silt which had taken
place on that day] that with the shield we have passed close under
a body of collected water a few inches only above the staves.
Isambard is too unwell to stay long in the works.
October 24. — The want of the main drain which was originally
intended to carry the water to the main reservoir is felt every-
The want of where. This drain is in my original plan, but the com-
a drain sub- . . , ..,.,
jects us to mittee expressing on several occasions a wish that 1 shou.]d
convenience, dispense witli it, I complied, most reluctantly however,
to prove my earnest wish to reduce the expenses. It will not, I
apprehend, be found an economy,
October 26. — Every step we take shows how much security is
derived from the shoes, supporting as they do the shield and the
superincumbent weight. They press down in the same
shoes in proportion the ground on which they bear. They keep
grouna^ ^ it ^■s dense as it originally was, and fit it for the structure
dense. ^^^ -g ^^ come Upon it. It is evident, therefore, that
what is wanted is that the ground should be kept pressed. It is
with this object in view that I have holdfasts ar d jacks. What
incessant vigilance is required, what an incessant call on the re-
A^T. 21.] PROGRESS TO DECEMBER 12, 1826. 23
sources of the mind, not only to direct, but more particularly to
provide for many things that may occur.
November 17. — At this date 307 feet 9 inches had been com-
pleted.'
December 8. — The evil [that of not having a proper drain] is
going on with us, and virithout any remedy except the drain, or a
cesspool by way of expedient. How much anxiety must one feel at
being so circumstanced! Should any water break in, how should
we proceed ? This is another source of great solicitude. "We have
no command of the frames when they rest upon wooden legs, or
when the screws are bent ; and what is w^orse is that the men drive
on without any consideration or any fear of consequences. This
circumstance, and the apprehension of the water breaking in, are
matters of the most dreadful anxiety.
December 12. — Little do others know of the anxiety and fatigue
I have to imdergo day and night. Advanced as we are, we have
only gained somewhat more experience, but the casualties are just
the same. An accident now might be as fatal as it Avould have
been 200 feet back, or as it would be 200 feet forwards. We have
not a period when we can think ourselves safe except when we have
connected these arches with a shaft on the other side. Loaded as
we are with the weight of the river, we have to advance our shield
and build our structure under that weight, a weight which varies
twice a day, and twice a month to a much greater extent. Tlie
shoes are the great foundation ofoitr security. When once pressed
down with the greatest power that can be applied, they do not
give in the least afterwards. They have not yielded even suporincum-
° J J bent weight
xipon loose gravel ; Ave must therefore congratulate our- varying
selves that they have answered so completely. We have stiumore
now walked oiir frames upwards of 350 feet ; we have fortnight.
had to renew the legs and the heads, but it is not on the'' ^^^
through want of strength so much as from mismanage- Thfllfoes
ment. The first legs were never injured so long as their '^feJj^fT'^a
action was limited to 3 inches, but when it was increased mostpport-
to 6 inches, they immediately gave way one after another, cumstance.
without however any damage to the structure or to the shield. The
heads gave way, or began to give way, from the moment the legs did ;
because, when a leg gave way, it brought upon the contiguous frame
an increased weight which broke the heads one after Another. That
' On November 20 Mr. Brunei ' in the Tunnel. For nine days on an
mentions in his diary that he had ' average 20^ hours per day in the
' passed seven days out of the last t^n ' Tunnel and 3f to sleep.'
24 THE THAMES TUNNEL. [a.d. 182G.
the breaking of so important a part of oxir shield should not have been
attended with any bad consequences is a proof that provision had
been made for the casualty. The proof that it had been foreseen
and provided for is in the manner these heads were adapted to the
frames. By the way they were fixed they would be easily taken
down and replaced. Though the heads gave way, the top staves
were not materially affected by it, and the service continued until
new heads were substituted. Some have fancied that the ground did
not bear wholly upon the shield and the arches, but supported itself
in parts. Experience proves that the pressure is rather more than
that which rests artificially on the frames. The ground is com-
pressed all round by the increased weight of high water : we might
therefore conclude that the shield operates as a pillar, that supports
beyond the limits of its base or cap. It is a great satisfaction to be
able to say that so long as we followed the original plan, nothing
gave way except the back screws. These again were damaged by
being run out of the sockets. We may therefore ascribe most of
the evils and damages to the increased range of action, and still more
to the rude implements the men have used, whenever they met with
any difficulty in moving the frames. If it is considered that we had
no other men to train in the use of this immense machine but ex-
cavators and miners, very great allowance must be made for what
has occurred.
December 20. — An accident of an alarming nature occurred.
The poling-screws of Nos. 10 and 12, being on No. 11, Moul, the
Falling of miner in that frame, removed his butting screw ; the con-
threefacings i ,. -i ■, ^ ^
from sequence was that the frame started back, the polmgs and
Awful f poling-screws fell down with a tremendous crash, and the
ground followed to a considerable extent. This is the most formid-
able accident that has yet occurred in the face of the work. The
ground was fortunately unusually firm, and no fatal consequences
ensued.
December 31. — Isambard and nine friends sat down to a dinner
under the Thames ! Now a year is over since we began to make
any progress horizontally, for we had only 1 1 feet of arch when the
water broke in on January 24 last. We may therefore say that the
whole of what has been made of the Tunnel has been made in that
period. It is worthy of remark that until the end of April no fracture
whatever, no bending of the legs, had taken place, notwithstanding
that we had siipported for a period of nearly three months a greater
weight than we ever had since. The ground nearly 40 feet high
Icept sinking upon us p.s we advanced, and yet no stave, no top, no
^T. 21.] rnOGRESS TO FEBRUARY 2G, 1827. 25
leg gave way. Each leg was capable of carrying nearly 80 tons at
the point of fracture, consequently the aggregate strength of 3G legs
was equal to 2,880 tons, which is six times over the greatest effort
tliat could be exerted by the superincumbent weight. The heads,
after they had given way, remained in place, some — namely, Nos.
1, 8, 12 — for seven months, and the others from four to six months.
It cannot be said therefore that there was a want of strength, since
the broken heads continued to perform for so many months after
being so much damaged ; nor is there any defect in the iron.
If the frames were, as some have fancied, lanky, which implies
weakness in their sides, how could they have supported the
alternate stress to which they are put by standing alternately on
one leg ? Not one single joint has yet started. Every frame has
been upwards of 2,000 times in that raking posture, consequently
the shield has been upwards of 24,000 times strained under the
weight that has broken the heads. One single side has broken, and
is now as good as the rest. Is such a machine to be stigmatised as
it has been, without looking more minutely into its operations ?
January 4, 1827.' — A work that requires such close attention,
BO much ingenuity, and carried on day and night by the observations
rudest hands possible — what anxiety, what fatigue, both gpoJ^isib'iity
of mind and body ! Every morning I say. Another day attached to
of danger over ! prise.
January 12. — It is astonishing how the silt resists the sliding of
the top staves. Assiired as we were of having stiff clay from 33 to
37 feet, with what confidence we might have looked to making 18
feet per week. There would be no difficulty in having accomplished
it. We must not look back, but overcome all difficulties !
January 1 6. — Isambard having been up several successive nights,
went to bed at ten, and slept till six the next morning, igambardon
I am very much concerned at his being so unmindful of guccessrvT^
his health. He may pay dear for it. nights.
February 2. — Work done to this day 405 feet 4 inches.
Feh-uary 3. — I visited the works ; and, being in the cabin, I
complained of the dust there. Dust under the Thames !
February 26. — I went to the Tunnel. The arch being well
lighted up, and the whole walk completed, a few visitors were ad-
mitted. The coup d'oeil was splendid. Mrs. Brunei, Emma, Sophia
and her three little children were the first. It gave me great pleasure
to see the whole of my family in the new scene.
• On the previous day Mr. Brunei had been formally appointed residen
engineer.
2G THE THAMES TUNNEL. [a.». 1827.
No clay March 21. — There being no clay above us, there is
stl'ouid'wMk' iiiuch to apprehend from the springs. It would be much
slower. better to work slower than Ave do. It is indeed very hard
to be under the necessity of driving. Anxiety increasing daily.
March 28. — The top pumps failed; the water rose above the
abutting screws. The frames of some of them could not be ad-
Waterin- vanced, nor could the bottom brickwork be laid down —
creasing
daily. great source of complaint. Isambard called the men in at
10 o'clock ; they went ou cheerfully. It is surprising that tlic men
are so steady.
March 29. — Things are getting worse every day by the influx of
water ; by which the ground is softened, and the operation rendered
Oursitua- extremely complicated and slow. As to the ground, it is
ting much evident we are now as Isambard found it by his borings
worse daily, ^f August last. We have nothing above our heads but
clayey silt, and it is of a nature to be detached and run into mud by
the action of water.
April 3. — The pumping now requires forty hands. There is no
exaggeration in saying that the influx of water, and the badness of
the ground, cause an extra expense of 150Z. a week.
Obstacles in April 7. — It may now be said that we are contending
every way. with the elements above and around, gaining and disput-
ing every inch that we add to the structure.
April 9. — Isambard's birthday, he being of age to-day.
April 14. — Doing as well as can be expected from the nature of
the ground, and the difficulties that increase upon us.
April 18. — The faces are foimd extremely tender; but having
proceeded with great caution, no accident occurred. None, I feel
confident, would occur if all idea of piece-work were abandoned. It
To be Ob- always operates as a stimulant, a very dangerous one.
drive too Obliged to drive on, on account of expense, Ave run im-
aiternative. minent risks indeed for it. That a Avork of this nature,
under such circumstances, should be thus carried on, is truly
lamentable. It is obvious that the clay Ave have above our heads has
been broken, by the ground beneath it running or breaking in upon
us. We shall have to fight it out until Ave have a stronger or thicker
stratum of clay. Sad prospect indeed it is for us 1
April 20. — The ground at No. 1 broke in again, and occasioned
great delay. Some bones and china came doAvn.
April 22. — The diving-bell being on the spot, and Isambard
having moored it over the shield, he and Gravatt' descended at
' Mr. Gravatt had been appointed an assistant engineer six months before.
;et. 21.] TEOGEESS TO MAY 13, 1827. 27
thirty feet water. They found the same substances which had come
through the ground into the Tunnel. When Isambard was in the
bell, he drove a strong rod into the ground. Nelson, who Avas in
the frame, heard the blows.
April 29. — Ground improving as we advance ; we are not, how-
ever, free from danger : a dreadful alarm took place this morning.
While Isambard and Gravatt were at breakfast, the porter ^ dreadful
came running in, and exclaiming, ' It is all over ! The P**'"*^-
' Tunnel has fallen in, and one man only has escaped.' Gravatt Avas
the first to get to tlie spot, and found all the pumpers upon the floor
of the shaft, all stupefied with horror, though every one was there
quite safe, and no rush of water was heard. Gravatt and Isambard
were soon in the shield, where they observed that a small portion of
clay had fallen from the top on the top floor.
May 8. — At half past three in the morning, an irruption took
place, bringing down the deposits of the bottom of the river — lumps
of clay, stones, bones, wood, nails, &c., &c., with water. The
pumpers and men on the stage (Irish) all ran away, some exclaiming,
* The Thames is in ! The Thames is in ! ' Ball and Rogers stood
to their post, and soon stopped this most formidable attack.
May 10. — Great difficulties present themselves, that oppose our
progress ; the chief, hoAvever, is the lodgment of Avatcr above our
heads. There it loosens the silt or sand, and runs out, leaving
cavities that cause the clay above to break, and run down in lumps
and disturbed streams. This is very aAvful ! This opens the Avay
for the river.
May 12. — In moving No. 6, they left by some unaccountable
neglect the top staves behind, and in that state t\\^o top polings
were taken down. The ground being very bad, and ^^^^^
high water at the same moment, the ground began qumcesof
° _ ' o o want of care
SAvelling. Attention was called to several points, and more terrific
Gravatt continued in No. 6. He drew out at the front of chievous
the top staves a shovel, and also a hammer, that had come precedSig
through the ground above. They are the same which °^^^'
Isambard left at the bottom of the river, Avhen he went down in the
diving-bell.
May 13. — Notwithstanding every prudence on our part, a disaster
may still occur. May it not be when the arch is full of visitors !
It is too awful to think of it. I have done my part by recom-
mending to the directors to shut the Tiumel. My solicitude is
not lessened for that : I have indeed no rest, and I may say have
28 THE THAMES TUNNEL. [a.d. 1827.
Tiiumph of ^^^^ none for many weeks. So far the shield has triumphed
the shield. Qyer immense obstacles, and it ivill carry the Tunnel
through. During the preceding night the whole of the ground over
our heads must have been in movement, and that too at high water.
The shield must have therefore supported upwards of six hundred
tons : it has walked for many weeks with that weight twice a day
over its head. What flippancy and inconsistency in some indi-
viduals, who, without any knowledge of the subject, without so
much as examining the state of the work, will Avithout the least
reflection and hesitation obtrude their suggestions upon every case.
What shallow conceit for such to pretend they can know better than
those that have already the experience that must result from years
of deep thought, from days and nights of incessant attention ; Avho
have the advantage of the combined talents of several ingenious men,
who devote their undivided study, the whole resource of their well-
stored minds, to the enterprise ; and to add to this, the benefit of the
skill of one hundred miners and excavators. Among this class of
men, some have been employed in the most perilous enterprises,
when each individual must have acted upon his sole judgment,
where, in fact, there is no room for an engineer to instruct and
How easy to direct their efforts. How easy it is to attack everything,
detract. ^^ detract from the merits of the best plan. There is
always some weak point which may be open to the penetration of
the shallowest mind. Then comes the exulting expression. That I
always said woidd never do, &c., and all the consequences with it.
3Iay 15. — The water increased very much at 9 o'clock. This
is inquie'tant ! My apprehensions are not groundless. I apprehend
nothing, however, as to the safety of the men, but first the visitors,
and next a total invasion by the river. We must be prepared for
the worst. I have had no rest for many weeks on this apprehension.
Should it occur we must make the best of it, by improving our
situation.
May 17. — There is no doubt of the ground having improved very
materially since last Saturday. Very cheering indeed.
Jifay 18. — Visited by Lady Raffles and a numerous party. Having
had an intimation by Mr. Beamish of their intended visit, I waited
to receive and to accompany them, not only from the interest I felt
at being acquainted with Lady KafSes, but also from motives of
solicitude, knowing that she intended to visit the frames. Indeed, my
apprehensions were increasing daily. I had given some instructions
for enquiring where we could obtain clay, that we should have some
barges full of clay to be in readiness. I was most anxiously Avaiting
JET. 22.] FIRST lERUPTION, MAY 18, 1827. 29
for the removal of the tier of colliers that was over lis, being convinced
that we should detect some derangement then. I attended Lady
Raffles and party to the frames, most uneasy all the while, as if I had a
presentiment, not so much of the approaching catastrophe to the ex-
tent it has occurred, but of what might result from the misbehaviour
of some of the men, as was the case when the Irish labourers ran
away from the pumps and the stage. I left the works at half-past
five, leaving everything comparatively well : Mr. Beamish continued
on duty.'
Mr. Gravatt's account is as follows : I was above with I. Brunei
looking over some prints, Beamish being on duty. Some men came
running up and said to Isambard something I did not hear. He
immediately ran towards the works, and down the men's staircase.
I ran towards it, but could not get down. I leaped over the fence,
and rushed down the visitors' stairs, and met the men coming up,
and a lady, who 1 think was fainting. Met Flyn on the landing-
place, who said it was all over. I pushed on, calling him a coward,
and got down as far as the visitors' barrier. Saw Mr Beamish
pidled from it. He came on towards the shaft walking. I went up
to him to ask him what was the matter. He said it was no use
resisting. The miners were all upon the staircase ; Brunei and I
called to them to come back. Lane^ was upon the stairs, and
lie said it was of no use to call the men back. We stayed some
time below on the stairs, looking where the water Avas coming in
most magnificently. We could still see the farthest light in the
west arch. The water came upon us so slowly that I walked back-
wards speaking to Brunei several times. Presently I saw the water
pouring in from the east to the west arch through the cross arches.
I then ran and got up the stairs with Brunei and Beamish, who were
then five or six steps up. It was then we heard a tremendous burst.
' Sir Isambard's journal of this form in his Life of Sir Isamhard
eventful night consists — as he was not Brunei, pp. 244-248.
himself present — of Mr. Beamish's * Mr. Michael Lane, at this time
journal, with a few words in warm foreman brickhiyer, became one of
commendation of that gentleman's Mr. Brunei's most vahied assistants,
'judgment, coolness, and courage,' and was employed by him on the
followed by observations upon the Monkwenrmouth Docks and the Great
stability of the shield. He then gives Western Railway. After filling va-
a statement made by Mr. Gravatt, rious posts in the service of that com-
and taken down in shorthand. No pany, he was in 1860 appointed their
extracts are given in the text from principal engineer, an office which he
Mr. Beamish's narrative, as he has held till his death, in Febrxiary, 18G8.
already inserted it in a condensed
30 THE THAMES TUNNEL. [a.u. 1827.
The cabin had burst, and all the lights went out at once. There Avas
a noise at the staircase, and presently the water carried away the
lower flight of stairs. Brunei looked towards the men, who Averc
lining the staircase and galleries of the shaft, gazing at the spectacle,
and said, ' Carry on, carry on, as fast as you can ! ' Upon which
they ascended pretty fast. I went up to the top and saw the shaft
filling. I looked about and saw a man in the water like a rat. He
got hold of a bar, but I afterwards saw he was quite spent. I was
looking about how to get down, when I saw Brunei descending by a
rope to his assistance. I got hold of one of the iron ties, and slid
down into the Avater hand over hand Avith a small rope, and tried to
make it fast round his middle, Avhilst Brunei AA'as doing the same.
Having done it he called out, ' Haul up.' The man was hauled up.
I swam about to see where to land. The shaft Avas full of casks.
Brunei had been swimming too.
The first alarm, as I heard it, Avas as folloAvs : Goodwin, in No.
11, said to Eoger, in the next box, ' Eoger, come, help me.' Roger
said, ' I can't, I have my second poling down, and my face Avill run
' in.' In a little time Goodwin said, * You must come,' Avhich Mr.
Beamish directed him to do. Eoger turned round and saAv Goodwin
through a sheet of water. Corps, a bricklayer, Avent to help Good-
Avin : he was knocked doAvn. Eoger made his Avay alone, calling to
Mr. Beamish, * Come aAvay, sir, 'tis no use to stay.' Eoger saw
Corps fairly washed out of his box like a lump of clay.
Sir Isambard's journal continues : —
May 19. — Eelieved as I have found myself, though by a terrible
catastrophe, of the worst state of anxiety, that Avhich I have been in
for several Aveeks past, I had a most comfortable night. Lsambard
and Gravatt descended Avith the diving-bell, and stood upon the tails
ofNos. 10, 11, and 12.
May 20 — Having descended into the hole and probed the ground,
I felt that the staA'^es Avere in their places, and that the brickwork
Avas quite sound. It is evident that the great hole has been a
dredging spot. A large mass of bags full of clay, and united together
with ropes, was let down. The Eotherhithe curate, in his sermon
to-day, adverting to the accident, said it was a fatal accident, that it
Avas but a just judgment upon the presumptuous aspirations of
mortal men, &c. ! The poor man !
May 23. — Went with the diving-bell to examine the ground and
the bags, which do apparently Avell, but it is working rather in the
dark. It cannot, hoAvever, fail of making a much better stratum
than that Ave had before. Tlie plan is therefore good.
MT. 22.] FIRST IRRUPTION, MAY 18, 1827. 31
On the 30tli a raft was sunk over tlie shield, and the
water in the shaft was brought so low that the last flight of
steps was visible. However, on the next day the river
broke in again; and as it was found that the raft was open
at the west side, it was raised and towed on shore.
June 5. — There is much danger in getting oixt of the diving-bell,
the bags are so loose in some places. One might sink and be
swallowed, which had very nearly happened to-day. Isambard and
Pinckney being down, the latter lost his hold. The footboard being
accidentally carried away, he could not have recovered himself had
not Isambard stretched out his leg to his assistance.
June 17. — Visited by Charles Bonaparte. Isambard took him
into the arch with the yawd. Isambard fell overboard.'
On June 19, a general meeting of the proprietors was
held, to consider the position of the company. Sir Isam-
bard addressed the meeting, and also presented a long
report, in which he entered very fully into the circumstances
of the recent accident and the causes which led to it. He
then described the means he had taken to restore the
works by sinking bags of clay and gravel. He adds : ' I
*have already succeeded in closing the hole through
* which the water first penetrated, and feel confident that
* the second opening which afterwards appeared is also
' stopped, but a short time is necessary to elapse for the
' new ground over the shield to settle and consolidate.
* It has already supported a head of water of thirty-five
* feet.'
' On this occasion an amusing in- mentions) fell overboard. As soon as
cident occurred. Mr. Brunei was ex- he recovered himself, and turned to
eeedingly unwilling to permit his swim back to the boat, he remembered
visitors to make this expedition into that he had unwittingly given to his
the arch; but on the assurance that companions the signal to jump out in-
they could all swim perfectly well, he to the water. Ho was much amused,
consented to take them, wnth the un- on looking up, to see that they were not
derstanding that, if he jumped over- swimming after him, but were still
board, they were immediately to follow sitting in the boat clinging to the
his example, and swim after him to gunwale, with faces expressive of
the shaft, "While they were in the blank despair.
arch Mr. Brunei (as Sir Isambiird
32 THE THAMES TUNNEL. [a.d. 1827.
June 25. — At 7 p.m. made preparations to re-enter the shield.
Isambard, mustering the men who had been the last to quit the
frames, told them they would be the first to take possession of them
again — a precedence due, as he said, to them. Rogers, Ball,
Goodwin, Corps, and Compton, were accordingly ordered to trim
themselves for the expedition, provided with a phosphorus box, and
dressed in light clothes, to be fit for a swim.
At about ten o'clock, Isambard and Mr. Beamish, accompanied
by Ball and Woodward (miners), went down with the punt, and
got to the large stage, the head of the crane just emerging. It was
found impossible to get into the frames, as a mound of clay and
silt closed the entrance. The centering was in place and quite
sound, and of course the brickwork. Finding that they could not
get nearer, they gave three cheers, which were rapturously answered
by the men at the mouth of the Tunnel. Having placed candles
upon the ground that closed the entrance, and upon the head of the
crane, they returned. Isambard, having promised that the men who
had left the frames last should be the first to re-enter, returned with
them. This is a great day for our history !
June 27. — Mr. Beamish was able to get to the frames, which he
found firm and undisturbed.
A small tarpaulin was now spread over the frames, and
ojDerations commenced for cleaning them. This was a
most difficult and dangerous work, especially as the water
was still so high that the frames could only be approached
by boats. The men, even the best hands, were at first
greatly alarmed at the danger they were in ; but the ex-
ample set by Mr. Brunei and Mr. Beamish produced, as
Sir Isambard notes, the best effect, and they soon became
reconciled to their situation.
July 7. — Very uncomfortable in the frames ; the candles cannot
burn, the ventilation cannot act. Isambard went several times to-
day down in the diving-bell. On one occasion the chain slipped
through the stoppers, but most providentially it jammed itself tight
before being altogether run out. 2'he consequence miglit indeed have
been fatal. Can there be a more anxious situation than that which
I am constantly in? Not one moment of rest either of mind or
body. Mr. Beamish always ready. Poor Isambard always at his
post too, alternately below, or in the barges, and in the diving-bell.
^T. 22.] THE SHIELD REGAINED. 33
On July 11 J Sir Isambard thought that matters had so
far advanced that a large tarpaulin, which it was proposed
to sink over the frames, ' would have its full effect.' It
was accordingly sunk on the following day, under the
superintendence of Mr. Brunei. Sir Isambard adds to his
account of the operation — ' This reflects great credit on
* Isambard, and the apparent facility with which it was
* effected evinces his presence of mind, for a single faux
'pas would have spoilt the whole.' ^
Juli/ 21. — Dxiring the early part of the night an alarm was given,
by Fitzgerald calling for clay wedges, and exclaiming that the whole
of the faces were coming in altogether. Eogers collected a quantity
of wedges to go to the frames, but no boat was to be seen. He
called to the men in the frames, but received no answer. Taking the
small boat in the east arch, he reached the frames, but found nobody,
nor any appearance of derangement in the ground. Conjecturing
they might be drowned, he explored further, and saw the four men
stretched on the small stage, not drowned, but sound asleep !
July 26. — ^Water nearly out of the arches. For the first time we
could walk to the frames — a most gratifying circumstance indeed !
Two months and eight days.
September 30. — How slow our progress must appear to others ; but
it is not so, if it is considered how much we have had to do in right-
ing the frames and in repairing them ; what with timbering, shoring,
shipping and refitting — all these operations being in confined situa-
tions, the water bursting in occasionally, and the ground running in :
in short, it is truly terrific to be in the midst of this scene. If to
this we add the actual danger, magnified by the re-echoing of the
pumps, and sometimes (still more awful warning !) the report of
large pieces of cast iron breaking, it is in no way an exaggeration
to say that such has been the state of things. Nevertheless, my con-
fidence in the shield is not only undiminished — it is, on the contrary,
tried with its fviU eifect, and it is manifest now that it will soon
' Mr. Brunei's comment in his ' ways to the men who were to execute
diary is as follows : — ' Without ascrib- ' them, I succeeded in an operation
' ing any particular merit to myself, I 'not altogether mean, and which a
' cannot help observing, for my future ' very trifling want of precaution or
'guidance,that being alone, and giving ' order might have caused to be a
' few but clear orders, and those al- ' total failure.'
^4 THE THAMES TUNNEL. [a.u. 1827-
replace us in good ground, and in a safe situation. No top staves have
given way. That is our real protection.
October 17. — At 2.15 a.m. Kemble, having first called upon
Gravatt, came to Isambard in a hurry, and, quite stupefied Avith fright,
told him that the vv^ater was in. Says Issimbard — 'I could not
' believe him. He said it was up the shaft when he came. This
' being like positive, I ran without a coat as fast as possible, giving
* a double knock at Gravatt's door in my way. I saw the men on
* the top, and heard them calling earnestly to those whom they
' fancied had not had time to escape. Nay, Miles had already, in his
* zeal for the aid of others, thrown a long rope, and was swinging it
* about, calling to the unfortunate sufferers to lay hold of it,
' encouraging and cheering those who might not find it, to swim to
* one of the landings. I immediately, I should say instantly, flew
' down the stairs. The shaft was completely dark. I expected at
* every step to splash into the Avater. Before I was aAvare of the
' distance I had run, I reached the frames in the east arch, and met
* there Pamphillon, who told me that nothing was the matter, but a
* small run in No. 1 top, where I found Huggins and the corps
* ci elite. They Avere not even aware that any one had left the frames.
* The cause of the panic was one of the labourers ; hearing the man in
' No, 1 call for Ball, he ran away, jumping off" the stage, crying,
* " Run, nin, murder, murder; i^ut the lights outy His felloAV-
' labourers followed like sheep, making the same A'ociferations.'
November 10. — Isambard gave his entertainment to nearly forty
persons, who sat at table in the Tunnel. Nothing could exceed the
effect for brilliancy. About 120 men partook of a dinner in the
adjoining arch.
As tlie year drew to a close, the difficulty of working the
silt increased, and with this difficulty increased also the
expense of maintaining the staff of men required. On
December 18, Mr. Brunei, writing for his father, who was
absent from town for a few days, thus describes the nature
of the soil through which they Avere then passing.
The state of the ground over Nos. 1, 2, and 3 top has caused
considerable delay, particularly this week, although not such as to
give any cause of anxiety as to our future rate of progress, or to
have any serious effect except the increased expense incidental to
this delay. My father desired me to describe to the Board the
causes of these difficulties. There is a considerable spring at this
Mr. 22.] PROGRESS TO JANUARY 12, 1828. 35
point, and a corresponding soft part in the bed of the river, which
seems to indicate the rising of the spring. The ground in the
neighbourhood is affected by this spring in rather a peculiar manner :
at the half-flood tide the pressure is greatest : dry hard clay oozes
with great force through openings hardly observable, the silt and
water running by starts. At high-water the pressure and quantity
of water begin to diminish and on the ebb-tide the ground is hard
and dry, and can be worked Avith ease. On the flood-tide there are
as many as twelve and fifteen of the best hands, besides myself (or
one of my assistants) and the foreman, engaged entirely at one face.
On January 1, 1828, Sir Isambard returned to London ;
and on the 12th, when about 600 feet of the Tunnel had
been completed, a second irruption occurred, which put a
stop to the works for seven years.
The particulars of this accident are thus described by
Mr. Brunei, in a letter to the Directors of the Company : —
I had been in the frames (shield) with the workmen throughout
the whole night, having taken my station there at ten o'clock.
During the workings through the night, no symptoms of insecurity
appeared. At six o'clock this morning (the usual time for shifting
the men) a fresh set or shift of the men came on to work. "We
began to work the ground at the west top corner of the firame : the
tide had just then begun to flow ; and finding the ground tolerably
quiet, we proceeded by beginning at the top, and had worked about
a foot downwards, when on exposing the next six inches, the ground
swelled suddenly, and a large quantity burst through the opening
thus made. This was followed instantly by a large body of water.
The rush was so violent as to force the man on the spot, where the
burst took place, out of the frame (or cell) on to the timber stage
behind the frames. I was in the frame with the man, but upon the
•rush of the water I went into the next box (or cell), in order to
command'a better view cf the irruption, and seeing that there was
no possibility of then opposing the water, I ordered all the men in
the frames to retire. All were retiring, except the three men who
were with me, and they retreated with me. I did not leave the
stage until those three were down the ladder of the frames, when
they and I proceeded about twenty feet along the west arch of the
Tunnel. At this moment the agitation of the air, by the rush of
water, was such as to extinguish all the lights, and the water had
UNIVr-RGITY OF 'iO;.-3Ni.'
36 . THE THAMES TUNNEL. [a.d. 1828
gained the lieiglit of our waists. I was at that moment giving direc-
tions to the three men, in what manner they ought to proceed in the
dark to effect their escape, when they and I were knocked down, and
covered with a part of the timber stage. I struggled under water
for some time, and at length extricated myself from the stage, and
by swimming and being forced by the water, I gained the eastern
arch where I got a better footing, and was enabled by laying hold
of the railway rope, to pause a little, in the hope of encouraging the
men who had been knocked down at the same time with myself.
This I endeavoured to do by calling to them. Before I reached the
shaft the water had risen so rapidly that I was out of my depth, and
theiefore swam to the visitors' stairs, the stairs for the workmen
being occupied by those who had so far escaped. My knee was so
injured by the timber stage that I could scarcely swim, or get up
the stairs, but the rush of the water carried me up the shaft. The
three men who had been knocked down with me were unable to
extricate themselves, and I am grieved to say, they are lost ; and
I believe also two old men, and one young man, in other parts of
the work.
This statement Sir Isambard embodied in a report to
the Directors of January 28, which was circulated among
the proprietors.
As soon as the first excitement caused by the irruption
had ceased, Mr. Brunei directed the diving-bell to be pre-
pared in order to ascertain the state of the shield and the
extent of the disturbance of the bed of the river caused
by the rush of water into the Tunnel.
He was, however, so seriously injured that he could not
actively superintend the preparations, but his orders were
given with his usual clearness, calmness, and decision ; and
as soon as the barge containing the diving-bell was pro-
perly moored over the Tunnel, he was carried out and
laid upon a mattress on the deck of the barge, that he
might direct what was to be done.
As evening came on he became so much worse that
he was taken into the cabin ; but everything which took
place was reported to him.
JBT. 22.] SECOND IRRUPTION, JANUARY 12, 1828. 37
At length, the bell being ready, it was lowered early on
the Sunday morning, but the chain not being long enough,
proceedings were delayed until a longer chain could be
obtained.
As, however, a chain of the right size and length could
not be obtained, the strongest cable which could be
procured in the neighbourhood was substituted, for the
chain. A controversy then arose between the assistant
engineers and the foremen as to the sufl&ciency of the
strength of the cable; and it was agreed to consult and
to abide by the opinion of Mr. Brunei, who was then
lying in great pain in the cabin.
No answer could be obtained from him for some minutes,
and then he only said, ' Don't go down.' This not being
satisfactory to the advocates of the sufl&ciency of the
cable, it was agreed to lower the bell empty, which was
done, and it was brought up safely ; but just as it was
swung over the barge, the rope broke and the bell fell on
to the stage.
The next day Mr. Brunei was taken home, when it
was found that, besides the injury to his knee which he
received while endeavouring to save the lives of the three
men who were with him,^ he had received serious internal
injuries, which kept him under medical treatment for
several months.
When he was able to return to Eotherhithe all hope of
continuing the works was for the time abandoned. When
' On January 15, 1828, the Direc- ' neer, when the Thames broke into
tors of the Thames Tunnel Company ' the Tunnel on the morning of tho
passed the following resolution, which '12th instant, are desirous to give
they ordered to be advertised in the ' their public testimony to his calm
Times, New Times, Herald, Ledger, ' and energetic endeavours, and to
and Courier : — ' That this court, ' that generous principle which in-
' having heard with great admiration ' duced him to put his own life in
' of the intrepid courage and presence ' more imminent hazard to save the
• of mind displayed by Mr. Isambard ' lives of the men under his immediate
Brunei, the company's resident cngi- ' care.*
38 THE THAMES TUNNEL.
they were resumed, in 1835, he was entirely engrossed in
the independent pursuit of his profession ; and, with the
exception of a few occasions when he acted for his father,
he had no farther connection with the Tunnel.
It is not, therefore, necessary to continue the narrative
in detail ; but a brief summary of the subsequent history
of the enterprise may be interesting to those who are un-
acquainted with it.
The Tunnel was cleared of water, and efforts were made,
unfortunately without success, to raise funds for the com-
pletion of the undertaking. Great enthusiasm was ex-
hibited by the general public and by many eminent
persons, including the Duke of Wellington ; but the money
was not forthcoming, and nothing was left but to brick in
the shield, and wait for more favourable times.
It was not till the beginning of 1835 that the Company
was able, by the aid of a loan from Government, to recom-
mence the works. The old shield was removed and a
new one substituted, in which considerable improvements
were introduced. Slings connecting the frames were
added, which enabled each frame to support its neighbours
when necessary, and important alterations were also made
in the arrangements for keeping the frames at the right
distance from one another, and for giving greater facility
of adjustment to the various parts.
Before the Wapping side was reached there were
three more irruptions of the river, namely, August 23,
November 3, 1837, and March 21, 1838; but in October
1840 the shaft on the Wapping shore was commenced.
It differed from the Rotherhithe shaft, in being sunk
the whole depth without underpinning, and was made of a
slightly conical form, to reduce the friction in sinking,
and had a larger quantity of iron hoops introduced into
the brickwork, in order to increase its strength. When
EESUMPTION OF THE WORKS, a.d. 1835. 39
this structure liad been sunk to the required depth (70 feet),
the excavation of the Tunnel was resumed, and at last the
shield was brought up to the brickwork of the shaft. The
operation of making the junction between the Tunnel and
the shaft was one of much difficulty, but it was at length
satisfactorily accomplished, and the Tunnel was opened to
the public on March 25, 1843 — eighteen years and twenty-
three days after the commencement of the work.'
Sir Isambard Brunei, whose health had for some time
been failing, now retired altogether from his profes-
sional labours. After passing a few years in peaceful and
happy seclusion, surrounded by those he loved, and watched
over by their affectionate care, he died on December 12,
1849, in his 81st year, having been spared to carry to
completion his greatest work, and to see his son following
in his footsteps with a success which must have exceeded
his most sanguine expectations.
The education Mr. Brunei received from his father was
well calculated to form the foundation of his future career.
During the later and more arduous part of the contest,
which was ended by the irruption of January 1828, he
held both the nominal and actual post of Resident Engi-
neer of the Thames Tunnel ; but from the commencement
of the works, when he was only nineteen years old, he had
been, as stated by Sir Isambard, * a most valuable coadju-
tor in the undertaking.' While placed in this respon-
sible position he acquired habits of endurance and of self-
reliance, and learnt to act with promptitude and decision
' The Thames Tunnel was not sue- by the East London Railway Company,
cessful as a commercial undertaking; and trains now (March, 1870) run
but it has always been considered, es- through it. The possibility of using
pecially by foreigners, one of the most the Tunnel as a railway had been
interesting sights in London, and has considered in Mr. Brunei's lifetime,
been visited by several millions of and the idea was approved of by him.
persons. In 1865 it was purchased
40 EAKLY LIFE.
in the application of those measures which experience had
shown to be effective in each particular class of emergency.
But beyond all other advantages, he had before him the
example of his father's character, in which a rare degree
of gentleness and modesty of disposition was joined to
unflinching energy, and a determination to overcome all
difficulties.
NOTE A (p. 5).
The Bourbon Suspension Bridges.^
The suspension bridges designed by Sir Isambard Brunei for cross-
ing rivers in the He de Bourbon were two in number. One of
them had two spans of 122 feet each in the clear, and 131 feet 9
inches between the points of suspension of the chains. The second
had but one span of the same dimensions as tliose of the larger bridge.
In the design of these bridges one of the most important points to
be attended to, was to render them secure against hurricanes, which
are both frequent and severe in the lie de Bourbon.
In the larger bridge there was a pier of masonry, built in the
middle of the river up to the level of the roadway of the bridge.
The suspension chains of the bridge were in three groups, i) feet 8
inches apart, so as to leave room for two roadways, each aborit 8
feet 9 inches wide. Each of these groups of chains consisted of
two chains side by side. Each chain was made with long links like
those of the chain cables used for moorings.
These links, which were made of iron 1'36 inch in diameter, were
4 feet 8 inches long, inside measure, and were each connected to-
gether by two short coupling links, 8f inches long, inside measure,
of iron 1'36 inch by 1 inch, and two pins, each two inches in
diameter.
The two chains of each group were placed side by side, with the
links upright; one of the pins at each joint was made long enough
to serve for both chains, and, in the middle of its length between the
' This description is based on the Suspendus,'byM.'Sa.yieT (Paris, 1823,
translation given by Mr. Drewry p. 49). M. Navier saw the bridges
(Suspension bridges, London, 1832, when they were erected at ShefBeld
p. 7o), from the Mhnoirc sw les Fonts in May 1823.
THE BOUEBON SUSPENSION BEIDGES. 41
two chains, was passed through an eye at the upper end of one of the
suspending rods of the bridge. Thus to every joint in each group
of the main chains, or at intervals of about 5 feet, there was a sus-
pending rod. These rods were 1^ inch in diameter.
The pins of the joints of the main chains had half heads at each
end of them. They could thus be easily inserted in erecting the
bridge, but once in place were quite secure. At every fourth joint
in the main chains one of the joint pins was made in two halves,
with wedges inserted between them for adjusting the length of the
main chains.
Thus there Avere six chains, and as the links of these had each
two parts of iron 1*36 inch in diameter, the total sectional area of
the six chains was 17 '4 inches.
Each group of the main chains was supported at a height of 25
feet 6 inches above the roadway at the centre pier, and at a height of
5 feet 3 inches at each of the side piers, the lowest portion of the
curve of the chain being about 1 foot below the points of suspension
of the side piers.
The upright standards, carrying the chains both at the centre pier
and at the side piers, consisted for each group of chains of a trian-
gular framework of cast iron, strengthened by long bolts of wrought
iron. There were thus three of these triangular frames parallel to each
other at each of the piers, and those at the centre pier were braced
together over the carriage road. The main chains were not bolted
to the standards, but were slung from them by a vertical suspension
link, which thus allowed them to move a little lengthways. This
link, in fact, performed the function of the rollers now generally
put under the saddles of suspension bridges.
The ends of the main chains Avere held by back stays, formed of
bars 3 inches broad by 1^ inch thick, and 10 feet long, with joints
made with short links, and 2| inch pins. The ends of those back
stays were secured to holding down plates 3 feet in diameter, sunk
deep in the ground and well loaded.
As there was a vertical suspension rod at each joint of the main
chains, there was a suspension rod hanging from each of the three
groups of chains at about every five feet of the length of the
bridge. To each set of these rods was attached a cross girder of cast
iron of a y section, with a large rounded bead at the lower edge of
the upright web ; and connecting these imder each of the main chains
was a longitudinal timber beam about 8 inches square.
The cast-iron cross girders carried longitudinal teak planking, the
planks on which the carriage wheels ran being 12 inches wide and
42 EARLY LIFE.
4 inches tliick, protected at the top by wrought-iron plates running
longitudinally. The horse-path was protected by iron plates arranged
crosswise.
Under each span of the bridge were four chains curved upwards
and also sideways. These chains were fastened at their ends into
the piers, and were connected to the roadway by ties drawn up
tight and attached to the main longitudinal bearers of the platform ;
the object being to stiffen the platform.
These under tie chains were made each of a set of rods 1 ^ inch in
diameter with eyes at their ends, the ends being connected by short
joint links and 1;^ inch pins ; and to these joint links were attached
the tie rods which connect these inverted chains with the platfoi-m
of the bridge, and so prevented its being lifled or blown sideways
by the force of the wind.
In the smaller bridge, which, as has been said, consisted of one
span of 131 feet 9 inches between the points of suspension, these
points were 15 feet 5 inches above the roadway, and the lowest part
of the chain was 9 feet 7 inches below the points of suspension.
The details of this bridge were similar to those of the larger one.
NOTE B (p. 5).
Experiments with Carbonic Acid Gas.
In 1823 Mr. Faraday made the important discovery that under
certain conditions of temperature and pressure many gases could be
liquefied, and that these liquids exerted great expansive force by
slight additions of temperature, returning quickly with regularity
and certainty to their original state upon the application of cold.
The discovery of this new force appeared of such importance, that
Mr, Faraday lost no time in publishing it to the Avorld ; and Sir
Isambard Brunei very soon aflerwards commenced a series of ex-
periments to determine the value of the liquid gas as a mechanical
agent.
The first experiments were made at Chelsea ; but the prosecution
of them was soon transferred to the care of Mr, Brunei at Eotherhithe,
where he devoted all his spare time to the construction of his
father's proposed * Differential Power Engine.'
That the progress of this discovery, and of the experiments made
THE CAEBONIC ACID GAS ENGINE. 43
with a view to the application of the liquid gas, as a motive power,
may be understood, it is necessary to state that in March 1823 Mr.
Faraday communicated to the Royal Society the results of his first
experiments on the liquefaction of gases.
The fluid Avas then produced by the decomposition of the hydrate
of chlorine by heat in a closed tube, the amount of gas evolved being
so great as to produce a pressure in the tube suiScient to condense
the gas into a fluid of the same volume.
This interesting experiment was followed by others with tliat
rapidity and success so remarkable in everything undertaken at
that time in the laboratory of the Royal Institution ; and within a
month another paper was read before the Royal Society, in which
the degrees of pressure and temperature at which several gases
could be liquefied were recorded, and the means employed to pro-
duce and liquefy each gas accurately described.
On April 17 a third paper was communicated by Mr. Faraday,
' On the Application of Liquids produced by the Condensation of
' Gases as Mechanical Agents.'
The question is thus stated : ' The ratio of the elastic force
' dependent upon pressure is to be combined with that of the ex-
* pansive force dependent on temperature ; and the development of
* latent heat on compression and the necessity of its reabsorption in
* expansion must awaken doubts as to the economical results to
* be obtained by employing the steam of water under very great
* pressures and very elevated temperatures.
' No such doubt can arise respecting liquids, which require
' for their existence even a compression equal to thirty or forty
' atmospheres, and where slight elevations of temperature are
' sufficient to produce an immense elastic force, and where the
* principal question arising is whether the effort of mechanical
* motion is to be most easily produced by an increase or diminution
' of heat by artificial means.'
Difficulties were suggested by Mr. Faraday as to the possibility of
obtaining sufficient strength in the apparatus, but the small difference
of temperature required to produce an elastic force of many atmo-
spheres, he considered would render the risk of explosion small.
To construct the machinery whereby this new force could be
practically applied as a substitute for steam, occupied the time of
Sir Isambard Brunei and his son at intervals for several years ; for
although Mr. Brunei was satisfied at an early period of the enquiry
that the liquefied gases could only be advantageously employed
where the cost of motive force was secondary to economy of space
44 - ' EAELY LIFE.
and to the avoidance of the cumbrous apparatus required for the
use of steam, still he was so impressed with the importance of the
subject, if the difficulties he foresaw in its application could be
overcome, that he continued his experiments for a long period with
unflagging energy and perseverance.
The facts relating to the liquefaction of the gases, their elastic
force when liquefied under different temperatures, the rapidity with
which they could be alternately expanded and condensed, and the
best mode of producing each gas, were determined by Mr. Faraday ;
and as Mr. Brunei was at that time attending the morning chemical
lectures at the Eoyal Institution, he was in constant communication
with him, and thoroughly conversant with his experiments.
After Mr. Brunei had made a few preliminary experiments. Sir
Isambard determined to employ liquefied carbonic acid gas for the
motive power of the proposed new engine, the facility and cheapness
of its production, its great expansive force, and its neutral cha-
racter distinguishing it from any other gas ; but it was long before
vessels were constructed, in which gas could be produced in sufficient
quantity and purity to exert the force required to liquefy it in
its own volume, for it was soon found to be impossible to obtain the
required pressure with pumps.
Carbonate of ammonia and svilphuric acid were the elements used,
and the generator Avas so arranged that it could be charged, emptied
of atmospheric air, and the joints made perfect, before the com-
mencement of the formation of the gas which was to be liquefied.
To the generator was attached a receiver, which could be sur-
rounded with a freezing mixture, so that the temperature of the gas
in the cylinder might be below that in the generator.
The gradual formation of the liquid, the development of its elastic
force, and the regularity and rapidity with which it increased or
diminished by each degree of heat or cold, were carefully Avatched
through a glass gauge, and the receiver when filled with liquid could
be disconnected from the generator.
The mechanical difficulties as they arose, one after the other, in
the construction and arrangement of the various parts of the gene-
rator and receiver were at length overcome ; and the receiver was
not only filled with liquid gas, but found to be capable of retaining
it, whether exerting an elastic force of 30 atmospheres at ordinary
temperatures, or of ICO atmospheres when subjected to a slight
degree of heat.
The receiver being satisfactorily completed, the next object of
attention was the design and construction of a Avorking cylinder
THE CARBONIC ACID GAS ENGINE. 45
capable of resisting at least 1,400 lbs. pressure on tlie square inch ;
a task which was one of great anxiety, as any weakness might havg
caused a serious accident.
It was only after the trial of every known method of makng
joints to resist high pressures had failed, that an arrangement was
devised, requiring the most perfect workmanship, by which packing
of any kind was dispensed with, and the cylinder fitted for use.
With the improved tools of the present day it is not easy to
realise the difficulties, delays, and disappointments which forty-five
years ago occurred from the failure, first of one part of a joint, and
then of another ; but the construction of vessels capable of producing
and also of retaining the gas in its liquid state, with the means of
alternately expanding and condensing it from thirty or forty to eighty
or one hundred atmospheres, having been accomplished, the object
of the expenditure of so much labour and inventive power appeared
to be within reach.
The construction of the machinery to utilise the elastic force con-
tained in the cylinder was now proceeded with. Day by day new
difficulties arose, and each as it was successfully met seemed but to
leave another of greater importance to be surmounted.
It is not necessary in this Note to describe the various arrange-
ments which were devised for transferring the great elastic force in
the cylinder of small diameter to a piston in another cylinder of
much larger dimensions ; it is sufficient to say, that after the devotion
of much valuable time extending over several years, and a very
large expenditure of money, and after carefully considering the cost
of the liquid carbonic acid gas, the difficulty of preventing waste, and
the necessarily very expensive character of the machinery, Mr.
Brunei was satisfied * that no sufficient advantage in the sense of
* economy of fuel can be obtained by the application of liquefied
* carbonic acid gas as a motive power ; but so thoroughly did he
exhaust the subject before he committed himself to this opinion, that
no one has since renewed the enquiry or attempted to make a
machine to be moved by the elastic force of liquefied gases, the
construction of which, it was well known, had baffled the inventive
genius of Sir Isambard Brunei and his son.
46
CHAPTER II.
THE CLIFTON SUSPENSION BBILGE.
A.D. 1829—1853, ^TATis 24—48.
ORIGIN OF THE UNDERTAKING THE FIRST COMPETITION, NOVEMBEE
1829 DESCRIPTION OF MR. BRUNEl's PLANS — MR. TELFORd's DECISION
AS TIMPIKE — MR. TELFORD's DESIGN — THE SECOND COMPETITION MK.
BRUNEL APPOINTED ENGINEER, MARCH 1831 COMMENCEMENT OF THE
■WORKS, AUGUST 1836 — DESCRIPTION OF THE DESIGN — ABANDONMENT OF
THE ■WORKS, 1853 — FORMATION OF A NEW COMPANY AND COMPLETION
OF THE BRIDGE, 1864. NOTE: THE HUNGERFOBD SUSPENSION BRIDGE.
After Mr. Brunei liad recovered from liis accident in tlie
Thames Tunnel, he went for a trip to Plymouth, where
he examined with great interest the Breakwater and other
engineering works in the neighbourhood. He notes in
his diary that he went to Saltash, and that he thought
the river there 'much too wide to be worth having a
' bridge.' This remark was no doubt made in conse-
quence of his father having some years before been con-
sulted as to the construction of a suspension bridge at
this place, which Mr. Brunei himself, eighteen years
afterwards, selected for the crossing of the Tamar by the
Cornwall Railway, and built there the largest and most
remarkable of his bridges.
Por the remainder of the year 1828, and during the
greater part of 1829, Mr. Brunei kept himself fully em-
ployed in scientific researches, and in intercourse with
Mr. Babbage, Mr. Faraday, and other friends ; but he
was without any regular occupation, until, in the autumn
of 1829, he heard that designs were required for a
suspension bridge over the Avon at Bristol, and he
determined to compete.
ORIGIN OF THE UNDERTAKING. 47
This project originated in a bequest made in 1753, by
Alderman William Vick, of the sum of 1,000Z. to be placed
in the hands of the Society of Merchant Venturers of
Bristol, with directions that it should accumulate at com-
pound interest until it reached 10,000Z., when it was to be
expended in the erection of a stone bridge over the river
Avon, from Clifton Down to Leigh Down. Alderman
Vick stated that he had heard and believed that the
building of such a bridge was practicable, and might be
completed for less than 10,000Z.
The legacy was duly paid to the Society of Merchant Ven-
turers, and invested by them. The interest accumulated ;
and in 1829, Avhen the fund amounted to nearly 8,000L, a
committee was appointed to consider in what way it
would be possible to carry out Alderman Vick's intentions.
An estimate for a stone bridge was procured, but as it
gave the cost at 90,000L, it was evident that this scheme
must be abandoned.
The committee then advertised for designs for a sus-
pension bridge. Mr. Brunei, on hearing through a friend
of the proposed competition, went to Bristol ; and, after
examining the locality, he selected four difterent points
within the limits prescribed by the instructions of the
committee, and made a separate design for each of them.
His plans were sent in on the day appointed, Nov. 19,
1829, with a long statement, from which the following
description of them is taken.
The first design was for a bridge of 760 feet span be-
tween the points of suspension, the length of the suspended
floor being 720 feet. In order to obtain a height of 215
feet above high-water mark (which was the least that the
levels allowed of), towers 70 feet high would have had to be
built on the cliffs to carry the chains. The total length
. University or Tc;:o.;t
48 THE CLIFTON SUSPENSION BRIDGE. [a.d. 1829.
of chain, including the land-ties, was about 1,620 feet.
Mr. Brunei did not approve of this design, as the situation
was not favourable to architectural effect, a point to
which the committee attached great importance ; but he
suggested it from its being somewhat more economical
in construction than his other plans.
In another design, the situation being some way
farther down the river than that of the design last
mentioned, towers would also have been necessary. The
distance between the points of suspension was 1,180
feet, with a suspended floor of over 900 feet. It is
probable that Mr. Brunei only proposed this plan because
the site came within the limits of deviation, as he does
not say anything in favour of it in his report.
The two remaining plans are the most interesting of
the series, as there can be no doubt that, if Mr. Brunei
had had his own way, he would have adopted one of them
for execution ; and it appears from a little sketch on the
top of one of his earliest letters from Bristol, that his first
idea for the bridge was that which is carried out in these
two designs. The site selected was one where the rocks
rise perpendicularly for a considerable height above the
proposed level of the bridge, and therefore piers and land-
ties were dispensed with, the chains being hung directly
from the rock. No masonry was required except for
architectural effect.^
' The dimensions of these designs were as follows : —
(fi.) Length of floor ....
. 890 feet.
Distance between points of suspension
. 980 „
Length of chain ....
. 1,300 „
With a capacity to bear excessive load of .
. 660 tons.
(b.) Length of floor ....
. 916 feet.
Distance between points of suspension .
. 1,160 ,
Length of chain ....
. 1,468 „
With capacity to bear excessive load of
. 650 tons
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vET. 24.] ME. BEUNEL'S PLANS. 49
The principal difference between these two designs is
that in the second a short tunnel is avoided at one end.
The style of architecture selected for the tunnel-front
and the face of the rock, as shown on the drawings sent
in to the committee, is Norman. There are also extant
many beautiful sketches made by Mr. Brunei for different
parts of the design.'
In determining upon the mode of construction, which
was the same in the four designs, Mr. Brunei acted upon
the principle which guided him in all his subsequent
undertakings, which was, as he states in his report, 'to
' make use of all that has been found good in similar
* works, and to avail himself of the experience gained in
' them, and to combine with all their advantages the
* precautions which time and experience had pointed out,'
He dismissed in a few words the plan of breaking the
span into two or three lengths. This was in his opinion
unnecessary, and he computed that the cost of a pier
built up from the water's edge to sufficient height above
the bridge to carry the chains, would be at least 10,000?.
For this reason he recommended the adoption of spans,
the smallest of which far exceeded any up to that time
constructed.
In designing the chains, he dispensed with the short
connecting links, which had been previously adopted in
suspension bridges, introducing instead the method now
universally used, of connecting each set of links directly
with, the adjoining one by means of a pin passed through
the holes of both. The number of joints and pins was
thus reduced one half, and a considerable saving of ex-
pense, as well as diminution of weight, effected.
Another improvement, which diminished still further
' On plate I. is given (fig. 1) a fac- ing sent in by Mr. Brunei for the last-
simile on a smaller scale of the draw- mentioned {/>) of these two designs..
50 THE CLIFTON SUSPENSION BRIDGE. [a.d. 1829.
the weiglit of the chains, was making the links in lengths
of 16 feet, or nearly double that of the longest links
at the Menai bridge. The chief reason for this altera-
tion was to ensure a near approximation to equality
in the strains on the different links, should all the dis-
tances between the holes not be exactly equal. This
improvement was afterwards carried still further in the
Hungerford Suspension Bridge, the links of which were
24 feet long.*
Mr. Brunei also intended to introduce equalising beams
in the supports of the floor, so that each chain should
bear an equal share of the load. By this arrangement,
there would have been comparatively few points of suspen-
sion, and * the view of the scenery would not be impeded
* from the observer being surrounded by a forest of sus-
* pension rods.'
The disturbance of the strains on the links arising from
the greater expansion of the metal of the outer links by tha
direct heat of the sun, he proposed to obviate by sheet-
iron plates placed on each side of the chains, but separated
from them by a small interval, and thus screening them
from the heat. He did not, however, use this protecting
covering at the Hungerford bridge.
All the designs show a camber or rise in the centre of
the platform of the bridge, to the extent of two or three
feet; and the main chains are brought down almost to
the level of the platform. To this last arrangement, as
tending to prevent undulation, Mr. Brunei attached some
importance ; and he further intended to stiffen the bridge
against the action of high winds by a system of transverse
bracing, and by the addition of inverted chains, similar to
those used with success by his father in the Bourbon
bridges.'*
Such, then, were the main features of the bold and
' Sec below, p. 60. ' See above, p. 42.
;kt. 24.] MR. TELFORD'S ADVERSE DECISION. 51
carefully matured designs placed by Mr. Brunei before the
committee. Out of twenty-two plans submitted, only
tliose of Mr. Brunei and four otber competitors were
deemed worthy of consideration. He and his friends were
naturally much gratified at this, and were full of hope
for his ultimate victory. But now, when he seemed to
have a fair chance of success in a contest which he justly
deemed would have a most important bearing upon his
future professional career, an obstacle presented itself,
which for the time seemed almost insurmountable ; for
he met with an unexpected opponent in Mr. Telford, the
foremost engineer of the day, and the designer of the
famous suspension bridge over the Menai Straits.
The committee of the Society of Merchants had, not
unnaturally, found themselves unable to decide upon the
merits of designs for a suspension bridge, and had asked
Mr. Telford to act as their adviser in the matter. Un-
fortunately for Mr. Brunei, Mr. Telford was of opinion
that the maximum span admissible was that of the Menai
bridge, i.e. under 600 feet, and that Mr. Brunei's proposed
bridge,-* though very pretty and ingenious, would most
certainly tumble down in a high wind.
This decision was, of course, fatal to the success of any
design which substituted one large span for two or more
smaller ones, and dispensed with pillars. Mr. Brunei
therefore obtained permission to withdraw his plans from
the competition.
Mr. Telford then reported to the committee that none
of the remaining designs were suitable for adoption with-
out the introduction of such material alterations as would,
in fact, constitute a new design. Whereupon the com-
mittee took the only course which, under the circum-
stances, was open to them, and requested Mr. Telford to
prepare a design himself.
E 2
52 THE CLIFTON SUSPENSION BRIDGE. [a.d. 1829.
Mr. Bnmel was not a little disappointed at the turn
matters had taken ; but, having, as he said, * smoked away
*■ his anger,' he took leave of his friends at Bristol, and went
for a visit to some of the principal manufacturing towns
in the north.
Meanwhile Mr. Telford prepared his design, and it was
exhibited in Bristol in January 1830. It consisted of a
suspension bridge of three spans (the centre span 360 feet,
and the side ones 180 feet each), the chains being supported
at the intermediate points by tall stone piers rising from
the river's banks at just sufficient distance apart to avoid
interfering with the roadways on either side of the
stream. The style of architecture was a florid Grothic ;
and, in order to display the peculiar features of that style,
the faces of the piers were covered with elaborate panel-
ling, and the chains ornamented with fret-work.
This design was received with a flourish of trumpets ;
numerous engravings were published, exhibiting the bridge
from various points of view, and * thousands of copies
* were disposed of; ' but, after a time, it would appear that
the captivating effect of the Gothic belfries wore off,
and that the more the citizens of Bristol looked at Mr.
Telford's plan, the less they were satisfied with it; for,
although it was deposited in the Private Bill Office, on
application being made for an Act of Parliament, the
trustees who were appointed under the Act determined to
invite a second competition.
On this occasion, Mr. Telford appeared as a competitor
and not as a referee, that office being filled by Mr. Davies
Gilbert, sometime President of the Eoyal Society.
The site of the bridge was fixed, being that selected by
Mr. Telford ; but the trustees expressly left it to the judg-
ment of the competitors to decide whether there should
be intermediate piers or one unbroken span.
JET. 24.] MR. BRUNEL APPOINTED ENGINEER. 53
Of tlie thirteen designs sent in, five, including those
submitted bj Mr. Telford and Mr. Brunei, were reserved
for further examination. On March 17, 1831, Mr. Davies
Gilbert (who had been assisted by Mr. Seward) made his
report. Mr. Telford's design was put aside, ' on account of
* the inadequacy of the funds requisite for meeting the
* cost of such high and massive towers as were essential
* to the plan which that distinguished individual had pro-
* posed.'
Mr. Brunei's design was placed second.* Although
Mr. Gilbert reported that it presented every desirable
strength and security, he saw objections to many of the
details, and therefore did not recommend it for adop-
tion. However, on the following day, March 18, he stated
to the trustees that he had seen Mr. Brunei, and that it
gave him much pleasure to state that the explanations
made by Mr. Brunei had materially altered his views as
to the details of the plans, which he (Mr. Gilbert) was
now satisfied were quite equal to those which he had
placed first, and that, considering the superiority of Mr.
Brunei's design in the essential particular of strength, he
should judge it preferable to any of the others.
Thereupon the trustees, * having considered Mr. Davies
' Gilbert's report, and referred to all the plans, including
' Mr. Telford's, unanimously gave the preference to Mr.
* Brunei's,' and appointed him their engineer.
Subscriptions came in but slowly, and it was not till
1836 that the works were commenced.
The first stone of the abutment on the Leigh woods or
Somersetshire side of the river was laid on August 27
' The dimensions proposed in this design were as»follows : —
Distance between points of suspension . , 600 feet.
Versed sine. . . ^ . . 60 ,,
Width of roadway . . . . . 32 „
54 THE CLIFTON SUSPENSION BRIDGE. [a.d. 1836.
by the Marquis of Northampton, President of the British
Association, which was then holding its meeting in
Bristol. »
The span of the bridge is greater than that of Mr.
Brunei's design for the second competition, but much less
than the spans of the earlier designs, to which he had
given the preference.'* On this point, as well as on the
question of site, he had to conform to the wishes of the
trustees.^ The span approved of by them necessitated the
building of a very large abutment on the Leigh woods
side, the height of which, from the surface of the rock
to the level of the roadway, is 110 feet. Above the road-
way, the tower to carry the chains is built to a height of
86 feet. On the Clifton side, the base of the tower is
formed by one of the boldest of the range of St. Vincent's
rocks, which here rise almost perpendicularly to a height
of 230 feet above high water, and consequently a very
small abutment was required. The tower on this side is
3 feet higher than that on the Leigh woods side, and the
roadway has a general inclination of about 1 in 233.
Mr. Brunei thought that if the roadway were level, it
would have the appearance of falling towards Clifton,
' A few days before this ceremony, destine trial trip, and owing to a bend
an iron bar, 1^ inch diameter, and in the bar, the basket stuck half way,
about 1,000 feet in length, was hung and the mast of a passing steamer
across the valley from Clifton Kocks caught in the rope. The rope was '
to Leigh Down, to facilitate the works. however cut, and he was drawn back.
It was traversed by a basket pulled When the apparatus had been put to
by ropes. The first few journeys of rights, on another occasion, when Mr.
this machine were somewhat perilous. Brunei was in the basket, it got
It was intended that Mr. and Mrs. jammed, and he had to climb up the
Brunei should be the first passengers ; connecting link and get upon the bar,
but, when all was ready, one of Mr. before he could release the basket.
Brunei's assistants started on a clan-
2 Span . . . . .702 feet 3 inches.
Versed sine . . . . 70 „
Roadway above high-water . . 248 „
^ Plate I. fig. 2 (p. 49), shows an elevation of the bridge according to the
designs on which it was commenced.
JET. 31.] DESCRIPTION OF THE DESIGN. 55
owing to the ground there being precipitous, while on
the Leigh woods side it is sloping.
He intended, in the construction of the bridge, to have
followed out the ideas embodied in his report of 1829,
and would have preferred to have had only one chain on
each side of the bridge, and that much stronger than was
usually adopted; but, in deference to public opinion, he
put two chains, though he doubted if they would expand
equally. * A rigid platform would in some degree pre-
* vent the unequal distribution of load thus caused, but
' he endeavoured to lessen the effect of unequal ex-
* pansion by arranging a stirrup at the top of each
* suspending rod, so as to hold equally at all times on
* both chains, and thus to cause each to sustain its
* proportion of the load.'
The road platform was to have had beneath it ' a com-
* plete system of triangular bracing, which would render
' it very stiff.'
In order to lessen the action of wind on the bridge, he
brought down the main chains in the centre nearly to the
level of the platform, and intended to apply the system
of brace chains at a small angle to check vibration.
There were, moreover, to be two curved chains lying
horizontally, and attached underneath the platform, so
as to resist the lateral action of the wind.^
He here introduced movable saddles to carry the
chains on the top of the towers, with rollers running
on perfectly flat and horizontal roller beds.^ By this
arrangement no pressure except a vertical one could
come on the towers.
He also devised means, by levers and hydraulic presses,
' See Mr. Bmnel's remarks : — Pro- * EoUers on an arched surface had
ceedings Inst, C. E. for 1841, pp. 78, been used previously in several
79. bridges.
66 THE CLIFTON SUSPENSION BKIDGE.
for relieving the rollers and roller beds from pressure,
in the event of their requiring renewal.
Mr, Brunei ultimately determined to adopt the Egyp-
tian style of architecture. His brother-in-law, Mr. John
Callcott Horsley, E.A., gives the following account of the
proposed designs for the towers ; —
' His conception of the towers or gateways at either
* end of the bridge was peculiarly grand and effective, as
* may be seen from his sketches still existing. They were
* to be purely Egyptian ; and, in his design, he had caught
' the true spirit of the great remains at Philie and Thebes.
' He intended to case the towers with cast iron, and, as
' in perfect accordance with the Egyptian character of
' his design, to decorate them with a series of figure sub-
' jects, illustrating the whole work of constructing the
' bridge, with the manufacture of the materials — begin-
' niug with quarrying the iron ore, and making the iron;
' and ending with a design representing the last piece of
' construction necessary for the bridge itself. The subjects
' would have been arranged in tiers (divided by simple
' lines) from top to bottom of the towers, and in the exact
' proportion of those found upon Egyptian buildings.
' He made very clever sketches for some of these pro-
' posed figure subjects, just to show what he intended by
' them. I remember a group of men carrying one of the
' links of the chainwork, which was excellent in character.
' He proposed that I should design the figure subjects,
' and he asked me to go down with him to Merthyr Tydvil,
* and make sketches of the iron processes. We accom-
' plished our journey, and all the requisite drawings for the
' intended designs were made.'
The works were commenced with the Leigh abutment,
which was completed in 1840, great delay having been
caused by the failure of the contractors. This misfortune
ABANDONMENT OF THE WORKS, a.d. 1853. 57
led to a large excess of expenditure over the original esti-
mates. In 1843 the whole of the funds raised (amounting
to 45,000 Z.) were exhausted, and there still remained to
be executed the ornamental additions to the piers (the
cost of which was estimated at about 4,000Z.), half of the
iron work, the suspension of the chains and rods, the con-
struction of the flooring, and the completion of the ap-
proaches, &c., the estimate for the execution of which
was 30,000Z.
Unfortunately, all efforts to raise further subscriptions
were unsuccessful; and in July 1853, when the time
limited for the completion of the bridge had expired, the
works were closed in, and the undertaking abandoned.'
Several proposals for completing the bridge were made
in Mr. Brunei's lifetime, and he took every opportunity
of furthering this object, which he had very much at
heart. It was not, however, till about a year after his
death that the superstructure of the bridge was actually
commenced.
A company was formed in 1860 by some of the prin-
cipal members of the Institution of Civil Engineers, * who
* had an interest in the work as completing a monument
* to their late friend Brunei, and at the same time remov-
* ing a slur from the engineering talent of the country.' ^
Mr. John Hawkshaw, F.R.S., and Mr. W. H. Barlow,
F.R.S., were appointed the engineers, and "Mr. Brunei's
old friend Captain Christopher Claxton, E.N., the secre-
tary. The works were carried on with vigour; and the
bridge was opened with much ceremony on December 8,
1864.
The chains were brought from the Hungerford -Suspen-
' The ehiiins weiv iisod in the con- Captain Mark Iluish, at the first gene-
struction of the Saltash bridge. ral meeting, August 2, 1861.
' Speech of the Chairman, the late
68
THE CLIFTON SUSPENSION BRIDGE.
sion Bridge, tlien in process of demolition. A description
of the Hungerford bridge will be found in tbe note to this
chapter.'
Although the Clifton bridge was not completed by-
Mr. Brunei, his connection with it forms a very important
passage in the history of his life. Doubtless, if he had
never heard of the proposed competition in 1829, or if he
had been one of the disappointed competitors, he would
have found some other opportunity of making a name in
his profession ; but, as a matter of fact, the Clifton bridge
competition did give him the opportunity he desired, and
all his subsequent success was traced by him to this
victory, which he fought hard for, and gained only by
persevering struggles. He never forgot the debt he owed
to Bristol, and to the friends who helped him there ; and
he would have greatly rejoiced to see the completion of his
earliest and favourite work.
' Some re-arrangement of Mr.
Brunei's design was rendered neces-
sary in order to adapt the Hungerford
bridge chains to the Clifton bridge,
and there are three chains instead of
two, as in Mr. Brunei's design. The
platform is stiffened by wrought-iron
girders instead of by timber trussing,
and the whole bridge is stiffened trans-
versely by the wrought-iron girders
at the sides, which are connected
throughout by diagonal bracing. The
clear width of the bridge is 30 feet, 5
feet less than originally intended. It
shoidd be added, that no attempt has
been made to complete the towers
according to Mr. Brunei's architec-
tural designs.
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NOTE (p. 58).
The Hungerford Suspension Bridge.
The suspension bridge which spanned the Thames at Charing
Cross, on the site of the present railway bridge, was designed and
constructed by Mr. Brunei between the years 1841 and 1845. It
consisted of a centre span of 676 feet, and two side spans of
343 feet each. Being intended for foot passengers only, its width
was 14 feet. The versed sine, or deflection of the middle of the
catenary, was 50 feet. The two river piers, which still exist up
to the level of the railway, and form piers of the present bridge,
were of brickwork, with large footings at the bottom, so as to
distribute the pressure over a considerable area. The whole
structure was made hollow and as light as possible. From the
level of the footway the piers were carried up as ornamental cam-
panile towers, the weight of the chains being taken by four ^solid
pillars of brickwork, 7 feet 3 inches square, forming the angles. Mr.
Brunei introduced here many of the arrangements he had designed
for the Clifton bridge. In order that the pressure from the chains
might be always vertical on the piers, the saddles rested on rollers
working in oil, on the level surface of a large cast-iron bed-plate.
By this arrangement it was rendered possible for the chains of the
land spans to leave the tower at a greater inclination than those of
the middle span, so that the chains were made shorter, and as they
were at a lower level where they met the abutment, there was less
change in their direction at that point, and consequently less thrust
on the brickwork. Freedom of horizontal motion was also secured,
so that, in the case of imequal loading of the spans, the chains might
accommodate themselves to the strains, and move horizontally
until equilibrium was restored. At each of the land abutments
the chains passed down over a fixed saddle, at an inclination, to
anchorages placed at the bottom of the abutment. The brick-
work under the fixed saddle was so disposed as to resist directly
the thrust resulting from the change of direction between the main
chains and the anchor chains. To resist any movement of the
abutments, the piles on which they rested were driven obliquely,
with their heads inclined from the river. These piles were very
numerous, the abutments spreading out so as to cover a large
60 THE HUNGERFOED SUSPENSION BRIDGE.
area at the foundations. Nearly all the spaces between the longi-
tudinal, cross, and outside walls were filled with concrete, in order
that the abutments might be as massive as possible. The details of
the brickwork in the piers and abutments showed Mr. Brunei's skill
in the economical employment of this material. The chains were
constructed so that the sectional area was proportional to the strain ;
the total area at the centre was 296 square inches, while near the
piers it was 312 square inches. There were four chains, two on each
side of the bridge, placed one above the other, and consisting
each alternately of ten and eleven links. The links were 24 feet
long and 7 inches in depth, the thickness varying so as to give
the requisite sectional area.
The relative diameter of pin, and proper form of the ends of the
link, wer(i subjects of much consideration, and many experiments
were made in order to determine these points. The fact that two
specimens of iron, apparently identical in every respect, sometimes
exhibit considerable difference in their breaking weights, shows
that an average of a great number of experiments is required in
order to test satisfactorily any proposed refinements of construction.
Mr. Brunei, however, convinced himself by experiment that he had
practically arrived at such a form of link and diameter of pin
that the chain would have no tendency to break at one point rather
than another. The links were forged with shoulders near the eyes,
in order that by means of clamps the pin could be taken out and
the links disengaged, if necessary.
The eflficient action of the rollers was demonstrated shortly after
the completion of the bridge. On the occasion of the opening of
the Corn Exchange by Prince Albert, one of the land spans was
crowded with people, while the centre span was nearly empty.
In consequence of this the land chains became depressed con-
siderably below their normal position ; and the saddles on the top
of the tower nearest to the loaded span moved horizontally on
the "rollers to the extent of 3 inches ; and, when the crowd bad
dispersed, they returned to their original position.
Many years after the completion of the bridge a proposal was
made to widen it for carriage traffic ; but this was not carried
out, and eventually the superstructure was removed, to make way
for the bridge of the Charing Cross Eailway. As the Hungerford
Suspension Bridge has ceased to exist, an engraving has been given
of it (Plate II. p. 59), in order that some record of its appearance
may remain.
61
CHAPTER III.
EARLY HISTORY OF THE GREAT WESTERN RAILWAY.
A.D. 1833—1835. iETATis 27—30.
SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF RAILWAYS IN ENGLAND PBIOB TO 1833 —
THE STOCKTON AND DARLINGTON THE LIVERPOOL AND M^VNCHESTER
THE LONDON AND BIRMINGHAM — PROPOSED RAILWAY BETWEEN LONDON
AND BRISTOL MB. BRUNEL APPOINTED ENGINEER, MARCH 7, 1833 SUR-
VEY OF THE LINE UNSUCCESSFUL APPLICATION TO PARLIAMENT IN 1834
SUCCESSFUL APPLICATION IN 1835 REMINISCENCES OF MR. BRUNEL,
1833-1835 — EXTRACT FROM MR. BRUNEl's DIARY, WRITTEN AT THE
CLOSE OF 1835.
Before entering upon the history of the Great Western
and the other railways of which Mr. Brunei was the
engineer, it may be useful to give a brief sketch of the
development of the railway system, previous to the period
when he first became engaged in works of this descrip-
tion.
The first railway in England designed for the con-
veyance of general merchandise and passengers, was the
Stockton and Darlington. An Act of Parliament author-
ising the construction of this line was passed in 1821.
In 1823, a further Act was obtained, in which a clause
was inserted, at the request of Mr. George Stephenson,
then the engineer of the company, taking power to work
the railway by locomotive engines, and to employ them
for the haulage of passengers. This railway, which con-
sisted of a single line with four sidings in the mile, was
opened for trafiic on September 27, 1825. Its success
62 THE GEEAT WESTERN RAILWAY.
led at once to the promotion of similar works in other parts
of the country.
Next in order must be noticed the celebrated railway-
between Liverpool and Manchester. A project for con-
structing a line of railway between these important towns
was discussed as early as the year 1822 ; but a company
for carrying it out was not formed till two years later.
In 1825, the directors applied to Parliament for an Act;
and after a long contest before a committee of the House
of Commons, the preamble approving of the construction
of the railway was carried by a majority of one. The Bill
was, however, withdrawn, as the first two clauses em-
powering the company to make the line, and to acquire
land for that purpose, were lost.* In the following year
the Act was obtained, and the works were commenced
under the direction of Mr. George Stephenson. The line
was opened for traffic on September 15, 1830.
In 1824, Mr. George Stephenson wrote a report on
a proposed line connecting Liverpool and Birmingham.
Surveys were made, and plans deposited ; but the Bill
was thrown out on standing orders. A similar fate
attended the introduction of a Bill in 1826. In 1830, a
new line was surveyed by Mr. Joseph Locke and Mr.
Rastrick, under the direction of Mr. George Stephenson.
The Act was obtained in 1833, and the railway, which
was called the Grand Junction, and is now a part of the
London and North- Western system, was constructed by
Mr. Locke.^
In 1830, surveys were commenced by Mr. Robert
Stephenson for a line between London and Birmingham,
and a Bill was introduced into Parliament in 1832. The
' A graphic account of this famous Lives of the Engineers, chapter xi.
parliamentary contest will be found - See Mr. Smiles' Life of George
in the third volume of Mr. Smiles' Steiyhenson, p. 325.
HISTOEY OF RAILWAYS PRIOR TO a.d. 1833. 63
Liverpool and Manchester Railway had now been opened
for some time, and the promoters of the Birmingham line
had the advantage of being able to give in evidence the
results of the working of the earlier undertaking. Those
results, it is said, were such as to startle most of those
who heard them. It was shown that a speed had been
attained double that of the fastest stage-coach, that the
cost of travelling had been diminished by one half, and
that out of 700,000 persons carried since the opening of
the railway, only one had met with a fatal accident.
The amount of travelling between Liverpool and Man-
chester had increased four-fold, and the value of the
shares of the railway had risen one hundred per cent.
Similar evidence was given as to the results of the
working of the Stockton and Darlington Railway, and
the promoters endeavoured to prove that advantages at
least as great would arise from the construction of a
railway between Birmingham and London. They were
successful in the House of Commons; but, they failed to
convince the Upper House that the benefits which such a
railway would confer on the country traversed by it were
sufficient to entitle its promoters to receive for it the
sanction of the legislature. The Bill was again intro-
duced in the following session (1833) ; and, strange to
relate, it passed both Houses almost without opposition.*
Meanwhile, the principal merchants of Bristol, who had
in 1825 made an attempt to get up a railway company,
were urged forward, both by the inadequacy of their
communications with the metropolis, and by the success
of the Liverpool and Manchester Railway, to make another
effort. In the autumn of 1832 a committee was formed
of members of the corporation, and other public bodies of
' Sec Mr. Smiles' Lives of the Engineers, vol. iii. chap. xv.
64 THE GREAT WESTERN RAILWAY. [a.-d. 1833.
the city of Bristol, to carry out the project of a railway to
London.
The first step taken by the committee was the ap-
pointment of an engineer to make the preliminary surveys,
and to prepare an estimate of the cost of the undertaking.
Among the candidates for the post was Mr. Brutnel.
He was well known in Bristol as the engineer of the
Clifton Suspension Bridge, and of the works for the
improvement of the Floating Harbour. He had made
many friends among the leading citizens, and they used
their best exertions to procure his election; but there
were several other candidates in the field who had great
local interest, and the contest was a close one.
While the issue was yet undecided, an unexpected
difficulty arose. Some members of the committee resolved
to select their engineer by means of a competition among
the candidates, as to which of them would provide the
lowest estimate. Upon this being announced, Mr. Brunei
declared that he must withdraw his name, as he could
not consent to become a party to so objectionable a pro-
ceeding. * You are holding out,' he wrote to the com-
mittee, ' a premium to the man who will make you the
* most flattering promises. It is quite obvious that the
' man who has either least reputation at stake, or who
' has most to gain by temporary success, and least to lose
* by the consequences of disappointment, must be the
* winner in such a race.' Happily, this plan was aban-
doned ; Mr. Brunei obtained a majority of votes, and was
appointed engineer on March 7, 1833.
He commenced the survey without delay ; and in ad-
dition to his strictly professional duties, he assisted in
forming a committee in London, and took a leading part
in the consultations which were held upon various im-
portant matters connected with the general interests of
the undertaking.
.TiT. 27.] PRELIMINARY SURVEYS. 65
A hasty siii'vey of the country between London and
Bristol occupied him till the middle of June ; and as soon
as it was completed, and the course of the line settled on,
preparations were made for placing the scheme before the
public.
The first public meeting was held on July 30, 1833.
Mr. Brunei thus refers to it in his diary : — * Got through
* it very tolerably, which I consider great things. I hate
* public meetings : it is playing with a tiger, and all you
* can hope is, that you may not get scratched, or worse.'
The result, however, seems to have been successful, and
in a month's time a company was formally constituted,
and the parliamentary survey commenced.
Mr. Brunei organised a staff of assistants, at that time
rather a difficult task, and set them, to work on various
parts of the line. His own duty of superintendence
severely taxed bis great powers of work. He spent seve-
ral weeks travelling from place to place by night, and
riding about the country bj'' day, directing his as-
sistants, and endeavouring, very frequently without suc-
cess, to conciliate the landowners on whose property he
proposed to trespass.
His diary of this date shows that when he halted at an
inn for the night, but little time was spent in rest, and
that often he sat up wi'iting letters and reports until it
was almost time for his horse to come round to take him
on the day's work. ' Between ourselves,' he wrote to Mr.
Hammond, his assistant, * it is harder work than I like.
' I am rarely much under twenty hours a day at it.
A great portion of this labour was for the time thrown
away, for as November 30 drew near, it became evident
that subscriptions were not coming in to the extent which
would enable the directors to lodge a Bill for the whole
line in the session of 1 834.
66 THE GREAT WESTERN RAILWAY. [a.d. 1833.
The directors therefore determined to apply to Parlia-
ment for powers to make a railway from London to Read-
ing, and from Bath to Bristol, ' as a means of facilitating
' the ultimate establishment of a railway between London
* and Bristol ; ' postponing till a future session their ap-
plication for an Act to enable them to complete the under-
taking by making the line from Reading to Bath.
The Bill was introduced into the House of Commons,
and on March 10, Lord Granville Somerset moved that
it be read a second time. This motion was seconded by
the Earl of Kerry, and supported by several influential
members, amongst whom were Mr. Labouchere (the late
Lord Taunton) and Mr. Daniel O'Connell.
The second reading was carried by a majority of ninety
in a House of 274 members.
The Bill was then referred to a committee which met on
April 16, Lord Granville Somerset being in the chair.
Evidence was called to prove the advantages of the railway
to the agricultural and trading community of the country
through which it would pass, even if only the two proposed
divisions of the line were constructed.
The traffic in merchandise between Bristol and London
was at this time principally carried on by means of water
carriage, consisting, first of the river Avon navigation from
Bristol to Bath, next of the Kennet and A.von Canal from
Bath to Reading, and lastly of the river Thames from
Reading to London. The evidence went to show that
the distance between London and Reading, which by rail-
way would be thirty-six miles, amounted by the river to
nearly eighty; that the delays and impediments arising
from drought, flood, and frosts on the rivers, were such as
sometimes to detain barges for several weeks ; and that so
great were the consequent uncertainties and inconveni-
ences of this navigation, that goods which came as far
JET. 28.] HOUSE OF COMMONS COMMITTEE, a.d. 1834. 67
as Reading by the canal, M'^ere frequently sent thence to
London by road, although at a great increase of expense.
Even under the most advantageous circumstances, goods
could not be conveyed from Reading to London in less
than three days, or in less than a day by the river Avon
from Bath to Bristol. It wsls therefore contended, that
to form a railway w^hich should supersede, or at all events
come in aid of, the worst portions of the navigation
between London and Bristol, would be an important public
benefit.^ The various advantages of the measure were
most fully discussed in an investigation which lasted
during fifty-seven days. Against the Bill was arrayed
every class of opponent that a private Bill could possibly
encounter. Those interested in the canals, rivers, and
stage-coaches, opposed it from the fear of competition;
the inhabitants of Windsor opposed it, because the rail-
way did not run so near to the town as they wished ; the
corporation of Maidenhead opposed it, because they
thought that all the traffic which paid toll on their bridge
over the Thames would be diverted to the railway ; land-
owners and farmers near town opposed it, because they
feared it would bring produce to London from a distance,
as cheap as that supplied by themselves.
There was another very formidable class of opponents
to the Bill, consisting of landed proprietors and owners of
houses in the immediate neighbourhood of London.
Many engineers were called by these several opponents,
to show that a more advantageous line of railway might
have been selected; but, upon sifting the merits of the
various new lines proposed, it became apparent that the
one chosen by Mr. Brunei was the best. Indeed, although
• By mpans of the railway (it was or four hours, and from Bath to
said) goods woiild be conveyed with Brif<tol in one hour,
ease from London to Reading in three
r 2
68 THE GEEAT WESTERN EAILWAY. [a.d. 1831.
some ti'ifling deviations of liis Kne were suggested, the
opposing engineers admitted tliat in all essential features
the railway had been most skilfully laid out. It was
generally agreed that the line through the valley of the
Thames, and thence in a direction north of the Marl-
borough Downs, was the only proper course for a railway
between Bristol and London, as the levels were much
better, and communication could be made with much
greater ease with the northern and South Wales districts,
than if the route to the south of the Marlborough Downs
had been selected.
The plans proposed for entering London raised great
opposition. In this respect public feeling has greatly
changed, for now no railway is thought complete which
has not a terminus in the heart of London ; and it is
considered an advantage for houses to be within easy
reach of a railway station ; but in 1834 such a neighbour
was looked upon with horror and dismay — a nuisance to
be, if possible, absolutely prohibited.
When Mr. Brunei commenced the survey for the London
terminus, he had some idea of bringing the railway in on
the south side of the Thames ; but this was abandoned, as
it was found to involve very heavy works, and the line
proposed in the first Bill was made to terminate on
the north side of the river at Vauxhall Bridge. It was
to have been carried on a viaduct 24 feet high, with a
parapet 6 feet 6 inches high, to prevent the passengers
looking into the windows of the neighbouring houses.
The owners of the land through which this part of the
line would pass were influential members of the Upper
House, and therefore the directors thought it useless to
brave their opposition ; accordingly, on the thirteenth
day of the hearing, they abandoned the last two miles
of the viaduct, and proposed to stop at the ' Hoop and
ii:T. 29.] HOUSE OF COMMONS COMMITTEE, a.d. 1834. 69
* Toy,' a public-house near tlie site of the South Kensington
Station of the Metropolitan Eailwaj.
But although the opposition of some of the landowners
was conciliated hj this concession, that portion of the line
through Brompton which had not been abandoned was
attacked with unabated energy. The residents in Brompton
opposed the Bill from the apprehension that the railway
would interfere with their quiet and seclusion ; Brompton
being at that time considered, at any rate by one of the
counsel for the opposition, ' the most famous of any place
* in the neighbourhood of London for the salubrity of its
* air, and calculated for retired residences.' They could
not, indeed, be blamed for indulging in these apprehen-
sions, if they really believed in their counsel's statement
that * streams of fire would proceed from the locomotive
* engines.'
Others objected to the viaduct itself as being an under-
taking of so colossal a nature as hardly to be practicable ;
and the supposed increase of traffic and consequent ob-
struction in Piccadilly and other leading thoroughfares
brought down upon the promoters the opposition of the
Commissioners of Metropolitan Roads.
All these objections were made the ground of much
argument in committee, and doubtless had great influence
over the minds of those who voted against the Bill.
The engineering evidence occupied, as might be expected,
the greater part of the forty-two days during which
witnesses were examined before the committee, and of
these forty-two days no less than eleven were taken up by
the cross-examination of Mr. Brunei. So protracted a
cross-examination has probably never been heard in any
court or committee-room. One of those present thus
describes it : — •
' The committee -room was crowded with landowners
70 THE GREAT WESTERN RAILWAY. [a.d. 1834.
* and others interested in the success or defeat of the Bill,
' and eager to hear Brunei's evidence. His knowledge of
* the country surveyed by him was marvellously great, and
' the explanations he gave of his plans, and the answers he
* returned to questions suggested by Dr. Lardner, showed a
* profound acquaintance with the principles of mechanics.
* He was rapid in thought, clear in his language, and never
' said too much, or lost his presence of mind. I do not
* remember ever having enjoyed so great an intellectual
' treat as that of listening to Brunei's examination, and I
' was told at the time that George Stephenson and many
* others were much struck by the ability and knowledge
' shown by him.'
In his evidence, Mr. George Stephenson stated that he
did not know any existing line so good as that proposed
by Mr. Brunei. 'I can imagine (he said) a better line,
* but I do not know of one so good.' ^
At length, on the fifty-fourth day of the sittings of the
committee, Mr. Harrison, K.C., rose to reply on behalf of
the promoters, and on the conclusion of his address the
Bill was passed.
In the House of Lords the second reading was moved
by Lord Whamcliffe. It was opposed, and on a division
being taken, the motion was lost by a majority of seven-
teen (30 content and 47 non-content). The Bill was
therefore thrown out.
• During Mr. Stephenson's cross- ' Counsel. I feel the disadvantage,
examination, several questions were ' Mr. Bte'phenson. I am siire you
put to him as to the dangerous conse- ' must.'
quenees which might be expected to In other parts of the engineering evi-
result from travelling through a tunnel dence there are some statements which
a thousand yards long. At length he read strangely enough at the present
lost all patience at the ignorance dis- day, as for example the following :
played by the questions put to him by ' The noise of two trains passing in a
counsel, and the following passage of ' timnel would shake the nerves of this
arms took place : — ' assembly. I do not know such a
' Mr. Stephenson. I wish you had ' noise. No passenger would be in-
' a little engineering knowledge— you ' duced to go twice.'
* would not talk to me so.
JET. 29.] HOUSE OF COMMONS COMMITTEE, a.d. 1834. 71
The directors, undaunted by their defeat, lost no time
in making preparations for bringing a Bill before Parlia-
ment in the session of 1835, with such improvements as
the experience of the past campaign suggested to them.
Taking into consideration the various grounds on which
opposition had been raised to the plans they had proposed
for entering London through the Brompton district, they
opened negotiations with the London and Birmmgham
Railway Company, and arrangements were concluded by
which the traffic of the Great Western Railway was to be
carried upon the London and Birmingham line for the
first four miles out of London, the junction being made
a little to the west of the Kensal Green Cemetery.
They had also during the autumn raised money enough
to enable them to apply to Parliament for powers to
construct the whole of the line from London to Bristol.
They thus escaped all the sarcastic observations which had
been made upon the scheme of 1834, of which it had been
said, that it would be a head and a tail without a body,
and neither ' Great ' nor * Western,' nor even a ' railway '
at all, but ' a gross deception, a trick, and a fraud upon the
' public, in name, in title, and in substance ! '
On March 9, the earliest day allowed by the standing
orders, the Bill was read a second time and committed.
A division being taken on the motion for committal, there
appeared in favour of the motion 160, and against it none
but the tellers.
Shortly after its first meeting, the committee, of which
Mr. Charles Russell, then member for Reading, was
chairman, came to the resolution that, inasmuch as the
evidence given in the previous year as to the public ad-
vantages of a Bristol railway had been referred to them
by order of the House, they needed no further evidence
on that subject. Counsel were therefore directed to
72 THE GEEAT WESTERN RAILWAY. [a.d. 1835.
confine tlieir case as much as possible to the merits of the
line proposed.
Evidence was called by the opponents chiefly with a
view to show the advantages of a proposed line from
Basing to Bath, and the inexpediency of granting an
entirely new line of 115 miles in length to the Great
Western Railway Company, which involved the con-
struction of a * monstrous and extraordinary,' 'most dan-
' gerous and impracticable, tunnel' at Box, and this, when
44 miles of railwa}' in a western direction — viz. as far as
Basingstoke, had already been sanctioned by the legisla-
ture in the Southampton Railway Act, passed in the
previous session. The promoters of the Bill contended
that the levels of the Basing and Bath line were not so
good as those proposed for their own, and that the Great
Western Railway would approach almost every town of
importance situated on the proposed Basing and Bath
line, by means of short branches ; whilst at the same time
it presented the great advantage of being capable of easy
extension to Gloucester and Wales, and to Oxford, an
object wholly unattainable by the other line. In reply to
these assertions, the opponents maintained that although
the levels of the Basing and Bath Railway presented
greater inclinations than those of the Great Western, yet
that they were so balanced as that the rises and falls
compensated one for another, so as to render the line
practically level. The enunciation of this theory called
forth a remark by the chairman that according to this
principle the Highlands of Scotland would be as good as
any other place for the construction of a railway.
The preamble was voted proved, and the Bill passed
the House of Commons without further opposition, and
on May 27 was read a first time in the Lords. On June
XT. 29.] PAELIAMENTARY CONTESTS, a.d. 1835. 73
10, the second reading was carried after a sharp debate,
the numbers being 46 contents, and 34 non-contents.
Lord Wharncliffe was chairman of the committee.'
The proceedings began by an opposition on the standing
orders, which, after much skirmishing, were voted to have
been complied with. The promoters, however, judged
from the nature of the first day's proceedings, that they
had to expect a contest of no inconsiderable duration ; and
the result proved their anticipations to have been correct.
For forty days the battle was fought with a degree of
earnestness and vigour on both sides, almost unequalled
in any similar proceedings.
The committee soon came to the same decision as the
House of Commons, that, with regard to the advisability
of a Bristol railway, they were satisfied, and needed no
further evidence. The case became then one of mere
comparison between the relative merits of the two lines
proposed.
The case in support of the Bill occupied eighteen days,
and was closed with a speech by the Hon. John Talbot.
Mr. Serjeant Merewether, whom the opponents had
chosen as their leader in the House of Lords, was then
heard on their behalf, and occupied no less than four days
in the delivery of his speech, in which certainly no argu-
ment that ingenuity could devise was omitted to strengthen
his case. There was hardly any conceivable injury which,
according to the learned Serjeant's notions, the Great
Western Railway would not inflict. It was said that the
Thames would be choked up for want of traffic, the
drainage of the country destroyed, and Windsor Castle
left unsupplied with water. As for Eton College it would
' At this time the Lords' commit- sidered indecorous for peers who had
tees were open to all peers who chose not attended any of the previous sit-
to sit on them, and it was not con- tings to vote on the division.
74 THE GEEAT WESTERN RAILWAY. [a.d. 1835.
be absolutely and entirely ruined : London would pour forth
the most abandoned of its inhabitants to come down by
the railway and pollute the minds of the scholars, whilst
the boys themselves would take advantage of the short
interval of their play hours to run up to town, mix in all
the dissipation of London life, and return before their ab-
sence could be discovered. Moreover, while the beauty of
the country and the retirement of private dwellings would
be destroyed, the interests of the public would be far more
effectually served by the adoption of the Basing and Bath
line, and a line from the London and Birmingham Rail-
way to Gloucester. This was in fact the point at issue,
and on this the result of the contest depended. The pro-
moters of the Bill had called, in support of their line, in
addition to Mr. Brunei, who being engineer to the com-
pany might be considered an interested witness, Mr. Locke,
Mr. Palmer, Mr. Price, Mr. George Stephenson, and
Mr. Vignoles. They expressed their unqualified appro-
bation of the line chosen by Mr. Brunei, and of the
estimates he had prepared.
The preamble was proved, and after an unsuccessful
opposition the Bill was read a third time, on August 27.
The E/Oyal Assent was given on the last day of that month. ^
During this contest Mr. Brunei made among his fellow-
labourers many deep and lasting friendships. One of the
most intimate of these friends, Mr. St. George Burke, Q.C.,
has, in compliance with a request made to him, furnished
" The Great Western Railway was near Kensal Green. This change of
constructed with but few deviations plan was rendered necessary by reason
from the line sanctioned in 1835. of a difficulty having arisen between
The only alteration of any importance the two companies as to the terms of
was at the London end, where, by an their agreement, and not, as has been
Act passed in 1836, the line was taken often stated, in consequence of the
to Paddington, instead of joining the adoption of the broad gauge on the
London and Birmingham Railway Great Western line.
JET. 30.] REMINISCENCES OF MR. BRUNEL, a.t>. 1833—1835. 75
the following reminiscences of his intercourse with Mr.
Brunei during the progress of the Bill through Parlia-
ment.
March 9, 1869.
' Mj dear Isambard, — You wish me to supply you with
* reminiscences of my old associations with your father, in
' order that, in your biography of him, you may present a
* true picture of those features of his character which so
* endeared him to his most intimate friends.
* For many years it was my good fortune to enjoy his
* friendship, and many of the pleasantest hours of my life
* were due to it.
* For a period of nearly three years, viz. during the
* contest for the Great Western Railway Bill, I think that
' seldom a day passed without our meeting, whether for
* purposes of business or pleasure, both of which his
* buoyant spirits enabled him to combine in a manner
* which I have seldom seen equalled.
* It would be wearisome to detail the many incidents
* which occurred illustrative of the singularly facile manner
* in which, in the midst of the heaviest and most responsible
* labours, he could enter into the most boyish pranks and
* fun, without in the least distracting his attention from the
* matter of business in which he was engaged ; but all who
* knew him as I did could bear testimony to this charac-
' teristic of his disposition.
* I believe that a more joyous nature, combined with the
* highest intellectual faculties, was never created, and I
* love to think of him in the character of the ever gay and
' kind-hearted friend of my early years, rather than in the
* more serious professional aspect under which your pages
* will, no doubt, rightly depict him.
*In 1833 your father and I occupied chambers facing
* each other in Parliament Street, and as my duties involved
76 THE GREAT WESTERN RAILWAY.
* the superintendence, as Parliamentary agent, of the com-
' pliance with all the Standing Orders of Parliament, and
' very frequent interviews and negotiations with the land-
' owners on the line, we were of necessity constantly thrown
' together. To facilitate our intercourse, it occurred to
' your father to carry a string across Parliament Street,
* from his chambers to mine, to be there connected with a
' bell, by which he could either call me to the window to
* receive his telegraphic signals, or, more frequently, to
* wake me up in the morning when we had occasion to go
' into the country together, which, it is needless to observe,
' was of frequent occurrence ; and great was the astonish-
* ment of the neighbours at this device, the object of which
' they were unable to comprehend.
* I believe that at that time he scarcely ever went to
' bed, though I never remember to have seen him tired or
* out of spirits. He was a very constant smoker, and would
' take his nap in an arm-chair, very frequently with a cigar
* in his mouth ; and if we were to start out of town at five
' or six o'clock in the morning, it was his frequent practice
* to rouse me out of bed about three, by means of the bell,
* when I would invariably find him up and dressed, and in
' great glee at the fun of having curtailed my slumbers by
' two or three hours more than necessary.
' No one would have supposed that during the night he
' had been poring over plans and estimates, and engrossed
' in serious labours, which to most men would have proved
* destructive of their energies during the following day ;
' but I never saw him otherwise than full of gaiety, and
' apparently as ready for work as though he had been
' sleeping through the night.
* In those days we had not the advantage of railways,
' and were obliged to adopt the slower, though perhaps not
' less agreeable, mode of travelling with post-horses. Your
REMINISCENCES OF MR. BRUNEL, a.d. 1833-183.5. 77
' father had a britzska, so arranged as to carry his plans and
' engineering instruments, besides some creature comforts,
' never forgetting the inevitable cigar-case among them ;
* and we would start by daybreak, or sometimes earlier, on
* our country excursions, which still live in my remembrance
* as some of the pleasantest I have ever enjoyed ; though I
* think I may safely say that, pleasurable as they were, we
* never lost sight of the business in which we were engaged,
* and for which our excursions were undertaken.
* I have never known a man who, possessing courage
' which to many would appear almost like rashness, was
* less disposed to trust to chance or to throw away any
* opportunity of attaining his object than was your father.
' I doubt not that this quality will be fully exemplified in
* the details which you will have received of his engineering
* experiments ; but I speak of him also in the character of
* a diplomatist, in which he was as wary and cautious as
' any man I ever knew.
* We canvassed many landowners together, and I had
* plenty of opportunities of judging of his skill and caution
* in our discussions with them, though we had many a good
* laugh afterwards at the arguments which had been ad-
* dressed to us as to the inutility and impolicy of the scheme
' in which we were engaged, and the utter ruin it would be
' sure to entail on its promoters, as well as on the country
* affected by it.
' I frequently accompanied him to the west of England,
' and into Gloucestershire and South Wales, when public
' meetings were held in support of the measures in which
' he was engaged, and I had occasion to observe the
* enormous popularity which he everywhere enjoyed. The
* moment he rose to address a meeting he was received
* with loud cheers, and he never failed to elicit applause at
' the end of his address, which was distinguished as much
78 THE GREAT WESTERN RAILWAY.
* by simplicity of language and modesty of pretension as
' by accurate knowledge of his subject.
* Yours very truly,
* St. Geoege Bueke.
' Isambard Brunei, Esq.'
The following is an extract from Mr. Brunei's diary,
written at the end of the year 1835 : —
53 Parliament Street, December 26.
"What a blank in my journal \^the last entry is dated January
1834], and during the most eventful part of my life. When last I
wrote in this book I was just emerging from obscurity. I had been
toiling most unprofitably at numerous things, unprofitabl}', at least,
at the moment. The railway was certainly being thought of, but
still very uncertain. What a change. The railway now is in
progress. I am thus engineer to the finest work in England. A
handsome salary, on excellent terms with my directors, and all
going smoothly. But what a fight we have had, and how near
defeat, and what a ruinous defeat it would have been. It is like
looking back upon a fearful pass ; but we have succeeded.
And it is not this alone, but everything I have been engaged in
has been successful. Cliilon bridge — my first child, my darling, is
actually going on : recommenced work last Monday — glorious ! !
[_Here follows a list of the undertakings on which he was then engaged^]
I think this forms a pretty list of real sound professional work, un-
sought for on my part, that is, given to me fairly by the respective
parties — all, except the Wear Docks, resulting from the Clifton bridge,
which I fought hard for, and gained only by persevering struggles.
. . . And this at the age of twenty-nine. I really can hardly
believe it, when I think of it. I am just leaving 53 Parliament
Street, where I may say I have made my fortune, or, rather, the
foundation of it, and I have taken 18 Duke Street.
79
CHAPTEE IV.
RAILWAY WORKS.
A.D. 1835—1859. JETATis 30—54.
CONSTRUCTION OF THE GREAT WESTERN RAILWAY THE BOX TUNNEI, THB
BATH AND BRISTOL STATIONS THE PADDINGTON STATION — THE GREAT
WESTERN HOTEL BRANCHES AND EXTENSIONS OF THE GREAT WESTERN
RAILWAY TH^ BRISTOL AND EXETER RAILWAY RAILWAYS IN DEVONSHIRE
AND CORNWALL RAILWAYU TO BASINGSTOKE, TO WEYMOUTH, AND TO SALIS-
BURY IN SOUTH WALES IN IRELAND — IN ITALY IN INDIA SUPERVISION
OF WORKS ME. BRUNEl's ENGINEERING STAFF HIS REPUTATION AS A
WITNESS REMINISCENCES OF MR. BRUNEI., 1835-1838.
In the extract from Mr. Brunei's diary given at the
close of the last chapter he refers to the successful issue
of the contest for the Great Western Railway Act as a
very important event in his life.
As the result proved, he did not take too hopeful a view
of his future prospects ; for from that time to his death
he was fully employed as the engineer of railways
which, in number and importance, were not inferior to
those of any of his contemporaries. Of the main lines he
constructed, one extends uninterruptedly from London to
the Land's End, and another to the extremity of South
Wales, at Milford Haven, 285 miles from Paddington.
It would be impossible to describe in detail all the
engineering works which are to be found on Mr. Brunei's
railways, the aggregate length of which is upwards of
1,200 miles ; but in this chapter it is proposed to give a
brief sketch of the lines he constructed, omitting all that
80 RAILWAY WORKS.
can be more properly inserted in the three chapters which
follow, relating to the broad gauge, to the Atmospheric
System, and to the bridges and viaducts.
The Great Western Railway was opened to Maidenhead,
a distance of nearly twenty-three miles, in June 1838,
aud to Twyford, eight miles farther on, in July 1839. A
description of the Wharnclifife Viaduct at Hanwell will ba
found at j). 172, and of the Maidenhead bridge at p. 173.
The line from Twyford to Reading was opened in March
1840, and from Reading to Chippenham by May 1841.
Meanwhile the portion from Bristol to Bath had been
opened in August 1840. The last division, namely, that
from Chippenham to Bath, containing the Box Tunnel,
was opened on June 80, 1841 ; and the railway was com-
pleted throughout its whole length. •
A considerable part of the history pf the Great
Western Railway is connected with the adoption on it of
the broad, or 7-foot gauge, and will be dealt with in the
next chapter, in which is also given some account of
the longitudinal system of permanent way.
The bridges are described in Chapter VII. ; but some of
the other works may be noticed here.
In laying out the line, Mr. Brunei endeavoured to make
it as straight and as level as possible throughout, and to
concentrate those changes of level, which could not be
avoided, into short inclines, to be worked, if necessary, by
auxiliary power.
Accordingly the line is thus divided : — •
Miles Yai-ds
Level, or with an inclination not exceeding
4 feet in the mile 67 88
Above 4 feet, and not exceeding 8 feet in the
mile ....... 47 110
Steep inclines 3 1210
THE GKEAT WESTERN RAILWAY. 81
The steep inclines are two in number, of a gradient of 1
in 100, or about 53 feet in a mile, and descend towards the
Bristol end of tbe line.
The Wootton Basset incline, 85|^ miles from London, is
1 mile 550 yards long.
The second incline is at Box, 99 miles from London, and
is 2 miles 660 yards in length. An assistant engine is
still occasionally used to work heavy trains at this point.
On this incline the line passes through the Box Tunnel.
This tunnel is the first out of London, and could only have
been dispensed with by taking a circuitous route several
miles longer than that adopted by Mr. Brunei.
The tunnel is 1| mile in length, and is ventilated by
six shafts. They are 30 feet in diameter, and from 70 to
300 feet deep.
The Box Tunnel had been the subject of much criticism
before the works were commenced ; and during its actual
construction it did not escape the unfavourable notice of
those who Avere ignorant of the difficulties which presented
themselves, and the means which had been taken to over-
come them. Indeed, for some time after the opening of
the line, there were travellers who used to avoid the terrors
of the tunnel by posting along the turnpike road in that
part of their journey.
Mr. Brunei never troubled himself about the ordinary
gossip which is always circulated concerning any remark-
able work ; but matters assumed a different aspect when,
a year after the completion of the tunnel, doubts were
expressed as to its safety by an eminent geologist, at a
meeting of the Institution of Civil Engineers. Mr. Brunei,
who was on terms of friendly intercourse with the speaker,
addressed to him the following letter : —
June 21, 1842.
I assure you, my dear Sir, that when my attention had been
drawn to the statements reported to have been made by you on this
G
82 RAILWAY WORKS.
subject, I refrained as far as possible from expressing any opinion.
I tliought it my duty to read the notes taken, but I never said that
I thought your statements were correct. Indeed, I had hoped to
have avoided the necessity of making any observations upon these
statements ; but as a letter to Mr. Saunders on such a subject is
almost the same thing as if it were addressed to myself, and as it was
shown to me, it would not be candid towards you if I now refrained
from saying, that the opinions you are reported to have expressed
with respect to the Box Tunnel are by no means considered coiTect,
either by myself or by those others who, from being intimately ac-
quainted with the rock as it was really found, and the works as they
were really executed, are capable of judging.
In the notes shown to me the observations alluding to this work
in particular, as an illustration of the views you were explaining,
appear to have been curtailed, and the allusions rendered somewhat
less direct ; but still the inference unavoidably to be drawn from
them is, that the back joints, as we call them, and other defects
which exist originally, or which show themselves after a time, in this
rock, are not well known, and tolerably Avell understood and guarded
against, by practical engineers, and even by our workmen. In this
opinion I assure you you are mistaken. Ignorant as I may probably
be myself of the science of geology, I cannot have been engaged for
several years in making very extensive excavations, probably the
largest hitherto made, in this particular rock, having also the oppor-
tunity of examining very old and large quarries in the same rock
and close to the line, having among my assistants men not meanly
acquainted with this particular branch of geology, and surrounded
by workmen of considerable experience, I cannot have gone through
such a study without acquiring a very intimate and practical know-
ledge of the structure and peculiarities of the particular mass of rock
which is now in question ; and I will say frankly what I feel upon
this point, which is, that I ought now to possess a more thorough and
practical knowledge of this particular rock and its defects, and the
best mode of remedying them, than even you yourself, with your
immeasurably greater scientific knowledge of rocks generally.
The opinion you are said to have expressed of there being gi'eat
danger of some serious accident occurring in the tunnel is, I am
firmly convinced, erroneous ; at all events the i-eason given convinces
me that you have not become acquainted with the means which have
been taken by me to examine and to ascertain the security of every
part of the rock, to remove or to support with masonry any part not
so ascertained to be secure, or with the precautions taken to prevent
THE BOX TUNNEL. 83
any such accidents as those you hare imagined. And notwithstand-
ing the heavy responsibility which rests upon me, from all which
yoii gentlemen of science are, happily for yourselves, so free, I feel
that as regards the works of the Box Tunnel everything necessary
has been done to render them secure, and that the doubts and fears
you have so easily raised, but which it might be more difficult again
to set at rest, are entirely unfounded.
In conclusion, I must observe that no man can be more sensible
than I am of the great advantage it would be to me as a civil engi-
neer to be better acquainted with geology, as well as with many
other branches of science, that I have endeavoured to inform my-
self on the subject, and that I have not altogether thrown away the
many opportunities afforded me in my professional pursuits ; but
that if from a conviction that you possessed information far more
extensive than mine, if from doubts of the sufficiency of my abilities
or the means I was likely to bring to bear upon the subject, if from
a fear of such consequences as you now anticipate, you had kindly,
on any one of the many occasions Avhen I have had the pleasure of
meeting you, intimated that you had any suggestions to make to me,
I should have been anxious to have availed myself of your assist-
ance. But after the lapse of years, the first intimation I have of
such doubts is the very public expression of a very strong opinion,
which, if weight be attached to it, must tend to alarm the public
unnecessarily, and to injure the value of the property of individuals
who have embarked several millions in that property.
Betwreen Chippenham and Bristol the nature of the
building stone enabled Mr. Brunei, at moderate cost, to
make the bridges, tunnel fronts, and stations ornamental
features in the picturesque scenery through which the
railway passes.
He took great pleasure in finishing minutely the various
designs, and making them correct in their proportions
and details. One tunnel front, near Bristol, may be singled
out for especial mention. During its construction a part
of the ground behind slipped away, and it became unneces-
sary to complete the top of one of the side walls. It was
therefore left unfinished, and was planted with ivy so as
to present the appearance of a ruined gateway.
G 2
84 EAILWAY WORKS.
The roofs of the Bath and Bristol stations are of large
span, and are handsome architectural structures. They
are each in the form of a Tudor arch ; the Bristol roof
is 72 feet span, and the Bath roof 50 feet span. The
framing is an example of a peculiar form of construction,
somewhat analogous to that adopted in the large ship-
building sheds in the dockyards. There are no cross
tie-rods, but each principal of the roof is formed of
two frameworks, like cranes, meeting in the middle of
the roof; the weight being carried on columns near the
edge of the platform, and the tail ends of the frames held
down by the side walls. As the two frames do not press
against each other at their meeting point at the ridge of
the roof, there is no outward thrust. The side walls being
on a viaduct could not without difficulty have been made
to resist a horizontal thrust.
At the Bristol station Mr. Brunei introduced hydraulic
machinery for working lifts. By these the waggons were
lowered to and raised up from the goods shed, which was
placed at the level of the ground, about 12 feet below the
railway.
Although the works already described were completed
in 1841, the permanent terminus at Paddington was not
commenced till the year 1849. It was completed in 1854,
Previously to that time a temporary station had been
used, the booking offices being under the arches of the
Bishop's Road bridge.
As the level of the railway was lower than that of the
surrounding land, no exterior architectural effect could
be produced ; but Mr. Brunei took this opportunity to
carry out his views as to the proper structural use of
metal in 'works of this description.
In the design of the ornamental details, he obtained the
assistance of Mr. (now Sir Matthew) Digby Wyatt.
THE PADDINGTON STATION. 85
The interior of the principal part of the station is 700
feet long and 238 feet wide, divided in its width by two
rows of columns into three spans of 68, 102, and 68 feet,
and is crossed at two points by transepts 50 feet wide,
which give space for large traversing frames. The roof is
very light, consisting of wrought-iron arched ribs, covered
partly with corrugated iron and partly with the Paxton
glass roofing, which Mr. Brunei here adopted to a con-
siderable extent. The columns which carry the roof are
very strongly bolted down to large masses of concrete, to
enable them to resist sideways pressure.
This station may be considered to hold its own in
comparison with the gigantic structures which have since
been built, as well as with older stations. The appear-
ance of size it presents is due far more to the proportions
of the design than to actual largeness of dimension.
The spans of the roof give a very convenient subdivision
for a large terminal station, dispensing with numer-
ous supporting columns and at the same time avoiding
heavy and expensive trusses. The graceful forms of the
Paddington station, the absence of incongruous orna-
ment and useless buildings, may be appealed to as a
striking instance of Mr. Brunei's taste in architecture and
of his practice of combining beauty of design with eco-
nomy of construction.
The goods station was erected at about the same time
as the passenger station, and is remarkable for the
completeness of its arrangements, and for the great use
made of hydraulic machinery. This is also applied in the
passenger station.^
' Sir William Armstrong's hydraulic ' plied it [water pressure machinery]
machinery at Paddington is described ' extensively to railway purposeschiefly
by him in a communication printed ' under the direction of Mr. Brunei, who
in the Report of the British Association ' has found a multitude of cases involv-
for 1854, p. 418: *! have also ap- ' iug lifting or traction power in which
86 KAILWAY WORKS.
In connection with the Paddington station mention
may be made of the Great Western Hotel, which was
hnilt at the extremity of the land belonging to the
railway company.
When, in 1854, no tenant could be found for it, a few
of the shareholders of the Great Western Railway, being
unwilling that the building should remain empty and be
a loss to the proprietors, formed themselves into a com-
pany to lease and work the hotel. Mr. Brunei became
a Director, and shortly afterwards (in December 1855) the
chairman. He occupied this post till his death, by which
time the hotel had become very prosperous. He found
attendance at the meetings of the Directors and the
supervision of the management of the hotel a very agree-
able relaxation from the more important duties which took
him to Paddington.
The branches and extensions of the Great Western
Railway, as far as their history affected the general in-
terests of the company, are referred to in the chapter on
the broad gauge. Branches were opened to Oxford in 1844,
to Windsor in 1849, to Wycombe in 1854, to Uxbridge in
1866, to Henley in 1857, and to Brentford in July 1859.
The Bristol and Exeter Railway is a continuation of the
Great Western Railway, and was opened to Exeter in
1844. The two portions of it, from Bristol to Taunton,
and from Taunton to Exeter, are in marked contrast to
each other. The former part of the line is almost level,
and has very easy curves. Between Taunton and Exeter
' it may be made available. Most of ' from one level to another, the moving
' these applications are well exempli- ' of turn-tables, and the hauling of
' fied at the nevr station of the Great ' trucks and traversing machines are
* Western Railway Company in Lon- ' all performed, or about to be so, by
' don, where the loading and unloading ' means of hydraulic pressure supplied
' of trucks, the hoisting into ware- ' by one central steam engine with
' houses, the lifting of loaded trucks ' connected accumulators.'
SOMEESETSHIRE— DEVONSHIEE— COENWALL. 87
it passes over the liigh ground on the borders of Devon-
shire, with the Whitehall Tunnel at the summit, f mile in
length. On this part of the line there are long gradients
of from 1 in 80 to 1 in 120. Mr. Brunei resigned the
position of engineer in 1846, in consequence of differences
having arisen between the Bristol and Exeter and the Great
Western Companies, which, in Mr. Brunei's opinion,
made it impossible for him to continue engineer to both
railways.
The South Devon Railway, and the adoption on it of the
Atmospheric System, are described in Chapter VI. In
connection with this line is the important Torquay branch,
and the railway in continuation of it to Dartmouth.
This was completed as far as Paignton during Mr. Brunei's
lifetime.
The South Devon and Tavistock Railway branches off
from the South Devon Railway near Plymouth, and has
several large viaducts.
On the Cornwall Railway from Plymouth to Truro, and
the West Cornwall Railway from Truro to Penzance, the
most remarkable works are the viaducts, and the Royal
Albert Bridge.
In the case of the Cornwall Railway, it became necessary
to reduce the capital expenditure, even at the cost of in-
creasing the charges for maintenance. With this object
the line was re-examined and modifications introduced,
principally by an increase in the extent of viaduct. These
lines pass through a very difficult country ; involving the
adoption of steep gradients and sharp curves. Mr. Brunei,
in a memorandum written in 1845, after having explained
his reasons for considering that the prejudicial effects of
gradients and curves were commonly overrated, gives the
following opinion in reference to the proposed Cornwall
Railway : —
Univfrg!ty or Tc;.gNTo
88 EAILWAY WOEKS.
I must not be understood to argue against the advantage of straight
lines or lai-ge and easy curves, but I wish to show that where small
curves are unavoidable, they can in practice be so constructed as not
to be very prejudicial ; and I consider that the character of the
country in Cornwall is such that no railway can be constructed at
any moderate expense without either sacrificing all consideration
for the interests of localities and the position of the population to
the mere choice of levels, or without steep gradients and sharp
curves.
The principal* lines brancliing off from the Great
Western, and since incorporated w^ith it, are, on the south,
the Berks and Hants, from Reading to Basingstoke and
Hungerford; and the Wilts and Somerset, to Weymouth
and Salisbury. On the north-west is the Cheltenham and
Great Western Union Railway, from Swindon to Chelten-
ham and Gloucester. This line passes through the Cots-
wold Hills at Sapperton by a tunnel If mile in length.
The Gloucester and Dean Forest Railway runs from Glou-
cester to Grange Court, and thence to Ross and Hereford.
The South Wales Railway, which extends from Grange
Court to Milford Haven, contains a tunnel at Swansea ^
mile long, and some of Mr. Brunei's most important
works, including the Chepstow bridge and several other
bridges of considerable size, and the viaducts at Landore
and Newport. There are also on this line four opening
bridges across navigable channels. The works at the
termination of the line at Neyland, in Milford Haven,
are described in Chapter XIV. Mr. Brunei considered
that Milford Haven, with its excellent harbour, which can
be entered at all times of tide by the largest vessels,
would probably become a great port for ocean steamers,
and especially for the ' Great Eastern ' and ships of her
class.
There are also in South Wales the following railways :
the Taff Vale, the Vale of Neath, the Llynvi Valley, and
SOUTH WALES. 89
the South Wales Mineral. The Taff Vale, a line from
Cardiff to Merthyr, was opened on the narrow gauge in
1841.^ On this railway is the lofty masonry viaduct at
Quaker's Yard.
On the Yale of Neath Railway, from JsTeath to Aberdare
and Merthyr, there is a tunnel, near Merthyr, 1^ mile
long, and 650 feet below the summit of the hill.
Full advantage is taken on this railway of the facili-
ties which the broad gauge offers for heavy traffic. The
line has long steep gradients, and the locomotives used
on it, of the class known as tank engines, are of great
power. One of these gradients is 4| miles long, with
an inclination of 1 in 50. Large quantities of coal are
brought downi by this railway to the Swansea and Briton
Ferry Docks. The coal of South Wales is of a friable
nature, and, in order to avoid the breakage consequent
on the ordinary mode of shipping coal, by tipping it
down a shoot, Mr. Brunei introduced on a large scale
the use of trucks carrying four iron boxes, each box about
4 feet 8 inches cube, and containing two and a half tons
of coal. At the docks machinery is provided by which
each box is lowered down into the hold of the ship, and
the under side being allowed to open, the coal is de-
posited at once on the bottom of the vessel.
The Llynvi Yalley Railway is a short line, leading from
the South Wales Railway at Bridgend into the coal and
iron districts.
The South Wales Mineral Railway is another line of
the same class. It passes through a very heavy country,
and has on it a self-acting incline of 1 in 9, | mile long,
worked by a rope, and a tunnel f mile long, and 470 feet
below the surface.
In connection with the South Wales district is the
' See p. 104.
90 EAILWAY WORKS.
Bristol and South Wales Union Railway, a line running
from Bristol to the banks of the Severn, across which the
traffic is carried by a steamer to a short branch from the
South Wales Railway on the other side. This railway
had been for a long time contempla,ted, and Mr. Brunei
devoted much time to a careful investigation of the Severn
in order to determine the most suitable point for the
crossing. He decided that the best place would be at what
is known as the New Passage. The arrangements had to
be made in accordance with the requirements of the Ad-
miralty. Trains run to the end of timber piers extending
into deep water, and there are staircases and lifts leading
to pontoons, alongside which a steamer can come at all
times of tide. The tide at this part of the Severn rises 46
feet.
The three railways last mentioned were not completed
during Mr. Brunei's lifetime.
The Bristol and Gloucester Railway, on which is the
tunnel at Wickwar, | mile long, was opened in 1844,
and passed into the hands of the Midland Company
in 1846.
The northern extensions of the Great Western Rail-
way are the Oxford and Rugby, constructed as far as
Fenny Compton ; the Birmingham and Oxford Junc-
tion ; and the Oxford, Worcester, and Wolverhampton
Railways.
Mr. Brunei ceased to be engineer of the last-mentioned
company in 1851, and the works were completed by Mr.
Fowler. The Oxford, Worcester, and Wolverhampton line
has since, under the title of the West Midland, become a
part of the Great Western Railway.
In Ireland Mr. Brunei was eno-ineer of the line from
MIDLAND COUNTIES— lEELAND— ITALY— INDIA. 91
Dublin to Wicklow, round Bray Head, and of a line from
Cork to Youghal.
He laid out two railways in Italy, the line from Florence
to Pistoja, and that across the Apennines from Genoa
to Novi and Alessandria, in the direction of Turin and
Milan. He acted as engineer during the construction of
the former line ; but the works of the latter were carried
out by the Sardinian Government.
One of the last of Mr. Brunei's important railways was
the Eastern Bengal Eailway, a line of about 100 miles in
length, in a north-easterly direction from Calcutta. He
took a great interest in the work and devoted much time
to the special arrangements and designs, and to the best
way of crossing the Ganges and its branches in the future
extension of the railway; but no part of it was opened
during his lifetime.
It was impossible for Mr. Brunei to look after all his
works to the same extent as he had done in the case of
the Great Western Eailway; and he was compelled to
spend a very considerable amount of time in attendance
on Committees of the Houses of Parliament on behalf of
the railways to which he was engineer. Mr. Brunei fre-
quently regretted this, and considered it a great evil that
engineers were prevented by their duties during the session
from attending properly to the construction of their works.
He endeavoured as far as possible to superintend the
execution of his different undertakings. He availed him-
self of every opportunity of examining them, and was
acquainted throughout with all the designs which were
prepared. He would take advantage of two or three free
days to go down to the distant works in South Wales or
in Cornwall, looking after details, such as the pickling
tanks for timber, and the masonry of the viaducts.
92 EAILWAY WOKKS.
He was fortunate in the selection of the members of
his staff, and in his organisation of it. He had a rare
power of utilising the capabilities of his different assist-
ants ; and although he had to deal with a great variety
of men, he managed that they should work in harmony
with him. From the complete personal supervision Mr.
Brunei sought to maintain over all his works, his assist-
ants had not perhaps so many opportunities of indepen-
dent action as they might otherwise have obtained, but
they had, on the other hand, the advantage of constant
personal communication with their chief.
After the time when Mr. Brunei's works became so
numerous, and his time so much occupied, that he could
not exercise in person that general supervision which he
conceived to be necessary, he was ably assisted by Mr.
Robert Pearson Brereton, who, on the death of Mr. Ham-
mond in 1847, became the chief of his engineering staff.
Mr. Brunei rarely made any changes in the personnel of
his office. Mr. Brereton had become one of his assistants
in 1836; and his secretary, the late Mr. Joseph Bennett,
came to him in the same year.
The Great Western Railway retained its early place in
his affections, and among his most valued friends were
members of the Board of Directors, Mr. Saunders the
Secretary, and other officers of the company. When in the
last year of his life he was obliged to go to Egypt for his
health, it was a matter of deep anxiety to him lest his
absence from England should cause any alteration in his
relations with the Company, and it was a source of great
pleasure to him that no such consequences followed.
Mr. Brunei's position as confidential adviser of so large
a number of railway companies gave him frequent oppor-
tunities of acting as mediator between contending parties;
MR. BRUNELS ENGINEERING STAFF. ' 93
and his decisions were always received with respect, for he
was known to be scrupulously just.
Besides the more friendly task of reconciling opponents
he had a large practice as a referee under Acts of Parlia-
ment and orders of the superior courts ; and displayed in
these matters great judicial abilities.
In all the causes and parliamentary contests affecting
the various companies of which he was engineer, Mr.
Brunei was a very important member of the preliminary
consultations, and during the proceedings counsel relied
with confidence on his suggestions.
One of the most arduous parts of his duty, as engineer
of the Great Western Eailway Company, was connected
with the conduct of the great cases of Eanger and
Macintosh. To the former of these reference is made in
the letter printed below, at p. 478. The Macintosh case,
which was commenced shortly after the opening of the line,
was not concluded before Mr. Brunei's death. He was
compelled to devote a considerable portion of his time to
it, even after his return home in the evening, during the
launch of the ' Great Eastern.'
Mr. Brunei had a very high reputation as a witness.
Mr. St. George Burke, Q.C., has communicated a memo-
randum on this subject.
* As a witness he could always be relied on as a perfect
* master of the case he had to support, and he had the rare
* quality of confining his answers to a simple reply to the
* questions put to him, without appearing as an advocate.
* He was, however, extremely particular as to the questions
' which should be put to him in his examination in chief,
' and was therefore never satisfied to entrust the pre-
' paration of his proof to the solicitor, without revising it
* himself.
* In his cross-examinations he was generally a match
94 EAILWAY WORKS.
* for the most skilful counsel, and by the adroitness of his
* answers would often do as much to advance his case as
' bj his examination in chief.
' He was almost as much of a diplomatist as an en-
* gineer, and knew perfectly well how to handle a case in
* the witness-box so as to leave no loophole for his
* opponents to take advantage of. At the same time he
* was a perfectly honest witness, and while he avoided
' saying more than was necessary for the advancement of
' the cause in which he was engaged, he would have
* scorned to say or imply anything by his evidence in-
* consistent with strict truth.
* Although he had attained to great celebrity as a
' witness, the committee room being crowded to hear him,
* he always declined to engage in the very lucrative work
' of a professional witness. He made a rule never to
* appear except on behalf of undertakings of which he was
* the engineer, or with which his own companies were
* interested. To help a friend, he occasionally but very
* rarely broke through this resolve ; but, whether he ap-
' peared in support of his own plans or those of others,
' there were few, if any, professional men whose evidence
' carried more weight than his did before Parliamentary
* Committees.'
The following memorandum from Mr. George T. Clark,
of Dowlais, formerly one of Mr. Brunei's assistants, con-
tains his recollections of Mr. Brunei during the construc-
tion of the Great Western Railway : —
' I made your father's acquaintance, rather character-
* istically, in an unfinished tunnel of the Coal-pit Heath
* Railway ; and when the shaft in which we were suspended
' cracked and seemed about to give way, I well remember
* the coolness with which he insisted upon completing the
* observations he came to make. Shortly afterwards I
' became, at his request, his assistant ; and during the
EEMINISCENCES OF MR. ERUNEL, a.d. 1835—1838. 95
* parliamentary struggle of 1835, and the subsequent
* organisation of the staff, and commencement of the
* works of the Great Western, 1 saw him for many hours
* daily, both in his office and in the field, travelled much
* with him, and joined him in the very moderate recreation
' he allowed himself.
' These two years, and the preceding year, 1834, were,
* I apprehend, the turning points of his life. His vigour,
' both of body and mind, were in their perfection. His
* powers were continually called forth by the obstacles he
' had to overcome ; and the result of his examinations in
* the committee rooms placed him, in the opinion of the
' members of the legislature, and of his own profession, in
' the very first rank of that profession, both for talents
* and knowledge.
* I wish I could convey to you even a tolerable idea of
' your father as he was in those years, during which I
' knew him intimately, and saw him often under circum-
' stances of great difficulty.
' He was then a young man, but in the school of the
' Thames Tunnel he had acquired a close acquaintance
* with all kinds of masons' and carpenters' work, the
' strength and cost of materials, bridge building, and con-
* structions under water, and with the working of the
* steam engine as it then stood. It happened not unfre-
' quently that it was desirable to accept the tender of some
' contractor for railway work whose prices upon certain
' items were too high, and then it became the engineer's
* business to go into the details and convince the con-
* tractor of his error. On such occasions Brunei would
' go step by step through the stages of the work, and it
* was curious to see the surprise of the practical man as
' he found himself corrected in his own special business
* by the engineer. Thus, I remember his proving to an
* eminent brickmaker who had tendered for the Chippen-
96 EAILWAY WOKKS.
ham. contract that the bricks could be made much
cheaper than he supposed. He knew accurately how
much coal would burn so many bricks, what it would
cost, what number of bricks could be turned out, what
would be the cost of housing the men, what the cart-
age, and how many men it would require to complete
the work in the specified time. The contractor was
astonished ; asked if Mr. Brunei had ever been in the
brick trade, and finally took and made money by the
contract at the proposed figure.
' In the case of the Maidenhead bridge, the contractor
being alarmed at learning that the arch was the flattest
known in brick, Brunei pointed out to him that the
weight which he feared would crush the bricks, would
be less than in a wall which he, the contractor, had
recently built, and he convinced him by geometry, made
easy by diagrams, that the bridge must stand. Know-
ledge of detail Brunei shared with the carpenter, builder,
or contractor for earthwork, and he was their superior in
the accuracy and rapidity with which he combined his
knowledge, and arrived at correct conclusions as to the
cost of the work and the time it would take to execute it.
* In talking to landowners and others whose opposition
it was important to overcome, I have often been struck
by your father's great powers of negotiation. The most
absurd objections — and there were many such — were
listened to with good humour, and he spared no pains in
explaining the real facts, so that it sometimes happened
that he converted opponents into supporters of the rail-
way. In the course he took there was much skilful
diplomacy, but there was no dishonesty, no humbug.
He was very frank and perfectly sincere. His object
was to impart his own convictions, and in that he often
succeeded.
REMINISCENCES OF MR. BRUNEL, a.d. 1835—1838. 97
' I never met liis equal for sustained power of work.
* After a liard day spent in preparing and delivering
* evidence, and after a hasty dinner, he would attend con-
* sultations till a late hour ; and then, secure against
* interruption, sit down to his papers, and draw specifica-
' tions, write letters or reports, or make calculations all
* through the night. If at all pressed for time he slept in
* his armchair for two or three hours, and at early dawn
* he was ready for the work of the day. When he
* travelled he usually started about four or five in the
* morning, so as to reach his ground by daylight. His
* travelling carriage, in which, he often slept, was built
' from his own design, and was a marvel of skill and com-
' fort. This power of work was no doubt aided by the
* abstemiousness of his habits and by his light and joyous
* temperament. One luxury, tobacco, he indulged in to
* excess, and probably to his injury. At all times, even in
* bed, a cigar was in his mouth ; and wherever he was
* engaged, there, near at hand, was the enormous leather
* cigar-case so well known to his friends, and out of which
* he was quite as ready to supply their wants as his own.
* His light and joyous disposition was very attractive.
* At no time was he stern, but when travelling or off work
' he was like a boy set free. There was no fun for which
* he was not ready, On the old Bath road, on a Wiltshire
' chalk hill-side, is cut a large horse, the pride of the dis-
* trict, and only inferior in reputation to that of the
* famous Berkshire vale. The people of the district,
* afraid to lose their coach traffic, were violently opposed
' to the Great Western Eailway Bill. Talking over this
* one evening, some one suggested turning the horse
* into a locomotive. Brunei was much amused at the idea,
* and at once sketched off the horse from memory, roughly
* calculated its area, and arranged a plan for converting it
H
98 KAILWAY WORKS.
* into an engine. Ten picked men were to go down in
^ two chaises, and by moonliglit to peg and line out tlie
* new figure, and then cut away the turf, and with it cover
* up as much of the horse as might be left. From the
* tube was to issue a towering column of steam, and below
* was to be inserted in bold characters the offensive letters
* G. W. R. It was, of course, not intended to carry this
* joke into execution, but Brunei often alluded to it, and
* laughed over the sensation it would have created.
'■ He possessed a very fine temper, and was always ready
* to check differences between those about him, and to put
* a pleasant construction upon any apparent neglect or
' offence. His servants loved him, and he never forgot
* those who had stood by his father and himself in the
* old Tunnel days of trouble and anxiety.
' No doubt the exertions of those three years, though
* they laid the foundation, or rather built the fabric, of his
' reputation, also undermined his constitution, and even-
* tually shortened his life. Everything for which he was
* responsible he insisted upon doing for himself. I doubt
* whether he ever signed a professional report that was
' not entirely of his own composition ; and ever}?- structure
* upon the Great Western, from the smallest culvert up to
* the Brent viaduct and Maidenhead bridge, was entirely,
* in all its details, from his own designs.'
In the press of work and the altered circumstances
under which he superintended the construction of his later
railways, many changes inevitably followed. The open
britzska gave place to a close travelling carriage, which in
its turn became useless ; and no time was left for fun or
practical jokes ; but the same energy of mind and the
same kindliness of heart remained uninfluenced by in-
creasing occupations or advancing years.
99
CHAPTEE V.
THE BROAD GAUGE.
ORIGIN OF THE ORDINARY GAUGE OF RAILWAYS — ADOPTION BY MB. BRTTNEL
OF THE BROAD GAUGE ON THE GREAT WESTERN RAILWAY REASONS FOR ITS
ADOPTION THE PERMANENT WAY REPORTS OF MB. NICHOLAS WOOD AND
MB. JOHN HAWKSHAW, 1838 EXTRACT FROM REPORT OF DIRECTORS OF
GREAT -WT^STEBN RAILWAY COMPANY (DECEMBER 20, 1838) EXTENSION OF
THE BROAD GAUGE SYSTEM — BREAK OF GAUGE — ROYAL COMMISSION ON
THE GAUGE OF RAILWAYS, 1845 LETTER OF MB. BRUNEL ON THE BROAD
GAUGE (august 6, 1845) GAUGE ACT OF 1846 — THE MIXED GAUGE — REPORT
OP RAILWAY COMMISSIONEBS, 1847 NORTHERN EXTENSIONS OF THE GREAT
WESTERN RAILWAY — ADVANTAGES OF THE BROAD GAUGE PARTIAL
ABANDONMENT OF THE BEOAD GAUGE.
The railways designed by Mr. Brunei were, with a few
exceptions, distinguished from those in all other parts of
England by a peculiarity in the width between the two rails
forming each line of way, or in what is called the gauge.
In most railways, the distance between the internal edges
of the rails is 4 feet 8^ inches, being what is termed the
narrow gauge ; on Mr. Brunei's railways, it was seven feet,
or what is termed the hroad gauge.
The gauge of the earlier railways, which were but a
modification of the old wooden tramway, was made that
of the tram plates which they superseded ; and this had
been originally fixed to suit the distance between the
wheels of the country carts in the north of England.
When Mr. George Stephenson introduced the loco-
motive engine, the gauge of the lines in the Northumber-
land district had been already fixed. In laying out the
Stockton and Darlington line (1821-1825) he saw no
reason to depart from the gauge he had previously adopted ;
and, indeed, some of the waggons to be used on this line
H 2
100 THE BEOAD GAUGE.
were brouglit from the Northumberland collieries. In this
way the first important railway in England was made
with the gauge of 4 feet 8^ inches ; not from a deliberate
choice of this width on the ground of any peculiar ad-
vantages, but from the mere fact of its already being
established elsewhere.
In the construction of the Manchester and Liverpool
Railway, in 1826, the same gauge was adopted as on the
Stockton and Darlington ; this course was also followed by
the Grand Junction and the London and Birmingham
Railways, and thus the 4 feet 8^ inches gauge became
established in that part of the country.
Long experience appears to have determined the general
type of wheeled vehicles : the wheels being of somewhat
large size, and the body placed between them, so as to
come down close upon the axle-tree.
This type, which gives obvious advantages in a me-
chanical point . of view, appears to have been adhered
to in all railway vehicles used before the opening of the
Liverpool and Manchester Railway ; these, however, were
chiefly coal- waggons. But on the Liverpool and Man-
chester Railway it was soon perceived that the great
increase of carrying power which the railway afforded
must be met by a corresponding increase of space in
the rolling stock, as it was necessary to accommodate
light bulky goods and passenger traffic. The available
width between the wheels was limited to about 4 feet 6
inches, and to carry in this width any large amount of
cotton goods, or of passengers, would have required a
train of an inordinate length. To meet this difficulty a
new form of vehicle was designed ; the wheels were made
small, and the body was raised and widened out, projecting
on either side over the tops of the wheels.
OEIGIN OF THE 4 FEET 8^ INCHES GAUGE. 101
The earliest description of this form of waggon is con-
tained in the second edition of Wood's ' Practical Treatise
*on Eailroads,' published in 1832, about two years after
the opening of the Liverpool and Manchester Railway.
In Plate III., Mr. Wood shows a truck with a raised
platform overhanging the wheels, and adapted for carry-
ing loose boxes of coals ; adding, in the description :
Although the drawing shows only the form of boxes used for the
conveyance of coals, yet it will readily occur that the form can be
varied to suit the carriage of any kind of articles ; the framework
or body of the carriage being raised above the wheels, the breadth
can be extended to any width which the distance between the railways
[i.e. between the up and down lines of road] will admit (p. 75).
Such was the state of matters when, in the year 1833,
Mr. Brunei was appointed Engineer of the Great Western
Railway. With the view of leaving the question of gauge
open for future consideration, he procured the omission
in the Great Western Act of a clause defining it. He
came to the conclusion that it would be desirable to adopt
a wider gauge, and he recommended this measure to the
Directors in a report dated October 1835.*
In October 1836 a Royal Commission, consisting of Mr.
Drummond, Under-Secretary for Ireland, Mr. R. Griffith,
Colonel (now Field-Marshal) Sir John Burgoyne, R.E., and
Professor Barlow, of Woolwich, was appointed to report
on the establishment of railways in Ireland. They con-
sidered carefully the question of gauge, and their argu-
ments in favour of an increase in the gauge were afterwards
stated by Mr. Brunei to be identical with his own.
* No copy of this report can be given much attention to the principles
found ; but documents of subsequent of wheel carriages, as is manifested by
date sufficiently indicate the nature of an interesting article ' On Draught '
the arguments Mr. Brunei used in it. written by him for the work on ' The
' Horse,' published by the Society for
Mr. Brunei had about this time the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge.
102 THE BEOAD GAUGE.
They drew attention to the advantage of large wheels,
the use of which would be facilitated by a wider gauge ;
and they thought it a matter of importance to be able to
place the bodies of the carriages between the wheels, in-
stead of over them.
It was the width of the carriages, and not the distance
between the rails, that determined the general dimensions,
and therefore the cost, of the works of a railway. Mr.
Brunei saw many advantages to be gained by an increase
in the gauge, even while retaining the existing dimensions
of carriages j and he thought it unwise at the commence-
ment of a work of such magnitude as the Great Western
Railway to retain a limit the inconvenience of which had
already become apparent.
He says, in his evidence before the Gauge Commission :
Looking to the speed which I contemplated would be adopted
on railways, and the masses to be moved, it seemed to me that the
whole machine was too small for the work to be done, and that it
required that the parts should be on a scale more commensurate
with the mass and the velocity to be attained. (Q. 3924.)
The width between the rails being the fundamental
dimension of ' the whole machine,' on which its entire
development must depend, Mr. Brunei proposed to begin
by the enlargement of this dimension, and recommended
that on the Great Western Railway the gauge should be
seven feet. He considered that the whole of the parts of
the railway and of its rolling stock would be susceptible of
continual, though gradual improvement, and that it was
highly advisable to remove, in the outset, a great obstacle
in the way of this progress.
He did not in the first instance propose any important
change in the details as consequent on the wider gauge ;
KEASONS FOE ADOPTION OF BEOAD GAUGE. 103
and in regard to one of the principal points, tlie dia-
meter of the wheels, he said : —
I am not by any means prepared at present to recommend any
particular size of wheel, or even any great increase of the present
dimensions. I believe they will be materially increased ; but my
great object would be in every possible way to render each part
capable of improvement, and to remove what appears an obstacle
to any great progress in such a very important point as the dia-
meter of the wheels, upon which the resistance, which governs the
cost of transport and the speed that may be obtained, so materially
depends. (Eeport in Appendix I. p. 532.)
Mr. Brunei also looked forward to the advantages
which a wider gauge would give for the construction of the
locomotive engines. Difficulties had been already expe-
rienced from the limited width between the wheels, which
cramped the machinery, rendering it difficult of access for
repairs ; it also limited the size of the boiler and fire-box,
on which the power depended. For this reason Mr.
Brunei considered that a wider gauge would present
great advantages, as it would allow the locomotives to be
constructed of greater power, and with their machinery ar-
ranged in a more advantageous manner. He also thought
that the greater width of base for the carriages would
give increased steadiness and smoothness of motion,
with greater safety, particularly at high speeds, and that
there would be the advantage of being able to use larger
wheels for the carriages. Moreover, he had in view the
possibility which the broad gauge would give of adopting
wheels of a still larger diameter without raising the centre
of gravity, the body of the carriage being placed be-
tween them, as in the original type of common road
vehicles.
The broad gauge was also considered by Mr. Brunei in
prominent connection with the peculiarly favourable cu'-
cumstances of the Great Western line, in regard to its
104 THE BKOAD GAUGE.
gradients and curves. He thonglit that * it would not
' have been embracing all the benefits derivable from
' the gradients of the Great Western Railway, unless a
* more extended gauge was adopted.' In the first place,
it was evident that a diminution of the frictional resistance
would present the greatest advantage where the gradients
were flat. In regard to curves, the wider gauge was at that
time considered by him to be more advantageously applied
where the curves were of large radius than where they
were sharp.' On the Great Western Eailway both
gradients and curves were remarkably good; with the
exception of two inclines of 1 in 100, on which auxiliary
power was proposed to be used, there was no gradient
between London and Bristol steeper than 1 in 660, the
greater part of the line being nearly level, and except
between Bath and Bristol there was no cm've sharper than
about one mile radius.
For these reasons Mr. Brunei thought that unusually
high speed might easily be attained for passengers, and
great tractive power for goods. He said : —
I shall not attempt to argue with those who consider any increase
of speed unnecessary. The public will always prefer that conveyance
which is the most perfect, and speed, within reasonable limits, is a
material ingredient in perfection in travelling. (Report in Appen-
dix I. p. 532.)
In deciding that the distance between the rails should
be seven feet, Mr. Brunei seems to have been guided by
the principle that the wheels should be put sufficiently far
' With regard to this point, Mr. ' would not influence me now ; but at
Brunei afterwards admitted that he ' that time I certainly assumed that
had held a mistaken opinion. In ' the effect of curves was such, that
speaking of his reasons for adopting ' the radius of the curve might be
the narrow gauge on the Taff Vale ' measured in xinifs of the gauge, in
Eailway in 1838, he said before the ' which I have since found myself to
Gauge Commission : — ' One of the ' have been mistaken.'
' reasons, I remember, was one which
EEASONS FOR ADOPTION OF BEOAD GAUGE. 105
apart to admit of an ordinary carriage body being placed
between them.*
Mr. Brunei did not anticipate that the difference be-
tween the gauge he proposed and that of other railways
would lead to any important inconvenience. The views
he held on this subject were expressed fully by him in
a report of December 13, 1838. He says, speaking of
the difficulty of communication between the Great Western
and other railways : —
This is undoubtedly an inconvenience; it amounts to a pro-
hibition to almost any railway running northwards from London,
as they must all more or less depend for their supply upon other
lines or districts where railways already exist, and with which they
must hope to be connected. In such cases there is no alternative.
The Great Western Railway, however, broke ground in an
entirely new district, in which railways were unknown. At present
it commands this district, and has already sent forth branches which
embrace nearly all that can belong to it ; and it will be the fault of
the company if it does not effectually and permanently secure to
itself the whole trade of this portion of England, with that of South
Wales and the south of Ireland ; not by a forced monopoly, which
^ could never long resist the wants of the public, but by such attention
to these wants as shall render any competition unnecessary and
hopeless. Such is the position of the Great Western Railway. It
could have no connection with any other of the main lines, and the
principal branches likely to be made were well considered, and almost
formed part of the original plan ; nor can these be dependent upon
any other existing lines for the traffic which they will bring to the
main trimk.
Mr. Brunei was not singular in holding the opinion that
it would be desirable to allot a given district to one railway,
which might conveniently serve it by means of a trunk line
and branches of a special gauge. In the Eastern Counties
' See Mr. Brunei's report of August tage was taken of the broader base to
1838, printed in Appendix I. p. 528. use wheels of greater diameter. How-
This plan was never adopted, as it ever, in the saloon carriages, where
was found desirable upon the broad ease of travelling was the chief object
gauge to use still wider carriages aimed at, the bodies were placed
overhanging the wheels ; but advan- within the wheels.
106 THE BROAD GAUGE.
line, designed in 1836, by Mr. Braithwaite, and opened in
1839, a gauge of 5 feet was adopted ; and Mr. Robert Ste-
phenson, as engineer of another line, the JSTorthern and
Eastern Railway, branching out from the Eastern Coun-
ties to the northward, adopted the same gauge. It was
not till the Northern and Eastern line was extended, some
years afterwards, that the rails of the whole system were
altered to the narrow gauge.
Mr. Brunei's recommendation was adopted by the
Directors of the Great Western Railway ; and, in their
report of August 25, 1836, after observing that the gene-
rally level character of the line would greatly facilitate
the attainment of a higher speed of travelling, they pointed
out the advantages of the broad gauge, and stated that
engines had been ordered specially adaj)ted to the nature
of the line, which would be capable of attaining with
facility a rate of from thirty-five to forty miles per hour.
The line was opened between Paddington and Maiden-
head on June 4, 1838, and the performance of the engines
was considered satisfactory, trains of eighty tons and up-
wards being drawn at speeds of from thirty-eight to forty
miles per hour.
Notwithstanding these favourable results, the change
in regard to the gauge did not pass unquestioned.
Attacks were made on it in various quarters, and consi-
derable excitement was caused among the shareholders
and the public.
It was asserted that the width of 4 feet 8^ inches was
exactly the proper width for all railways, and that a devi-
ation from it was tantampunt to the abandonment of an
established principle which experience had proved to be
correct. It was further alleged that the cost of all the
works connected with the formation of the line would be
greatly increased ; that the carriages must be stronger and
ITS ADOPTION ON THE GREAT WESTERN RAILWAY. 107
lieavier, that they would not run round the curves, and
would be liable to run off the rails, and particularly
that the increased length of the axles would render
them liable to be broken. These were not advanced
as difficulties which, existing in all railways, might be
somewhat increased by the increase of gauge, but they
were assumed to be peculiar to the broad gauge, and
fatal to it. Some urgent representations appear to
have been made to the Directors ; for in their report of
August 15, 1838, they state, that as the gauge and the
permanent way, which had also been the subject of
adverse criticism, had been sources of some anxiety to
them, they had applied to three of the most eminent
authorities on the construction and working of railways —
Mr. James Walker, President of the Institution of Civil
Engineers, Mr. Robert Stephenson, and Mr. Nicholas
Wood, of Newcastle-on-Tyne — to undertake a thorough
inspection of the line, to investigate the working of it, and
to give their opinion on the plan adopted.
Mr. Walker and Mr. Stephenson declined the task, on
the ground that they did not wish to become embroiled
in professional controversy, but Mr. Wood undertook it ;
and a similar commission was afterwards given to Mr.
Hawkshaw.
In order to put the shareholders fully in possession of
all the information in their power, the Directors published
a very complete statement by Mr. Brunei on the arrange-
ments adopted by him. It will be seen that in this report,
which is given in Appendix I. p. 525, he states his original
arguments, and answers the objections brought against his
plans ; and he contends that the result of experience esta-
blishes their success. In regard to the gauge, he says : —
Everything that has occurred in the practical working of the
hne confirms me in raj' conviction that we have secured a most
108 THE BEOAD GAUGE.
valuable power to the Great Westem Eailway, and that it would be
folly to abandon it.
But the two engineers, to wliom the consideration of this
matter had been referred, differed materially in opinion
from Mr. Brunei. The nature of their investigations and
reports, and of Mr. Brunei's replies, is stated in the extracts
given below from the report of the Directors in January
1839.
In addition to the question of gauge, another important
matter referred to the consideration of Mr. Wood and
Mr. Hawkshaw was the construction of the permanent
way.^ On the Great Westem a construction had been
introduced by Mr. Brunei differing materially from that
ordinarily used; and as defects had shown themselves
after the opening of the railway, some anxiety was felt in
reference to it by many of the shareholders.
The subject of the permanent way adopted on the Great
Western Eailway does not necessarily belong to the gauge
question, and would, perhaps, have been more properly
considered in the chapter on Mr. Brunei's railway works ;
but, as a matter of fact, the controversy concerning it
became so interwoven with that of the broad gauge, that
in a historical account it would be difficult to separate
them.
It appeared to Mr. Brunei that, with a view of applying
the engine power to the greatest advantage, particularly
in attaining high speed, more attention ought to be paid
to the construction of the permanent way. He says, in
a report dated February 1837 : —
' In the course of constructing the When these were done with, the pro-
earth-works of a railway, the con- per road for the trains was laid down ;
tractors were accustomed to lay down and this, to distinguish it from the
temporary ways or lines of rail, for former one, was called the permanent
the earth waggons to travel upon. ivay.
THE PERMANENT WAY. 109
It appears to be frequently forgotten that although lofty em-
bankments and deep cuttings, bridges, viaducts, and tunnels are
all necessary for forming the level surface upon which the rails are
to be laid, yet they are but the means for obtaining that end ; and
the ultimate object for which these great works are constructed,
and for Avhich the enormous expenses consequent upon them are
incurred, consits merely of four level parallel lines, not above two
inches wide, of a hard and smooth surface ; and upon the degree of
hardness, smoothness, and parallelism (which last has hitherto been
very much neglected) of these four lines depend the speed and cost of
transport, and in fact the whole result aimed at. . . .
In forming all my plans I have looked to the perfection of the
surface on which the carriages are to run, as the great and ultimate
desideratum ; and in the detail of construction of this last operation,
without which all the previous labour is comparatively wasted, I
have always contemplated introducing all the perfection of materials
and workmanship of which it is capable.
With a view to improvement on this point, Mr.
Brunei considered it would be advantageous if two im-
portant changes were made. He proposed, in the first
place, to abolish the use of stone blocks for the rails to
rest on, and to substitute timber ; and, secondly, to apply
the support uniformly and continuously along the whole
leng-th of the rails, instead of only at intervals.
The first of these changes, namely, the substitution of
timber for stone, was not wholly new, for transverse
wood sleepers were often used in exceptional situations ;
but it was the general opinion that stone, where it could
be applied, formed the best support for the rails,' and the
exclusive employment of timber was considered a great
innovation.
The other principle, that of * continuous bearing,' was
similar to that of the old wooden and stone tramways;
and, even as applied to iron rails it had been extensively
used before, as Mr. Brunei mentions in his report of
August 1838 (see Appendix I. p. 535.)
• See Wood On Railways, 3rd. edit. 1838, p. 151.
110 THE BROAD GAUGE.
Mr. Brunei designed for this continuous bearing a
peculiar shape of rail, which, from the form of its section,
acquired the name of the ' bridge rail.' The rail was
bolted down to the longitudinal timbers, and the timbers
of the two rails were connected together at intervals by
cross-pieces, called transoms, bolted to them ; these served
to keep the two rails at a proper distance apart. The
longitudinal timbers lay on gravel or other ' ballast,' which
had been found to form the best foundation, as being
firm and solid, easy of adjustment, and allowing free
drainage.^
Mr. Brunei, however, thought there would be difficulty
in giving the longitudinal baulks a sufficiently solid bearing
on the gravel below them.
A similar difficulty had already been experienced with
the heavy stone blocks used on other railways. As a
remedy for this, Mr. Stephenson caused each block to be
lifted and dropped several times on its place, so as to con-
solidate the ballast below.
The same thing could not be done with a long wooden
baulk, and Mr. Brunei therefore contrived another mode
of overcoming the difficulty. Piles were driven into the
ground between the rails, and their heads bolted to the
cross-transoms, the object being to hold the timber
framework firmly down. The gravel was then rammed
hard under the longitudinal baulks, to give the con-
solidation desired. The result, however, of this mode of
construction was far from successful, and the state of the
road, when run over by the trains, was in many places
very defective.^
' A full description of the original ' At this time Mr. Brunei was
road of the Great Western Railway, confined to the house by the effects
communicated by Mr. Brunei, will be of his accident on board the ' Great
{ownd m Wood's Treatise on Eailroads, 'Western' steam-ship (see p. 242).
3rd edit. 1838, p. 708. Had he been on the spot, he would
THE PERMANENT WAY. Ill
In the course of liis enquiry Mr. Wood tried a large
number of experiments on the Great Western and other
lines. He was of opinion that stone blocks afforded a
permanently firmer base, and so caused less resistance to
the train, but that there was less noise with continuous
timber bearings, and that they gave a smoother and a
more perfect road for high rates of speed. He thought,
however, that the piles were objectionable, and that the
weight of the trains would in the course of time sufficiently
consolidate the foundation. Mr. Brunei accepted Mr.
Wood's conclusions and abandoned the piling, adopting
at the same time larger timbers and heavier rails.
The experience of the permanent way, as thus altered,
fully justified the favourable anticipations Mr. Brunei had
formed of the continuous timber bearing.^
After the reports of Mr. Wood and Mr. Hawkshaw, with
Mr. Brunei's replies to them, had been circulated among
the shareholders, a special general meeting was called in
London, to receive and consider these documents. It was
convened for December 20, 1838, but was adjourned till
January 9, 1839. This meeting was of great importance,
not only to the Company, but to Mr. Brunei personally,
as on the resolutions to be passed depended whether or
not his plans should be proceeded with.
He had, however, the warm support of the Directors,
as will appear from the following extracts from their
report.
have been able to give the work care- carriages and to the road is generally
ful consideration during its progress, less serious than it is when the wheels
and to judge of the expediency of of a carriage off the rails come into
proceeding with the plan. repeated and violent contact with the
' The continuity of the timbers cross sleepers. Instances have fre-
diminishes the risk of trains leaving quentlyoccurred where carriages which
the line from small imperfections in have left the rails have run consider-
the permanent way. And, should a able distances on the longitudinal
train leave the rails, the injury to the timbers without injury.
112 TBE BUOAD GAUGE.
It may be here concisely stated, that Mr. Wood deduces A-om
experiments upon the performance of engines on the Great Western
and other lines, that although a higher rate of speed has been
attained on the former, it would appear only to have been a,ccom-
plished by the increased power of the engines, with a much greater
consumption of coke when calculated per ton per mile. He ascribes
this result principally to the resistance presented by the atmosphere
to the motion of railway trains, especially at high rates of speed.
His remarks on that subject are qualified, however, by the ex-
pression of a doubt as to the value to be assigned to the single set
of experiments on each of two inclined planes, which are quoted as
the authority for the degree of atmospheric resistance supposed to
have been discovered.
The reduction of friction by the employment of wheels of in-
creased diameter, and the benefit of lowering the carriages between
the wheels, are affirmed by Mr. Wood as incontrovertible. The
increased sta.bility, and consequent increased steadiness of motion
to carriages on the wider base, are also admitted by him. . . .
The various propositions of doubtful advantage from the wide
gauge, as well as of alleged objection to it, appear to have been
thoroughly considered in the report in question. The experiments
on the consumption of coke at high velocities were unfavourable,
and, in connection with the theory of atmospheric resistance, appear
to have influenced the mind of Mr. Wood to consider that a seven- '
feet gauge was beyond the width which he would deem the best.
At the same time, upon a review of all the circumstances, and con-
sidering that there are counteracting advantages, incidental to an
increased Avidth of gauge, he does not think that the result of his
enquiries v/ould justify a change in the dimensions adopted on this
line, and he recommends the present width should be retained.
The advice thus given by Mr. Wood, upon mature reflection,
being directly at variance with the conclusion at which Mr. Hawk-
shaw had previously arrived upon an investigation similarly dele-
gated to him, it became the duty of the Directors to consider most
attentively the train of reasoning and argument which led the latter
to urge such an opposite course. Naturally expecting from that
circumstance to find in his report a clear and definite statement of
the positive loss or disadvantages accruing from the increased width
of gauge, the Directors could not fail to remark with some surprise
that he enforces his recommendation, not upon any ascertained
injury or failure in the plan, but almost exclusively upon the pre-
sumption that all railways, however disconnected or locally situated,
EEPOKT OF DECEMBEK 1838. 113
should be constructed of one uniform width. While he appears to
think that it might be an improvement to have an addition of a few
inches, five or six at the most, he still questions the expediency of any
variation from the 4 feet 8^ inches gauge. Mr. Hawkshaw, in his re-
port, also considers any additional expense upon the gauge, as well as
upon the improvement of gradients, to be undesirable, and assumes it
at a scale of augmentation far beyond the real difference of cost. His
estimates on that head are impeached in the engineer's observations,
and no doubt exists in the minds of the Directors, that the subject,
reduced to a mere question of figures, in its present position, would
undeniably show a pecuniary loss to be borne by the Company by
any such change of system as he advocates, even if it were on other
grounds deemed advisable. The objection that the wide gauge
might prevent a junction with other lines seems both to Mr. Wood
and the Directors to have but little weight, as applied to the Great
Western Railway. Already has the same width been contemplated
and provided for in the extension lines through Gloucestershire to
Cheltenham and from Bristol to Exeter. Any local branches here-
after to be made would undoubtedly follow the same course, and the
proprietors, therefore, may be satisfied that no apprehension need be
entertained by them on that head.
The advantage of following Mr. Wood's advice, in not making any
alteration in the width of way, has been since most forcibly shown
by more recent experiments, which have entirely changed the
residts upon Avhich the chief objections to the gauge were founded.
The performance of the engines, shown by Mr. Wood's experiments
in September, gave such a disproportionate result in their power
upon the attainment of high velocities, as to render it all but im-
possible that the eifect could be entirely produced by the action of
the atmosphere on the trains. All doubts were shortly removed by
its being ascertained that a different cause (a mere mechanical defect
in the engine itself) had been in operation. If Mr. Wood had
witnessed these recent performances of the engines, he must un-
questionably have changed his opinions as to the means and
practicability of carrying full average loads at a high speed, Avithout
the great increased expense of fuel. The Directors have satisfied
themselves of this very important fact, by personally attending an
experiment (accompanied by several gentlemen, among whom was
a very eminent practical mechanic), on which occasion the ' North
' Star ' took a train of carriages, calculated for 166 passengers, and
loaded to 43 tons, to and from Maidenhead, at a mean average speed
of thirty-eight miles per hour, the maximum being forty-five miles
I
114 THE BEOAD GAUGE.
per hour, consiiming only 0'95, or less than 1 lb. of coke per net ton
per mile, instead of 2'76, say 2| lbs., as previously shown. This
was accomplished by a mere altered proportion in the blast pipe of
the engine, in the manner explained by Mr. Brunei, being a simple
adaptation of size in one of the parts, which admits a more free escape
of steam from the cylinder, after it has exerted its force on the piston,
still preserving sufficient draft in the fire.^
It must be almost needless to point out to those who have
perused the reports, how importantly this change bears upon the
subject in almost every relation of the enquiry. It negatives the
assumption that the velocity can only be attained by a ruinous loss
of power. It establishes beyond doubt that the consumption of fuel
as now ascertained, in proportion to the load, is only one-third of
that which from the former experiments had been the basis of
Mr, Wood's arguments. An analysis in the report of the perfor-
mance of the Great Western engines, with heavy loads varying from
80 tons to 166 tons, shows in every respect a peculiarly satisfactory
result at a small cost of fuel, and warrants the expectation of very
great benefit to the Company from the economical transport of
goods on the line. That the expenses of locomotive repairs, es-
pecially on that heavy class of repair which arise from lateral strains
on the wheels and framing of the engines, have been materially less
than on other lines is ascertained by very detailed accounts, ac-
curately made and submitted to the Board by the superintendent of
that department. The experience of some months has now enabled
the Directors to witness the progressive improvement in the practical
working of the railway. A higher rate of speed has been generally
maintained than on other lines, and at the same time, with that
increased speed, great steadiness of motion has been found in the
carriages, with consequent comfort to the pas.sengers. If speed,
security, and comfort, were three great desiderata in the original
institution of railway travelling, the Directors feel sure that the
public will appreciate and profit by any improvements in those
' This experiment excited the operation of the blast-pipe had on
greatest interest, and it was long the working of the locomotive that he
afterwards related how Mr. Brunei, by afterwards investigated the whole sub-
the stroke of a hammer, had knocked ject, and made further experiments to
to pieces the scientific deductions of determine whether or not it might be
Dr. Lardner, who, as was well known, expedient to abandon the steam blast,
had prompted Mr. Wood's decision in and to maintain the draught in the
this matter. chimney with a fan worked by a
Mr. Brunei was so much impressed rotary steam jet.
with the great influence which the
EEPORT OF DECEMBER 1838. 115
qualities, the Company deriving ample remuApration in the shape of
increased traffic. A saving of time upon a long journey, with in-
creased comfort, will necessarily attract to one line in preference to
another many travellers from beyond the ordinary distance of local
connection, and will thus secxn-e a valuable collateral trade which
Avould not otherwise belong to it. It has also a decided tendency
to avert competition, which may with much reason be regarded as
the chief peril to which railway property is subjected.
The Directors, upon a deliberate reconsideration of all the cir-
citmstances affecting the permanent welfare of the undertaking,
divesting the question of all personal partialities or obstinate ad-
herence to a system, unanimously acquiesce in the abandonment
of the piles, in the substitution of a greater scantling of timber, and
of a heavier rail, retaining the width of gauge with the continuous
timber bearings, as the most conducive to the general interests of
the Company.
The views of the Directors were approved of by the
majority of the shareholders (the numbers being 7,792 for,
and 6,145 against) ; and the construction of the line was
proceeded with according to Mr. Brunei's plans.
By June 30, 1841, the whole length of the Great
Western Railway was opened from London to Bristol.
Some of the Directors' reports mention the fact that the
speed uniformly maintained by the engines much exceeded
the ordinary rate of railway travelling, and allude to the
* general testimony borne to the smoothness and comfort of
'■ the line and carriages.'
As has been before mentioned, extensions and branches
on the same gauge, to all of which Mr. Brunei was en-
gineer, were projected and ultimately carried out, in
accordance with the original scheme of the undertaking,
to Exeter, Plymouth, and Cornwall, and to Gloucester,
Hereford, and South Wales, as well as to Oxford, Windsor,
and other towns in the immediate neighbourhood of the
line.
About 1844, the attention of the Company began to be
I 2
116 THE EEOAD GAUGE.
directed to projects involving extensions of a much more
serious character, and which were destined to have a
powerful influence on the position of the gauge question.
During the railway mania, the Great Western Company
found it impossible to stand aloof from the contests which
were going on around them, and thought it necessary, in
order to protect their own interests, to extend their lines
beyond the district to which they had originally intended
to confine themselves.
At the general meeting in August, an extension from
Oxford to Eugby was determined on, as ' of the greatest
' importance to the Great Western line.' About the same
time a broad-gauge line was promoted from Oxford to
Worcester, and thence by Kidderminster and Dudley to
Wolverhampton, in order to open an immediate communi-
cation with the Staffordshire and Worcestershire districts.
There were also rival projects on the narrow gauge, pro-
moted by the London and Birmingham Company; and
the competing plans were referred, as was the custom at
that time, for the examination of the Railway Department
of the Board of Trade.
In regard to the communication from north to south,
through Oxford, the question was, where the break of
gauge should be.^ The Board of Trade saw nothing in
the relative merits of the gauges to determine this ques-
tion, and from commercial considerations, they recom-
mended that the change of gauge should be made at
Oxford. On this and other grounds they considered that
the narrow gauge schemes to the north of Oxford were
preferable to those of the Great Western Railway.
' The inconveniences of a break of ter, laid on the narrow gauge, and
gauge had already bgen brought into another between Bristol and Glou-
notice. One of the narrow-gauge cester, on the broad gauge ; and thus
companies, the Midland, worked there was a break of gauge at
two existing lines of railway, one Gloucester,
between Birmingham and Glouees-
EXTENSION OF THE SYSTEM. 117
The rival schemes then went before Parliament, and
after a protracted enquiry, obstinately fought between the
parties, the decision was given in favour of the Great
Western lines, contrary to the recommendation of the
Board of Trade. It was, however, stated by the chairman
of the Commons Committee that the decision had been
founded on the local and general merits of the respective
lines, without any reference to the comparative merits
of the two gauges. On this account some peculiar pro-
visions were made in the Acts ; for though the lines
were sanctioned on the broad gauge, the proprietors were
bound also to lay down narrow gauge rails upon them, if
required to do so by the Board of Trade. At the same
time the House of Commons, on the motion of Mr.
Cobden, passed a Resolution praying her Majesty to refer
the gauge question to a Royal Commission.
A Commission was issued in July ; the Commissioners
being three in number — Sir J. M. Frederic Smith, R.E. ;
Mr. G. B. Airy, Astronomer Royal ; and Professor Barlow,
of the Royal Military Academy, Woolwich. They took
a large amount of evidence, both oral and documentary,
and made some examinations of the working of the two
gauges. Their report was presented to Parliament early
in the session of 1846.
Of forty-eight witnesses, thirty-five were advocates of the
narrow gauge ; and against these were arrayed but four
champions of the broad gauge, all officers of the Great
Western Railway : — Mr. Charles Alexander Saunders, the
secretary ; Mr. Seymour Clarke, the traffic superintendent ;
Mr. (now Sir Daniel) Gooch, the locomotive superinten-
dent ; and Mr. Brunei.
The report was of considerable length, and in it the
Commissioners addressed themselves to three heads of
enquiry, viz. :— j *•— — «««wuao,M»«v..
UNJVERf'r -
U t It t
118 THE BEOAD GAUGE.
1. Whether the break of gauge was an inconvenience of
so much importance as to demand the interference of the
legislature.
2. What means could be adopted for obviating or miti-
gating such inconvenience.
3. Considerations on the general policy of establishing
a uniformity of gauge throughout the country.
The general conclusions arrived at on these points were
thus summed up by the Commissioners : —
1 . That, as regards the safety, accommodation and convenience of
the passengers, no decided preference is due to either gauge, but that
on the broad gauge the motion is generally more easy at high
velocities.
2. That, in respect of speed, we consider that the advantages are
with the broad gauge ; but we think the public safety would be en-
dangered in employing the greater capabilities of the broad gauge
much beyond their present use, except on roads more consolidated,
and more substantially and perfectly formed, than those of the existing
lines.
3. That, in the commercial case of the transport of goods, we
believe the narrow gauge to possess the greater convenience, and to
be the more suited to the general traffic of the country.
4. That the broad gauge involves the greater outlay, and that we
have not been able to discover, either in the maintenance of way, in
the cost of locomotive power, or in the other annual expenses, any
adequate reduction to compensate for the additional first cost.
Therefore, esteeming the importance of the highest speed on express
trains for the accommodation of a comparatively small number of
persons, however desirable that may be to them, as of far less moment
than affording increased convenience to the general commercial
traffic of the country, we are inclined to consider the narrow gauge
as that which should be preferred for general convenience, and
therefore, if it were imperative to produce imiformity, we should
recommend that uniformity to be produced by an alteration of the
broad to the narrow gauge.
Guided by the foregoing considerations, the Commis-
sioners recommended that 4 feet 8^ inches should be fixed
by law as the standard gauge of the country ; and that
THE GAUGE COMMISSION, a.d. 1845. 119
as to the existing broad gauge lines, either they should
be altered to the narrow gauge, or some course adopted
which would admit of narrow gauge carriages passing
along them.'
This adverse report was a great surprise to the sup-
porters of the broad gauge system, as rumours had led
them to hope for a different result. Immediately after
its appearance, several documents were published, contain-
ing powerful and severe strictures on the proceedings and
opinions of the Commissioners. The most important of
these was written by Mr. Saunders, Mr. Daniel Gooch, and
Mr. Brunei. It occupied fifty closely printed folio pages,
and was entitled, 'Observations on the Report of the
* Gauge Commissioners, presented to Parliament.' To
this, ' Supplemental Observations ' were added, after the
publication of the Evidence and the Appendix to the
Report.
In the conclusion of the ' Observations ' the writers gave
a summary of the points they considered to have been
proved in the controversy, namely —
That the question of * break of gauge * originated as a
cloak to a monopoly.
That even if the gauge were uniform, through trains
would be impracticable.
That the transfer would be of little inconvenience.
That any advantage of small waggons was applicable
to the broad gauge, but that the advantage of large
waggons was not applicable to the narrow.
That the competition between the two systems was ad-
vantageous.
■ It should, however, be added, ' present rate of speed, and the in-
that the Commissioners had stated in ' creased accommodation of the rail-
the body of their report : ' We feel it ' way carriages, to the genius of Mr.
' a duty to observe here, that the ' Brunei and the liberality of the
' public arc mainly indebted for the ' Great Western Company.'
120 THE BROAD GAUGE.
That the final recommendations of the Commissioners
were at variance with their separate conclusions.
That it would be unjust to refuse to allow the broad
gauge to be laid down on lines for which it was already
sanctioned by Parliament.
That the enquiry before the Commissioners was not
properly conducted, and that consequently no legislation
ought to be founded on it.
That the data published by the Commissioners were
often wrong, and in some cases led to the reverse of
their conclusions.
That greater economy was proved on the broad gauge.
That the broad gauge was superior in the points of
safety, speed, and conveyance of troops.
That the experiments made in the presence of the
Commissioners had demonstrated beyond all controversy
the complete success of the broad-gauge system.
For these and other reasons, a strong protest was made
against any legislative interference with the broad-gauge
system.
A reply was published to these arguments ; and during
the controversy a large number of pamphlets, articles,
and other publications appeared on both sides.
Mr. Brunei's views on the whole question, about this
time, are concisely expressed in the following letter,
written to a friend in France, who asked for information
on the subject of the broad gauge : —
August 4, 1845.
T am just off for Italy, but write a few hasty lines in reply to
Mons, 's queries, and which you must scold him for not address-
ing direct to me. Nobody can answer such questions but myself,
and I am compelled to be very brief.
In answer to the first, I send a drawing.
Secondly. I see no reason why the ordinary construction of rails.
OBSERVATIONS ON THE COMMISSION EES' REPOET. 121
chairs, and sleepers should not be equally applicable to the wide
gauge as to the narrow. I have used them occasionally. I should
think 75 lbs. per yard heavy enough for any purposes.
Thirdly. Within all ordinary limits, certainly in curves of more
than 250 metres [12^ chains] radius, the gauge does not affect the
question of curves. The effect of a curve of larger radius than this
appears, both from much observation as from theory, to arise merely
from two causes, the one centrifugal force, which is easily neutralised,
and is independent of gauge ; the other from the axles not being able
to travel in the direction of the radius, and consequently the wheels
not running in a tangent to the curve. This also is unaffected by
the width of gauge. Practically I believe the conditions are not
altered.
Fourthly. The expenses of construction are not dependent on the
breadth of gauge unless the total width allowed for the loads or
carriages is thereby or for other reasons increased, which is not a
necessary consequence of a seven-feet gauge.
The wide gauge could be laid upon the London and Birmingham
Railway without altering any of the works, but in constructing the
Great Western Railway I thought it desirable to provide for carry-
ing larger bodies, and I placed the centres of the two railways 13
feet apart, instead of 11 feet, and therefore my railway became /owr
feet wider in total width.
The increased cost of this, including the cost of land, will vary
from 300/. to 500/. per mile.
Fifthly. The increase of width will not increase the weight of an
engine (of the same power) 500 lbs., but I avail my self of the larger
width to get more powerful engines, and they weigh, with water in
the boiler, 18 to 21 tons. I send a drawing of one; the stroke is 18
inches.
Sixthly. The passenger carriages are aU on six wheels, and exces-
sively strong ; at present the framework of carriages and the whole
of the waggons are made of iron. The first-class carriages weigh,
with wheels, &c., 7 tons 16 cwt. (17,472 lbs.), and carry 32 pas-
sengers. Second-class about the same weight, and hold 72.
Seventhly and Eighthly. The comparison being on different rail-
ways under different managements and totally different circum-
stances, no strictly correct comparative results can be given; and
of course the most opposite opinions are entertained and expressed.
I believe we travel much quicker at the same cost and with more
ease, and certainly the wear and tear of engines and carriages is
very much less with us than with the other lines ; but for the reasons
122 THE BKOAD GAUGE.
above stated it cannot be made matter of exact proof, but remains
matter of opinion.
The report of the Gauge Commission, on being presented
to Parliament, was referred by the House of Commons to
the Board of Trade, who reported on it in June 1846.
They did not, however, concur with the Commissioners
to the full extent of their recommendations ; for, while
admitting the break of gauge to be an evil, they could
not, having regard to the circumstances under which, the
broad gauge companies had been established, and the in-
terest they had acquired, recommend either that the
broad gauge should be reduced to narrow, or that rails
should be laid down for narrow gauge traffic over all
their lines. Such measures would involve great expense,
and they were unable to suggest any equitable mode of
meeting it.
This conclusion necessarily affected the opinion of the
Board of Trade in regard to the several lines under con-
struction connected with the Great Western Railway,
which the Board recommended should be all made on the
broad gauge.
In regard to the broad-gauge lines sanctioned by Par-
liament from Oxford to Rugby, and from Oxford to Wor-
cester and Wolverhampton, the Board determined to exer-
cise their powers in requiring the narrow gauge to be laid
down, in addition to the broad.
The House of Commons adopted the recommendations
of the Board of Trade, and passed a series of resolutions
in conformity thereto, and 'An Act for regulating the
* Gauge of Railways ' received the Royal Assent on
August 18, 1846.
It was enacted that it should not be lawful to construct
any new passenger railway on any other gauge than 4
feet 8^ inches in England, and 5 feet 3 inches in Ireland.
THE GAUGE ACT, a.d. 1846. 123
Exceptions, however, were made in favour of certain
lines in the west of England and South Wales.
The provisions relating to the gauge in the Acts for the
Oxford and Rugby, and the Oxford, Worcester, and Wol-
verhampton Railways, were left in force.
The Act also generally excepted 'any railway con-
' structed or to be constructed under the provisions of
* any present or future Act containing any special enact-
* ment defining the gauge or gauges of such railway or
' any part thereof.'
This Act, while it professed to establish the narrow
gauge as the standard throughout the kingdom, did so
only nominally ; in reality, by the words ' present or
' future,' in the passage above quoted, it left the question
of the gauge of any new railway open for the consider-
ation of the committee on the particular bill ; and it
only obliged the promoters of the undertaking to adopt
the narrow gauge when no case could be proved by them
for the adoption of some other. This was equivalent to
the former state of things, so that all the agitation of
the question had ended in a mere expression of opinion,
and the broad-gauge party were not only left with all
their former liberty, but were encouraged, and almost
compelled, to push their system still farther wherever
they could.
About the time of the passing of the Gauge Act, a
Board of Commissioners of Railways was established, to
whom the powers formerly possessed by the Board of Trade
were transferred.
One of the first duties of the Commissioners was to pro-
vide for the due compliance with the order of the Board of
Trade respecting the introduction of the narrow gauge, in
conjunction with the broad, on the Oxford and Rugby
Railway.
124 THE BROAD GAUGE.
It was proposed to effect this either by laying a nar-
row gauge line concentrically between the two rails of the
broad gauge, or by laying down only one additional rail
between the two broad-gauge rails, making one of the
latter serve for both broad and narrow gauges. Mr.
Brunei recommended the second of these plans to be
adopted on the Oxford and Eugby line.
After a careful consideration of the question, the
Commissioners sanctioned the mixed gauge formed by
the introduction of a third rail; this was accordingly
laid down, and none of the dangers which were at the
time prognosticated in reference to it were found to exist.
It has been the plan almost exclusively used in the many
cases where the combination of the two gauges has been
required.
In 1846 the Great Western Eailway Company had
promoted a bill for a branch to Birmingham from the
Oxford and Rugby line at Fenny Compton. The Act was
obtained, but they were defeated on the question of the
gauge. However, after the passing of the Gauge Act, the
Company again attempted to carry the broad gauge to
Birmingham. Their application was backed by a strong
memorial from the districts interested, and in June 1847
an order was passed by the House of Lords directing the
Board of Commissioners of Railways —
To inquire into the accommodation aiForded by the several lines
of railway noAV open, or in the course of construction, or projected,
between London and Birmingham ; and to report to this House, early
in the ensuing Session of Parliament in what manner they are of
opinion that the interests of the public may be most effectually
ecured in regard to such lines; and whether it is expedient that the
broad gauge should be extended to Birmingham ; and if so, in
what manner such an arrangement can be carried into effect with
the least interference with existing interests. . . .
THE MIXED GAUGE. 125
This, of course, opened up again the whole question
of the comparative merits of the two gauges.
The Railway Commissioners issued a. series of queries
addressed to the officials of the Great Western and the
London and North Western Railway Companies, and
others. On the part of the Great Western, answers were
given by Mr. Brunei and Mr. Daniel Gooch. Mr. Gooch
also furnished the results, with tables and diagrams, of a
very comprehensive series of dynamometrical experiments,
made by him on a mile of straight and level line on the
Bristol and Exeter Railway. These experiments fully de-
monstrated the advantages of the broad gauge, and are
still the chief authority on train resistances. •
In their report the Commissioners adopled the opinion
of the Gauge Commissioners ' that a break of gauge was
/ a most serious impediment in the transport of mer-
' chandise, and that the broad gauge did not offer any
' compensating advantage so far as that description of
' traffic was concerned.' In regard, however, to passenger
traffic, they found a case for further enquiry. They said —
It is notorious that higher speeds, with larger and heavier pas-
senger trains, are regularly maintained on a part of the line of the
Great "Western Railway than on any other railway in the country.
This fact is known and greatly appreciated by a very large portion
of the public ; and no opinion respecting the extension of the district
within which the broad gauge should be adopted is likely to be
received with confidence which is not founded on a full consideration
of the circumstances to which the above fact is to be attributed,
and of the extent to which, tinder differing circumstances, if attri-
butable to the breadth of gauge, the gauge of the Great "Western
Railway offers this advantage (p. 11).
They assumed that the greater speed was due to
greater engine power, and they admitted that the increase
' These experiments will be found ing railway communication between
in the Appendix to the Report of the London and Birmingham (ordered to
Commissioners of Railways, respect- be printed May 22, 1848).
126 THE BEOAD GAUGE.
of gauge allowed of an increase in the size and power of
the locomotive. They arrived at the result that the
broad-gauge engine ' can draw on a level an ordinary
* passenger train of 60 tons with as much facility at
' sixty miles an hour as the narrow-gauge engines can at
* fifty,' the advantage, however, diminishing with steep
gradients. In their report the following passages are to
be found : —
Such appear to the Commissioners to be the advantages which
the broad gauge at present ofFers ; and although they cannot consider
them sufficient to compensate the evils attendant on two gauges, if
it were now possible to obtain uniformity of gauge, yet, as two gauges
are established, it appears to them that it might be expedient, and
for the public interest, on account of those advantages, to extend
the broad gauge to Birmingham ... (p. 14.)
By introducing the mixed gauge on the Birmingham and Oxford
Junction Railway, the line from Birmingham by Fenny Compton
to London would probably offer, as a broad-gauge railway, as rapid
a communication as the existing direct line ; ^ and great as the ad-
vantages which the public have received by the rivalry between the
gauges, in the rapid improvement in railway travelling, have been,
it might even be expected that these would be further increased
when the two systems are brought into direct competition, which as
yet they have not been (p. 16).
The report of the Railway Commissioners was presented
in May 1848. Their decision was ratified by the passing
of an Act in the same session for extending the broad
gauge from Oxford to Birmingham ; and the line was
opened in October 1852.
Beyond Birmingham the Great Western Company pur-
chased existing railways leading through Wolverhampton
and Shrewsbury to Chester, and obtained access to
Birkenhead and Manchester. It thus secured a commu-
' This was fully borne out after- against 113 of the narrow. Similar
wards, the express trains running in favourable results have been since
the same time, 3 hours, over both exhibited in the competition between
routes, though the length of the the broad and narrow gauge lines to
broad-gauge line was 129 miles, as Exeter.
BREAK OF GAUGE. 127
nication with the great Lancashire towns and the manu-
facturing districts.
But all the lines north of Wolverhampton had been
constructed on the narrow gauge, and therefore, unless
the broad gauge had been laid down on these lines, there
was a break of gauge between the northern districts and
London.
The break of gauge was found to be a much more serious
evU than had been anticipated by the Great Western Com-
pany when they were fighting their great battle in 1845.
For passengers the inconvenience was unimportant; but
for the goods traffic between the manufacturing towns
:ind London it was serious, partly on account of the ex-
pense, but more especially in consequence of the loss of
time. The delay of some hours by change of waggons,
where great competition existed, was fatal.
For these reasons the abolition of the break of gauge
became desirable. The number of narrow-gauge lines had
by the year 1861 been so increased that there was no longer
any hope of advantageously extending the broad gauge
in the north. Therefore the mixed gauge was completed
to London.
After the establishment of the narrow-gauge communi-
cation on the northern lines of the Great Western, and its
prolongation to London, there was but little inducement
to use the broad gauge north of Didcot.
So far as it extended, the broad gauge had exhibited in
a marked degree the advantages Mr. Brunei claimed for
it, and which were neither few nor unimportant.
It may be desirable before concluding this chapter to
sum up those advantages : —
1. It gave the power of constructing more powerful
engines, by which greater speed for passenger trains and
128 THE BROAD GAUGE.
greater tractive power for heavy goods trains were ob-
tained.'
2. It gave more space for the convenient arrangement
and benej&cial proportions of the machinery, as well as for
convenient access to it. In all these points difficulties
had been found on the narrow gauge; and the com-
pulsory restriction of so important a dimension as the
width between the rails has been a bar to any improve-
ments of great magnitude or comprehensive nature.
3. It gave, even with the overhanging carriage, the
facility for obtaining large wheels, and consequently dimi-
nishing the axle friction without sacrifice of stability.
4. The greater width of base for the carriages to rest
on gave increased steadiness and smoothness of motion,
particularly at high speeds. It was the impulse given
by the increase of speed and comfort obtained without
difficulty on the broad gauge, which had led to the
chief improvements introduced in railway travelling.
5. Greater safety was secured, particularly at high speed,
from the greater stability of position due to the wider
base, producing increased steadiness and diminishing the
chance under exceptional circumstances of the derange-
ment of any part of the train.
6. While the broad gauge was but little more costly
than the narrow, the width of the works being deter-
mined not by the width of the rails, but by the width
of the carriages, and the extra cost of rolling stock
being very small,^ the broad gauge could be worked
' Among many important advances line to Exeter, express trains ran from
in railway travelling made on the London to Exeter, 194 miles, in 4 J
Great Western Railway, it may be hours. This rate of travelling, which
mentioned that it was on this line was accomplished without difficulty
that express trains running long dis- by the broad gauge in its early days,
tances without stopping were first has scarcely been exceeded since on
introduced ; and that, in 1845, within any railway,
about a year of the completion of the * Even in the locomotives when of
ADVAXTAaES OF THE BROAD GAUGE. 129
more economically under parallel circumstances tlian tlie
narrow.
7. It gave the facility of using broader vehicles v?itli
equal steadiness, in cases where the extra breadth would
be useful, though the extra breadth was by no means
an essential part of the scheme.
The truth of these assertions, as establishing the
superiority of the broad gauge, was of course vehemently
denied by the advocates of the narrow gauge.
One objection urged by them, the inconveniences of
the break of gauge, has undoubtedly been proved by ex-
perience to be a very powerful one, so powerful indeed as
to compel the abandonment of the broad gauge on the
lines where any considerable quantity of goods traffic has
to be carried in competition with other companies.
Had Mr. Brunei's original plan been carried out, and
had the broad-gauge companies taken possession of all the
western portions of England, and avoided extensions into
the north, the points of contact would no doubt have been
so unimportant that no great inconvenience would have
arisen, or a few miles of double gauge would have re-
moved any difficulty ; but, under the actual circumstances
of the case, the Great Western Company were forced to
yield.
The advantages of the broad gauge were so much ap-
preciated by the districts it served, that its abandonment
was viewed with considerable displeasure, particularly in
the neighbourhood of Birmingham ; but the inconvenience
equal power, Mr. Brunei calculated although Mr. Brunei had taken ad-
that the extra weight was not more vantage of the broad gauge to get
than about 500 lbs. carriage bodies 2 feet wider than was
The extra cost of the Great Western then usual.
Railway was only, including land, The wide carriages and wagons were
from 300^. to 500^. per mile, or less found less costly than the narrow ones
than 10 per cent, of the whole ; in proportion to the load they carried.
130 THE BROAD GAUGE.
of double traffic arrangements far outweighed tlie advan-
tages derivable from the use of the broad gauge, to the
limited extent it could be applied on those outlying por-
tions of the Great Western system. For these reasons
the Company came to the determination to work their
northern lines on the narrow gauge only.
The broad gauge is therefore now confined to the dis-
trict for which it was originally intended. Even in this
district there are many points of contact with the narrow
gauge ; but the inconveniences of break of gauge are by
no means so important as they were in the north, and do
not, at present at least, menace the continued existence of
Mr. Brunei's design.
131
CHAPTER VI.
THE ATMOSPHERIC SYSTEM.
A.D. 1840—1848. JETATIS 35—43.
PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS — THE SOUTH DEVON RAIL-WAT — DESCRIPTION
OF THE ATMOSPHERIC SYSTEM — HISTORY OF ITS INTRODUCTION PRIOR TO 1844
REPORT BY MR. BHXTNEL, RECOMMENDING ITS ADOPTION ON THE SOUTH
DEVON RAILWAY (AUGUST 19, 1844) — EXAMINATION OF THIS REPORT — MR.
BRUNEl's EVIDENCE BEFORE THE SELECT COMMITTEE ON ATMOSPHERIC
RAILWAYS, 1845 — HISTORY OF THE APPLICATION OF THE SYSTEM ON THE
SOUTH DEVON RAILWAY, 1844-1848 REPORT ON STATE OF WORKS (AUGUST 28,
1847) REPORT ON CAUSES OF FAILURE (AUGUST 19, 1848) ABANDONMENT
OF THE SYSTEM, SKPTEMBEB 1848 — NOTE — COMPARISON OF STATIONARY AND
LOCOMOTIVE POWER.
In tlie year 1844 Mr. Brunei recommended the adoption
of the Atmospheric System of propulsion on the South
Devon Railway, a line of 52 miles in length, which he
was then constructing between Exeter and Plymouth.
This system had, under the management of Messrs.
Clegg and Samuda, been in operation with success on the
Dalkey line for some time before Mr. Brunei adopted
their apparatus on the South Devon Railway. After it had
been in use on the South Devon for about twelve months,
it was abandoned, and the railway worked throughout by
locomotives.
It is therefore as important as it is interesting to exa-
mine the causes of the failure of the Atmospheric System,
and to consider the reasons which induced Mr. Brunei in the
first instance to adopt it, and afterwards to recommend its
abandonment.
Up to about the year 1843, the cost of railways, which
x2
132 THE ATMOSPHERIC SYSTEM.
was in a great measure due to the conditions imposed
by the limited capabilities of the locomotive, had pre-
vented their construction, except in cases where they
would secure a large traffic, and at the same time traverse
what was then considered a practicable country.
A curvature of one mile radius was regarded as the
maximum generally admissible on a line where high
speeds were aimed at, and auxiliary locomotives were
required to work heavy gradients. *
Nevertheless, by the growing wants of the public and
the growing boldness of engineers, the railway system was
gradually being forced into districts hitherto regarded as
unsuitable for it; and no country was held to be imprac-
ticable where the gradients could be surmounted by the
inconvenient and costly expedient of auxiliary power.
The south of Devon had for several years demanded
railway accommodation, and at the period now under
review, Mr. Brunei projected what was called the coast
line. This line, while it best accommodated the popula-
tion of the district, passed through a very difficult country.
If it was to be constructed at a moderate cost, curves of
a quarter of a mile radius had to be admitted ; and above
30 miles of its entire length traversed a district involving
the adoption of gradients steeper than had been elsewhere
used for such considerable distances. The Act for this
railway was obtained in the Session of 1844.
The South Devon Railway, on leaving Exeter, crosses
the flat country on the right bank of the river Exe, as far
as Starcross, a village nearly opposite to Exmouth. From
this point it runs down to the coast and along the sea-
shorCj by Dawlish, to Teignmouth ; being protected by a
sea-wall for the greater part of the distance, and passing
through several headlands by short tunnels. Beyond
Teignmouth it follows the left bank of the river Teign,
THE SOUTH DEVON EAILWAY. 133
whicli it crosses a short distance before reaching the
station at Newton Abbott. The portion of the line from
Exeter to Newton — 21-^ miles in length — is very nearly-
level, the steep inclines for which the railway is noted
being west of Newton. Between Newton and Totness, for
the first mile and a half the line is almost level, and in the
next two miles it rises 200 feet, with gradients of 1 in 100,
1 in 60, and nearly a mile of 1 in 43. At the summit is
a short tunnel ; and thence the line descends 1 70 feet in
a mile and three-quarters, with gradients of 1 in 40 and
1 in 43 for about three-quarters of a mile, and gradients
of 1 in 57 and 1 in 88 for the rest of the incline. It
then runs with more moderate gradients and about a mile
and a half of level line to Totness.
From the valley of the Dart at Totness the line rises at
once by a rapid ascent of 350 feet in four miles and a
half, with gradients varying from 1 in 48 to 1 in 90,
more than a mile and a half averaging 1 in 50. Thence it
runs, with easy up and down gradients, for a distance of
12 miles along the skirts of Dartmoor, crossing by lofty
viaducts the deep valleys which penetrate the moor. It
then descends to Plympton, in the valley of the Plym,
falling 273 feet in a little more than two miles, with a
gradient of 1 in 42 1. From Plympton the line for two
miles is level, and then rises on an incline of 1 in 80 for
a mile and a half, and descends by a similar gradient into
the Plymouth station.
The main characteristics of the railway are that, while it
traverses a very heavy country, its principal changes
of level are concentrated into four long and steep inclines.
These four inclines were intended to be worked by auxiliary
power.
Hitherto on gradients of unusual steepness a stationary
engine with rope traction had been generally regarded as
the only available expedient ; but the special difficulties
134 THE ATMOSPHEEIC SYSTEM.
by which this system was encumbered rendered it un-
suitable for high-speed passenger traffic, and practically
inapplicable to an extended line. It had, however, been
very successfully employed, by Mr. Eobert Stephenson on
the Blackwall Railway, a line of about 3| miles in length.
Messrs. Clegg and Samuda, the projectors of the
Atmospheric System, which was another mode of using
stationary power, had, previously to this period, laboured
to attract the attention and win the favourable opinion
of engineers and the general public.
It is desirable, before proceeding further, to give a brief
description of this system of traction, upon the merits of
which distinguished engineers entertained widely different
opinions.
Between the two rails of the line of way was laid a
cast-iron tube, which on the Croydon and Dalkey rail-
ways and the completed or level portion of the South
Devon Railway was fifteen inches in diameter. On the
inclines it was proposed to use a twenty-two inch tube.
At intervals of about three miles along the line were
erected stationary engines, working large air-pumps, by
means of which air could be exhausted from the tube, and
a partial vacuum created within it. A close-fitting piston
was placed in one end of the tube, and the air being
exhausted from it, the pressure of the external air on the
surface of the piston which was towards the open end
of the tube forced the piston through the tube towards
the end where the air-pumps were working; so that if
the piston were connected with a carriage running on the
rails, it would draw the carriage with it. The connec-
tion between the piston and the carriage was arranged
by Messrs. Clegg and Samuda in the following way:^
' The apparatus patented in 1839 proved from time to time by them, was
by Mr. Samuel Clegg and Messrs. that adoptedin almost all the attempts
Jacob and Joseph Samuda, and im- made in this country to introduce the
DESCEIPTION OF THE APPAKATUS. 135
Along the top of the tube was a slit about 2^ inches
wide ; this slit was closed by a long flap of leather, which
was strengthened with iron plates, and secured to the
tube at one side of the slit. One edge of the leather thus
formed a continuous hinge; the other edge, where it
closed on the tube, was sealed with a composition of
grease, to render it air-tight. This flap was known by
the name of the longitudinal valve.
When the valve was closed, the air could be exhausted
from the tube in front of the piston, and a partial
vacuum formed. Behind the piston, the air being at
atmospheric pressure both within and without the tube,
there was no objection to opening the longitudinal valve ;
and a bar, extending downwards from the under side of
the carriage, entered the slit obliquely under the opened
valve, and was connected to the rear end of a frame about
ten feet long, the front end of which carried the piston.
To allow the bar to pass along the slit, the valve was
opened on its hinge, being pressed upwards by a series
of wheels carried by the moving piston-frame inside the
tube. The valve closed again after the passage of the
train ; and the tube was ready to be exhausted in prepara-
tion for the passage of the next train.*
Atmospheric System. In reckoning was useful in traction. This, how-
up the force which was available for ever, was not the case ; for, as was
mastering the practical difficulties of admitted by the more scientific of
the undertaking, the death, in 1844, the opponents of the Atmospheric
of Mr. Jacob Samuda must be con- System, the power employed in an-
sidered to have been to his brother, ticipatory pumping was work legiti-
and to all others concerned, a great mately stored up and re-delivered in
and irreparable loss. relief of the engines during the
' A considerable amount of engine passage of the train. A waste of
power was necessarily consumed in power incidental to the Atmospheric
exhausting the tube before the passage System was indicated by the heat of
of the train commenced ; and it might the air which was delivered by the
at first sight appear that this work exhausting pumps. This waste, how-
was wasted, and that it was only the ever, amounted on the average to only
work which the engine performed 10 per cent, of the total work done. A
during the passage of the train which further source of waste of power was
136 THE ATMOSPHEEIC SI' STEM.
The Atmospheric System was first tried in 1840. An
experimental tube was laid down at Wormwood Scrubs
on part of tlie short line now incorporated into the West
London Railway, and then known by the title of the
Bristol, Birmingham, and Thames Junction Eailway. Its
working was the subject of eager discussion among
engineers.
In 1842 Sir Frederic Smith, E.E., and Professor Barlow,
under an order from the Board of Trade, reported so
favourably on the system with reference to the proposal
for its application on the Dalkey branch of the Dublin and
Kingstown Eailway, that it was adopted there. In 1843
Mr. (afterwards Sir William) Cubitt determined to employ
it on the Croydon Eailway ; and about the same time Mr.
Robert Stephenson was desired by the Directors of the
Chester and Holyhead Eailway to report on the propriety
of introducing it on that line.
Mr. Stephenson's report was based on a series of ex-
periments on the working of the system at Dalkey. The
riew he took was adverse to its adoption, not only on
the Chester and Holyhead, but on almost every railway
whatsoever ; and this on the ground that, though it was
quite capable of being developed into a practical working
system, yet on lines with ordinary gradients the atmo-
spheric traction must be considerably more costly than
locomotive traction, and on steep gradients than rope
traction ; in other words, that, as a mechanical appliance
it was, though practicable, not economical.
Mr. Stephenson's report had no sooner appeared than
the correctness of his conclusions was disputed on his
giving evidence before a Committee of the House of
the friction of the air passing along the average, to from 10 to 15 percent,
the tube to the exhausting pumps ; of the total work done,
this waste was found to amount, on
niSTOEY OF ITS INTEODUCTION. 137
Commons, in tlie spring of 1844, on the Croydon and
Epsom Railway Bill.
Mr. Brunei also was summoned as a witness. Previously
to this time he had taken a great interest in the various
attempts which had been made to introduce the Atmo-
spheric System, and he had himself conducted experiments
at Wormwood Scrubs and at Dalkey. As early as July
1840 he had considered its applicability to the Box Tunnel
incline on the Great Western Railway. He had also con-
sidered it in reference to various projected lines ; and in
1843 he recommended it for adoption in a long tunnel
on one of the steep inclines of the Genoa and Turin
Railway, the success of the system being then (he wrote)
sufficient to justify its use on a part of the line protected
from weather. It was not, however, applied on this
railway.'
Mr. Brunei's views at this time are indicated in the
following letter : —
April 8, 1844.
Any part I have taken in examining into the system has been
purely from the desire which I always feel to forward good inven-
tions ; and when I have formed a decided opinion, no fear of the
consequences ever prevents my expressing it. My great anxiety,
however, is to see a line of railway and all its appurtenances made
expressly for the Atmospheric System, and worked accordingly j
until this is done the results will be comparatively unsatisfactory.
* This was almost the only case in ' circumstances. I remember a case
which Mr. Stephenson approved of ' where it might be advantageous. Mr.
the application of the System. ' Brunei went to Italy for the purpose
Before the Croydon and Epsom Com- ' of laying out a line there, and from
mittee, in answer to thequestion, 'Does ' Genoa over the Apennines he had to
' the Atmospheric railway give you any ' form a line ; it would probably rise
' power of using practically and use- * 15 or 20 miles at 1 in 100 or 1 in 60
' fully steeper inclines than the loco- * or 70. Where there is that continu-
' motive railways ? ' Mr. Stephenson * ous line of ascent, where no stoppages
said, ' Yes, I think it does, but still ' are required, where the locomotive is
* at a very inordinate loss of power ; ' totally inapplicable, there I can con-
' still it is within the scope of the * ceive nothing more eligible than the
' Atmospheric System under particular ' Atmospheric plan ' (p. 80).
138 THE ATMOSPHEEIC SYSTEM [a.d. 1844.
Although unwilling to express general opinions, Mr.
Brunei spoke strongly before the Croydon and Epsom
Railway Committee in favour of the advantages of the
Atmospheric System under certain circumstances, and
approved of its use on that line.
A few months later Mr. Brunei recommended the Direc-
tors of the South Devon Eailway Company to adopt the At-
mospheric System, and they resolved to act on his advice.
His report was as follows : —
August 19, 1844.
I have given imicli consideration to the question referred to me
by you at your last meeting — namely, that of the advantage of the
application of the Atmospheric System to the South Devon Railway.
The question is not new to me, as I have foreseen the possibility
of its arising, and have frequently considered it.
I shall assume, and I am not aware that it is disputed by anybody,
that stationary power, if freed from the weight and friction of any
medium of communication, such as a rope, must be cheaper, is more
under command, and is susceptible of producing much higher speeds
than locomotive power ; and when it is considered that for high
speeds, such as sixty miles per hour, the locomotive engine with its
tender cannot weigh much less than half of the gross weight of the
train, the advantage and economy of dispensing with the necessity of
putting this great weight also in motion will be evident.
I must assume also that as a means of applying stationary power
the Atmospheric System has been successful, and that, unless where
under some very peculiar circumstances it is inapplicable, it is a
good economical mode of applying stationary power.
I am aware that this opinion is directly opposed to that of Mr.
Eobert Stephenson, who has written and published an elaborate
statement of experiments and calculations founded upon them, the
results of which support his opinion.
It does not seem to me that we can obtain the minute data required
for the mathematical investigation of such a question, and that such
calculations, dependent as they are upon an unattained precision in
experiments, are as likely to lead you very far from the truth as not.
By the same mode M. Mallet and other French engineers have
proved the success of the system ; and by the same mode of inves-
tigation Dr. Lardner arrived at all those resiilts regarding steam
JET. 39.] EECOMMENDED BY ME. BRUNEL. 139
navigation and the speed to be attained on railways, wliich have
since proved so erroneous.
Experience has led me to prefer what some may consider a more
superficial, but what I should call a more general and broader view,
and more capable of embracing all the conditions of the question
— a practical view.
Having considered the subject for several years past, I have
cautiously, and without any cause for a favourable bias, formed an
opinion which subsequent experiments at Dalkey have fully proved
to be correct ; viz. that the mere mechanical difficulties can be over-
come, and that the full eifect of the partial vacuum produced by an
air-pump can be communicated, without any loss or friction worth
taking into consideration, to a piston attached to the train.
In this point of view the experiment at Dalkey has entirely suc-
ceeded. A system of machinery which even at the first attempt
works without interruption and constantly for many months, may
be considered practically to be free from any mechanical objection.
No locomotive line that I have been connected with has been
^equally free from accidents.
That which is true for one railway of two miles in length is
equally true for a second or third, although they may be placed the
one at the end of the other ; the chances of an accident are only in
the proportion of the number, or in other words, the length, a pro-
portion which holds equally good with locomotives, except that a
locomotive may be aifected by the distance it has previously run,
while a stationary engine and its pipes cannot in like manner be
affected by the previous working of the neighbouring engine and pipes.
In my opinion the Atmospheric System is, so far as any stationary
power can be, as applicable to a great length of line as it is to a
short one.
Upon aU these points I could advance many arguments and many
proofs, but I shall content myself with saying that, as a professional
man, I express a decided opinion that, as a mechanical contrivance, the
Atmospheric apparatus has succeeded perfectly as an effective means
of working trains by stationary power, whether on long or short lines,
at higher velocity and with less chance of interruption than is now
effected by locomotives.
I will now proceed to consider the question of the advantage of
its application to the South Devon Kailway.
It will simplify the discussion of the question very much if it is
considered as a comparison between a double line worked by loco-
motives in the usual manner, and a single line of railway worked by
140 THE ATMOSPHEEIC SYSTEM [a.d. 1844.
stationary power, the only peculiarity of the present case being that
upon four separate portions of the whole 52 miles stationary assistant
power would under any circumstances have been used, these four
inclines forming together one-fifth of the whole distance.
It is necessary to consider it as a question of a single line on
account of the expense, th"e cost of the pipe for each line being
about 3,500^. per mile.
An addition of 7,000Z. per mile, or of about 330,000/., in the first
construction could not be counterbalanced by any adequate advan-
tage in the saving in the works on the South Devon Eailway, and
probably not by any subsequent economy or advantage in the
working; but the system admits of the working with a single
line, without danger of collision, certainly with less than upon a
double locomotive line. And I believe also that, considering the
absence of most of the causes of accidents, there will even be less
liability of interruption and less delay in the average resulting from
accidents than in the ordinary double locomotive railway.
By the modification of the gradients and by reducing the curves to
1,000 feet radius where any great advantage can be gained by so
doing, and by constructing the cuttings, embankments, tunnels, and
viaducts for a single line, a considerable saving may be effected in
the first cost.
In the permanent way and ballasting, the reduction will be about
one-half I should propose to make the rails about 52 lbs. weight
and the timber 12x6; the quantity of ballast would probably be
rather more than half, but at the present prices of iron and timber
the saving could not be less than 2,500Z. per mile.
From a careful revision of the works generally, I consider that a
reduction may be effected in the following items, and to the amount
specified in each, viz., ballasting gradients and curves : —
Eeduction in earth work
„ in length of principal tunnel
Saving hy single line.
Earth work
Tunnels
Viaducts
£
16,500
14,000
s.
0
0
d.
0
0
30,500
0
0
25,000
11,500
15,000
0
0
0
0
0
0
Peiinanent way and ballast.
To allow for sidings, say 50 miles, 2,500^. . 125,000 0 0
207,000 0 0
£
s.
d.
145,000
0
0
35,000
0
0
10,000
0
0
190,000
0
0
JP.T. 39.] EECOMMEXDED BY MR. BRUNEL. 141
Per contra.
£
Pipe on 41 i miles > . . 138,500
Increase on inclined pianos, 10 J miles . 6,500
Engines for the 4^ miles
Patent right, say ....
The difference in first cost therefore is . . 17,000 0 0
To this must however be added the cost of the
locomotive power, with its attendant expenses
of engine-houses, &c., which cannot, I think,
be put at less than .... 50,000 0 0
Making a saving of . . . . 67,000 0 0
I have not included in the expense of the Atmospheric apparatus
that of the telegraph, because at its present reduced cost of 160Z. per
mile I am convinced its use would repay the outlay in either case.
It would appear, then, that the line can be constructed and fur-
nished with the moving power, in working order, on the Atmospheric
System, for something less than the construction only of the railway
fitted for the locomotive power, but without the engines ; and that
taking into consideration the cost of locomotive power, a saving in
first outlay may be effected of upwards of 60,000Z.
But it is in the subsequent working that I believe the advantages
will be most sensible.
In the first place, with the gradients and curves of the South Devon
Railway between Newton and Plymouth, a speed of thirty miles per
hour would have been, for locomotives, a high speed, and under
unfavourable circumstances of weather and of load, it would probably
have been found difficult and expensive to have maintained even
this ; with the Atmospheric, and with the dimensions of pipes I have
assumed, a speed of forty to fifty miles may certainly be depended
upon, and I have no doubt that from twenty-five to thirty-five
jninutes may be siived in the journey.
Secondly, the cost of running a few additional trains so far as the
power is concerned is so small, the plant of engines, the attendance
of engine-men, &c., remaining the same, that it may almost be
neglected in the calculations; so that short trains, or extra trains with
more frequent departures, adapted in every respect to the varying
' The length of the line was 52 miles of very steep inclines, the cost
miles, but as it was considered that of the Atmospheric apparatus is taken
auxiliary stationary power would in on 41 J miles,
any case bo necessary on the 10^
142 THE ATMOSPHERIC SYSTEM. [a.d. 1844.
demands of tlie public, can be worked at a very moderate cost. I
have no doubt that a considerable augmentation of the general traffic
will be thus effected, by means which with locomotive engines would
be very expensive, and frequently unattainable, particularly as regards
one class of short trains, whether for passenger or goods, which from
the inconvenience of working them by locomotives are hardly known
— I refer to trains between the intermediate stations.
By many means, which the easy command of a motive power at
any time, at every part of a line, must aiford of accommodating the
public, I believe the traffic may be increased.
It appears to me also that the quahty of the travelling will be
much improved ; that we shall attain greater speed, less noise and
motion, and an absence of the coke dust, which is certainly still a
great nuisance ; and an inducement will thus be held out to those
(the majority of travellers) who travel either solely for pleasure, or
at least not from necessity, and who are mainly influenced by the
degree of comfort with which they can go from place to place.
Lastly, the average cost of working the trains will be much less
than by locomotives.
"With the gradients of the South Devon Eailway, and assuming
that not less than eight trains, including mail and goods trains,
running the whole distance, and certainly one short train running
half the distance, be the least number that would suffice, I think
an annual saving of 8,000Z. a year in locomotive expenses, including
allowance for depreciation of plant, may very safely be relied upon.
For all the reasons above quoted, I have no hesitation in taking
upon myself the full and entire responsibility of recommending the
adoption of the Atmospheric System on the South Devon Railway,
and of recommending as a consequence that the line and works
should be constructed for a single line only.^
In this report Mr. Brunei rested his recommendation
principally on two assumptions, wliicli he held to be in-
disputable— (1) That stationary power, if freed from in-
cumbrances such as the friction and dead weight of a
' It must be remembered that South Devon for the application of
beyond the South Devon Railway the Atmospheric System. Had that
was the projected railway through system succeeded, and been introduced
Cornwall, which, with its long and on the Cornwall Railway, a very great
heavy gradients, was, in all its fea- saving might have been made in the
txiies, even more suitable than the cost of the works of this line.
AT. 39.] GEOUNDS OF MK. BRUNEL'S RECOMMENDATION. 143
rope, was superior to locomotive power ; and (2) That the
Atmospheric System of traction was theoretically a good
and economical method of applying stationary power, and
that it was also a practical and working system, as had
been shown in its first and somewhat crude application at
Dalkey.
The superiority of stationary as compared with loco-
motive power depends on two principles — (a) That a
given amount of power may be supplied by a stationary
engine at a less cost than if supplied by a locomotive.
{h) That the dead weight of a locomotive forms a large
proportion of the whole travelling load, and thus in-
herently involves a proportionate waste of power — a waste
which is enhanced by the steepness of the gradients and
the speed of the trains.
A detailed examination of these principles is given in
the note to this chapter.
It is there shown that at the time referred to stationary
power could be obtained for one farthing per horse-
power per hour, while locomotive power cost more than
one penny per indicated horse-power per hour, the cost
of the locomotive power being more than four times
that of the stationary power. On a level line at a speed
of 60 miles per hour, for each horse-power usefully em-
ployed, a locomotive, in consequence of its own dead
weight and the friction of its machinery, is obliged to
expend more than one and a half horse-power ; in this
case, therefore, the useful work done costs nearly seven
times as much as if it had been performed by a stationary
engine. Again, on so moderate an ascent as one in 75, for
each horse-power usefully employed, the locomotive has to
expend at 40 miles per hour more than two horse-power,
and at 60 miles per hour three horse-power; so that
the useful work done costs in the one case nearly ten
University or Tcr^oNxo
DppartM c. M t hi C;,,,, r^, .
144 TIIE ATMOSPHERIC SYSTEM. [a.d. 18-11.
times, in tlis otliar tliirfceen times, as mucli as if it had
been performed bj a stationary engine.
This great advantage of stationary over locomotive
power was a sufficient justification for introducing a sys-
tem which promised to realise it to any considerable extent ;
although many difficulties might have to be encountered.
As has been already stated, Mr. Brunei had satisfied
himself that the Atmospheric System was theoretically
economical, and that its trial at Dalkey had shown that it
was practically free from mechanical objections. Mr.
Stephenson, indeed, had admitted that the mechanical
details had been brought to a remarkable degree of per-
fection ; but this admission was not any qualification of
the radical difference of opinion which existed between
him and Mr. Brunei, to which Mr. Brunei drew attention
in his report of August 1844.
The subsequent abandonment of the Atmospheric System
led many to believe that Mr. Brunei had been rash in
rejecting the detailed investigations and conclusions of
Mr. Stephenson, and that the adverse conclusions which
Mr. Brunei had refused to entertain were subsequently
established.
But, in fact, the failure of the Atmospheric System was
due to failure in some of its mechanical details, and was
not due to those inherent defects in its principle which
Mr. Stephenson in his report considered that his experi-
mental data had established.
Mr. Brunei's opinions were again brought prominently
into notice in the evidence given by him before a Select
Committee of the House of Commons, which was ap-
pointed in the Session of 1845, in consequence of the
number of projected lines which it was proposed to work
by the Atmospheric System.
;kt. 39.] GROUNDS OF MR. BRUNEL'S RECOMMENDATION. 145
The following letter, written by Mr. Brunei to one of
the members of the Committee, explains what he con-
sidered to be his position at this time : —
April 3, 1845.
I am summoned to attend your Committee on Friday, and as
it is known that I have expressed opinions favourable to the Atmo-
spheric System, and that I am actually applying it upon a line of
some length, it would be considered an absurd affectation, and
would, moreover, be useless to attempt, to avoid giving evidence
when so called upon ; but I am a most unwilling witness. I
think it rather hard upon a professional man, who wishes to be
cautious and prudent, that he shoidd be called upon to express
general opinions, which, if written even in the most studied
and carefvd language, cannot be so worded as to be applicable to
every case that may hereafter arise, or to be proof against the unfair
and unscrupulous attack of the paid writers on these controversies.
I mention these difficulties, which I feel that you may make some
allowances for, if my feehngs should appear in my evidence, or
if that evidence should appear to fall very short of the opinions I am
known to entertain, and which I must entertain to induce me to
apply the system extensively, as I am doing. I find it difficult to
define the points upon which it would be desirable to examine
engineering witnesses, and I really believe that, entering freshly upon
the subject and feeling as one of the public, you are more hkely to
elicit the useful points than one who, like myself, has been turning
his whole attention (lately, at least) solely to the mechanical con-
struction. However, I enclose a copy of a letter I addressed to a party
interested in the patent, which refers to my opinions on the several
points — opinions, however, expressed without that caution to which
I referred as so necessary.
{Enclosure.)
March 31, 1845.
I object very much to giving evidence upon the abstract point of
the applicability of a particular system, and thus furnishing general
opinions which others are to apply as they may choose to particular
cases ; and if I could, I would refuse to give evidence at all before
the present Committee, whatever might be the consequence to the
promoters of the Atmospheric System. Circumstances, however,
render such a refusal impossible ; but I am equally anxious not to be
drawn into becoming an advocate of a system.
L
146 THE ATMOSPHERIC SYSTEM. [a.d. 1845.
When I gave evidence last year,' although it was then very much
against my inclination, it was in support of a particular case ; and it
was only incidentally that my opinion was advanced as to a system.
The evidence is now avowedly sought in support of a system, and I
do not, as I before stated, intend to become an advocate of this or any
other system. I mention these my views to prevent disappointment.
If the following facts and opinions are likely to be of use to the
Committee, I can give evidence on them.
I made experiments upon the portion of railway laid on Worm-
wood Scrubs. These experiments were made for my own private
satisfaction, and not made public in any way.
They satisfied me of the mechanical practicability of the system.
In 1843 and 1844 I made several experiments upon the Dalkey
railway.
The result of my observations and of those experiments is an
opinion that the mechanical diffictdties attending the application of
this system may be overcome, and the whole as a machine made to
wo!rk in a very perfect manner ; that is, as a mechanical power for
locomotion it will generally, but not in every case, be more economical
than what is strictly called locomotive power, that high speeds may
be more easily attained, that, from the absence of the locomotive
engine, the rails may be constructed and maintained in more perfect
order, and as a consequence the carriages may be constructed and
worked in a more perfect manner, and so as to run more smoothly,
and that in all respects the travelling may be rendered more rapid,
more luxurious, and more safe. As regards the last, viz. safety, col-
lisions may be rendered altogether impossible, or most remotely
possible ; while all other sources of danger, now very small, may be
almost entirely removed by the increased perfection of the rails.
As regards first <;ost, a single line may be made to answer all the
purposes of a double locomotive line for most railways, except main
lines in immediate connection with the metropolis, or forming trunk
lines for others with important branches not under the same control ;
and a single Atmospheric line will generally cost as little, often less,
including the working power, than a double locomotive line without
the engines. I am now constructing a line of 52 miles in length
entirely for the Atmospheric System. I already see many advantages
to be attained in the setting out and constructing of a railway, if
originally designed for this system ; the principal advantages can
only be attained, and, above all, the principal difficulties in the
* I.e. before the Croydon and Epsom Committee. See above, p. 138.
;et. 39.] GROUNDS OF ME. BRUNEL'S RECOMMENDATION. 147
system can only be properly provided against, where the line is
originally designed for the system ; the choice of gradients and curves
and levels, the position, and, above all, the airangements of stations,
will generally be totally different in the two systems, and the diffi-
ciilties to be avoided will equally differ.
It is unnecessary to give any extracts from Mr. Brunei's
evidence,' as it only repeats the opinions and calculations
embodied in his report of August 1844.
The Committee, while they allowed that experience
could alone determine under what circumstances of traffic
or of country the preference to the Atmospheric or the
Locomotive System should be given, reported very strongly
in favour of the general merits of the Atmospheric System.
As soon as it had been decided that the South Devon
•was to be constructed as an Atmospheric line, the dimen-
sions of the cuttings, embankments, and tunnels were
arranged for a single line, except on the long incline
west of Totness, and on that east of Plympton. In the
approaches to the principal summits the gradients were
made somewhat steeper, so as to reduce the excavations.
In December 1844, Mr. Brunei prepared a specification
and drawing of a steam-engine and vacuum pump, and
a copy was sent to the most eminent engine-builders,
together with a letter inviting tenders for six pairs of
engines. The letter concluded as follows: —
Any party whose tenders may be accepted, shall, if required, furnish
forthwith a more detailed drawing and specification of the engines
as they propose to furnish them; the specification and drawing
now sent being expressly made very general, in order that each
manufacturer may, so far as is consistent with the general requisites
and conditions, adopt his own methods of construction, or use any
existing patterns.
The economical character of the engines which Mr. Brunei
' It will be found on pp. 35-52 of the Atmosphei-ic Committee (ordered
the Minutes of Evidence taken before to be printed April 24, 1845).
L 2
148 THE ATMOSPHEEIC SYSTEM. [a.d. 1846.
desired to obtain is sufficiently indicated by the require-
ment that they were to be high-pressure condensing
engines, fitted with double-seated expansion valves, and
having boilers proved to 100 lbs. per square inch, and
guaranteed to work with safety valves loaded to 40 lbs.
per square inch.
The tenders accepted were those of Messrs! Boulton
and Watt, Messrs. Rennie, and Messrs. Maudslay and
Field.
Mr. Brunei left it to the contractors to prepare their
designs without any interference on his part, deeming it
best to rely on their unfettered judgment.
The task of manufacturing and fitting the cast-iron
tube was one of some difficulty, the longitudinal slit
allowing of considerable distortion in the casting. This
work was undertaken by Mr. George Hennett, by the aid
of a set of very effective tools devised by Mr. T. E. Guppy.
The tubes were supplied at the rate of one mile per
week, and by the middle of 1846 nearly the whole line
was laid to Newton, and the valve was ready to be fixed.
In the autumn of 1846, Mr. Joseph Samuda went to
Dawlish, taking with him a staff of assistants trained
in the working of the system at Croydon ; and every effort
was made to advance the completion of the engines and
the other parts of the apparatus.
Owing, however, to vexatious delays in the erection of
the engine-houses and engines, it was not until the
commencement of 1847 that a piston -carriage was able to
traverse the first six miles out of Exeter. And, though
repeated experimental trains continued to be run, no
passengers had been conveyed by Atmospheric trains
prior to the general meeting of the shareholders, at the
end of August. Mr. Brunei's report on this occasion
was as follows : —
JET. -tl.] PREPAEATION OF THE APPARATUS. 149
August 27, 1847.
It is a subject of great regret, and to no one more than to myself,
that we have as yet been unable to open any portion of the line to the
public with the Atmospheric apparatus, although a considerable
distance has for some months been in a state to admit of frequent
experiments being made upon it. This delay has arisen principally,
if not entirely, in that part of the whole system which it might have
been expected would have been the least exposed to it — namely, the
construction and completion of the steam-engines.
It is due to Mr. Samuda that I should say that, so far as regards
the mere pipe and valve, and other details which may be said to
constitute the Atmospheric apparatus, we might long since have com-
menced. But the engines, although designed without any interference
with their .plans, and furnished by the best makers of the country,
and although differing so slightly from the ordinary construction of
steam-engines, have proved sources of continued and most vexatious
delays, both in the unexpected length of time occupied originally in
their erection, and in subsequent correction of defects in minor
parts. While the engines were imperfect, it would not only have
been unwise to have commenced working the line, even had it been
practicable, but the frequent interruptions to the continuous working
of all the engines rendered it impossible to complete and test the
different portions of the Atmospheric apparatus. There are still
some defects to be remedied in one or two of the engines, and I am
using every endeavour, by persuasion and by every other means in
my power, to urge on the manufacturers in their work of completion.
Within the last week or two only have we been able to Avork at all
continuously between Exeter and Teignmouth, so as to have the
opportunity of trying the different parts, and getting the various
details requisite for actually working trains tested and brought to
sufficient perfection to ensure efficiency and regularity.
Since the beginning of last week, however, four trains per day
have been run regularly, stopping at the stations, and keeping their
time as if working for traffic. The tube and valve appear in good
order, and the whole has worked well, but the running in this
manner can alone show the deficiencies which may still exist in the
details necessary for stopping, and starting quickly from the stations,
and all the other minor operations incidental to working the traffic
in the ordinary course ; and, until all these arrangements are com-
pleted, and the engines in more perfect order, I think it would be
much better to defer at least the substitution of the Atmospheric for
the locomotive working. Trains, in addition to those now running
150 THE ATMOSPHERIC SYSTEM. [a.d. 1847.
may perhaps be advantageously worked for the public, after a
further short continuance of the present practising.
The two engines completing the number to Newton are nearly
ready for trial, and it is to be presumed that, after the experience
of the past, the makers will be enabled to put them at once into an
efficient state.
The delays and difficulties attending the bringing into operation
the Atmospheric System upon this portion of the railway have
been beyond all anticipation, and beyond what any previous ex-
perience would have justified anybody in anticipating. The diffi-
culties have all been seriously aggravated by the necessity (conse-
quent, certainly, upon the original delays) of working the line with
locomotives during the construction and completion of the Atmo-
spheric apparatus. Not only has the constant occupation of the
line interfered with the progress of the work, but it has been
necessary to devise all the arrangements so as to admit stations,
sidings, and line being worked either by locomotive or by Atmo-
spheric in succession, or even at the same time.
These difficulties, added to those always consequent upon the
introduction of any new system, have been most wearying and
incessant, and I am not surprised that the public and the proprietors
should have been impatient. I trust the ultimate result will remove
any grounds for disappointment.
The stress of personal anxiety and personal fatigue, ex-
perienced by Mr. Brunei and by all who were engaged
in the work, was very severe, and continued so to the
end. Not only was the progress in the completion of the
work slow, but in spite of every exertion the results were
incessantly marred by unfortunate contingencies which
involved further delay, discouragement, and expenditure.
Moreover, the reaction which followed the railway mania
had set in; calls were ill responded to, and great diffi-
culty was experienced in raising the money requisite for the
completion of the line.
Under these circumstances it was resolved, on Sep-
tember 1, not to incur any new expenses in relation to the
Atmospheric System beyond Totness, and to limit any ex-
penditure already contracted for, until its working between
mr. 42.] REPORT ON STATE OF WORKS. 151
Exeter and Totness had been fairly tried, except to pro-
vide assistant power up the two inclines.
On September 8 the Atmospheric trains began to take
their share in the passenger duty of the line, four trains
running each way daily ; and, except when occasional
mishaps caused delay, the new mode of traction was
almost universally approved of. The motion of the train,
relieved of the impulsive action of the locomotive, was
singularly smooth and agreeable ; and the passengers were
freed from the annoyance of coke dust and the sulphu-
reous smell from the engine chimney.
In other respects the record of progress is but a chequered
one, and exhibits, in spite of great and able efforts and
brightening intervals of occasional improvement, indica-
tions of growing difficulties deepening into ultimate defeat.
In examining the chronicle of events which correspon-
dence and memoranda supply, it is inevitable that refer-
ences to failure and disaster should be found relatively
in far greater abundance than records of success ; and this
for the simple reason that there was at that time great
use in taking note of the unfavourable incidents that
occurred, almost none in mentioning successful work.
There is therefore some danger of falling into a mood
of unjust depreciation, such as Mr. Brunei had in ener-
getic terms urged the Directors to guard themselves
against. He protested against their requiring (as they
once intended to do) —
continuous and detailed reports — if true and honest, of course con-
taining nothing but accounts of mishaps — of a system which (he says)
we are struggling to render perfect. Why, a daily account of our loco-
motive mishaps would ruin the locomotive system, if it were new I
I will undertake to say that the mishaps of yesterday or to-day on
the Great Western Railway were as great as that of Tuesday on
the South Devon.
152 THE ATMOSPHERIC SYSTEM. [a.d. 1847.
The Atmospheric System was vaguely credited with
every delay which a train had experienced in any part of
its journey ; though, in point of fact, a large proportion
of these delays was really chargeable to that part of the
journey which was performed with locomotives. It often
happened that time thus lost was made up on the Atmo-
spheric part of the line, as is shown by a record of the
working, which is still extant. In the week, September
20-25, 1847, it appears that the Atmospheric trains are
chargeable with a delay of 28 minutes in all ; while delays
due to the late arrival of the locomotive trains, amounting
in all to 62 minutes, were made up by the extra speed
attainable on the Atmospheric part of the line.
ISTot unfrequently, however, casualties occurred ; due in-
deed to remediable causes, but yet of discouraging aspect
in themselves, and deriving additional weight from the
manner in which they reacted on the cost of working.
Such, for instance, were the frequent and occasionally
very serious breakages in essential parts of the pumping-
engines. Again, the cupped leathers of the travelling-
piston, which made it air-tight, were often destroyed while
it was passing the various inlet and outlet valves. Im-
provements in the valves were introduced to meet this
difficulty ; but the remedy could not be applied at once
throughout the line, and much inconvenience was thus
experienced, and a considerable expense incurred. Another
source of inconvenience was the water which at times
accumulated within the tube.
In many respects the results which had been calculated
on were realised, and the new arrangements necessary
to the working of the system were successfully brought
into operation.
The speed of the trains corresponded fully with the
^T. 42.]
WORKING OF THE SYSTEM.
153
degree of vacuum obtained ; that is to say, tlie train resist-
ances proved to be what bad been anticipated.*
After the trial of a great variety of air-pump valves, a
form was adopted which was found to answer exceedingly
well.2
In the Atmospheric tube, the system of self-acting inlet
and outlet valves, by which the piston was enabled to
leave the tube on approaching a station and enter it
again on recommencing its journey, were, on the whole,
successfally adapted to their duty.
Again, an arrangement for starting the train rapidly
from the station, without the help of horses or of locomo-
tives, had been brought practically into operation. This
arrangement consisted of a short auxiliary vacuum tube
containing a piston which could be connected with the
• This appeared with sufficient clear-
ness from the general comparison be-
tween vacuum, weight of train, and
speed. The exact appropriation of the
force employed was shown by some
dynamometric experiments made on
the line.
The highest speed recorded was 68
miles per hour, with a train of 28
tons, the speed averaging 64 miles per
hour for four level miles of the line,
the vacuum being 16 inches. This
speed should have exhibited a resist-
ance of about 21 lbs. per ton, or
688 lbs., as the running resistance or
friction, and 645 lbs. for the resist-
ance of the air ; in all 1,233 lbs.
Now, the pressure due to 16 inches
of vacuum on the piston is 1,390 lbs.,
which gives 157 lbs. as the friction
of the piston ; a result which corre-
sponds sufficiently well with a direct
dynamometric experiment.
Going to the other extreme, there
are numerous records of trains of 100
tons which attained, on a level of four
miles in length, average speeds of
from 30 to 35 miles per hour, with
i6'5 inches of vacuum, one train of
103 tons going 32-4 miles per hour
with 169 inches of vacuum.
* This valve consisted of a number
of long delicate blades of spring steel,
arranged parallel to each other, as in
a musical box, but with wider inter-
vals. These plates rested on a series
of truly faced bars, which crossed the
end of the air-passage. The slightest
pressure outwards lifted the springs ;
and as the area of opening was
large, a very free passage was given
to the air. On the current ceasing,
the blades instantly, yet without
shock, replaced themselves in contact
with the bars, clipping them tightly
under a very small reverse pressure,
and effectually closing the passage.
Their merit consisted in their being
almost without weight, and thus
promptly re-closing the aperture by
a delicate elastic reaction.
154 THE ATMOSPHERIC SYSTEM. [a.d. 1847.
train by means of a tow-rope, and tlius draw it along
till the piston of the piston carriage entered the main
Atmospheric tube. " Some accidents at first occurred in
using this apparatus, but its defects were after a time
removed ; and it is hardly to be doubted that the various
minor difficulties of the Atmospheric System could soon
have been effectually mastered.
It now remains to show how it was that, in spite of
much that was hopeful, a vigorously sustained contest
ended in defeat, instead of being prolonged into victory.
In working the Atmospheric System on the South
Devon Railway grave difficulties were throughout encoun-
tered, for which to the last only imperfect remedies could
be found.
As regards the power consumed, the engines of each
pumping station worked up to about 236 indicated horse-
power, and their regulated duty for each train, including
the anticipatory pumping, was equivalent to 6*5 minutes
of work for every mile of the length of tube they had to
exhaust. As the running speed averaged 40 miles per
hour, or a mUe in 1"5 minutes, the 236 horse-power during
the 5*6 minutes of pumping must be regarded as equiva-
lent to 865 horse-power during the actual passage of the
train. Now, making full allowance for piston friction and
extra friction on curves, for the power expended in getting
up speed, for the excess of air-pump resistance due to the
changes of temperature experienced by the air under
exhaustion, and even for the very large actual amount of
friction in the engines employed, the work done should
have been represented by an expenditure of 240 horse-
power during the passage of the train. If to this is added
an allowance for leakage, such as the experiments at
Dalkey indicated would be amply sufficient with the
XT. 42.] WORKING OF THE SYSTEM. 155
longitudinal valve in good condition, it may be said that
Mr. Brunei had a right to expect that the duty would
be performed with an expenditure of 300 horse-power;
whereas it actually required 865 horse-power, or nearly
three times the amount.
The explanation of this waste is simple.
Serious and unexpected causes of failure developed
themselves in the longitudinal valve, and led to an ex-
cessive amount of leakage. A great part of the normal
duty of the engines was, as has been stated, to exhaust
the tube previous to the entry of the train ; and when,
owing to leakage, the amount of air to be so pumped out
was greatly increased, it became necessary that the ope-
ration should be commenced much earlier. There was thus
a longer time during which the leakage could take place,
and a still greater amount of air to be pumped out. It
therefore followed that a large increase of leakage involved
waste of power in an enormously increased proportion.
The length of time occupied by the anticipatory pump-
ing was often increased by the difficulty of arranging
proper telegraphic communication on the South Devon
Railway, and by the absence of it on the Bristol and
Exeter Eailway. The Electric Telegraph was in its in-
fancy, and though Mr. Brunei had been the first to apply
it in connection with railways, namely, between London
and Slough on the Great Western Railway in the year
1839, it was not brought into perfect working order on
the South Devon Railway till the Atmospheric System
was on the point of being abandoned. The result of the
defects in the telegraph was that, when a train was late,
warning was not received at the several engine-houses ; ^
• Trains frequently arrived late on London to Exeter, and having at its
the Atmospheric portion of the South other end a locomotive line contend-
Devon Eailway, owing to its being ing with very heavy gradients.
at the end of the long trunk line from
156 THE ATMOSPHEKIC SYSTEM. [a.d. 1848.
and thus, wlien this was the case, the pumping-engines
which had been started at the right interval of time before
the train was dne, "had to be kept at work for a need-
lessly long period pumping out the air, which was all the
while leaking in through the deteriorated valve. This in-
efficiency of the telegraphic apparatus would have been
of trifling importance but for the defects of the valve.
Had the valve been as perfect as it was expected to be,
the vacuum, after it had been formed, could have been
maintained by an expenditure of power very moderate in
comparison with that which was actually required.
As regards the relative cost of the power consumed, it
appears that, owing to imperfections in the engines, their
expenditure of fuel per indicated horse-power was more
than double that of the best of the Cornish pumping-
engines, to which they were analogous ; while the cost
of working was more than three times as great.
The defects in the engines were for the most part such
as might have been remedied ; and this would have been
done, had not the excessive duty imposed on them by
the leakage of the longitudinal valve prevented their being
stopped for repairs and alterations. In this way the defects
of the different parts of the apparatus mutually aggravated
each other.
It appears then that, chiefly owing to the defective lon-
gitudinal valve, the engines were expending nearly three
times the power which they should have done for a given
tractive duty, according to previous experience, and
the results obtained on the Dalkey line, and that they
cost per horse-power at least three times as much as was
expected.
The cost of traction, nearly nine times as much as had
been calculated on, was between two and a half and three
times what it would have been with locomotive power;
;et. 43.] EXCESSIVE AMOUNT OF POWER CONSUMED. 157
and this was on a level part of the line, where the com-
parative advantages of the Atmospheric System were not
exhibited as they would have been in the part which had
steep gradients.
The imperfections of the longitudinal valve have now to
be described. By its condition the Atmospheric System
had to stand or fall. With an efficient valve, the defects of
the other parts of the apparatus would have been of minor
importance, and time would have been given for remedy-
ing them. When the leakage became considerable, the
defects of the telegraph and the defects of the engines
alike assumed a formidable aspect.
The failure of the valve was due, partly to the compo-
sition which was used to seal the joint where it opened,
and partly to the material of which the valve consisted.
The difficulty of obtaining a suitable composition was
the first which had to be encountered. On the South
Devon a lime soap was eventually found to answer
the purpose well. Its surface, however, from exposure
to light and air, formed into a hard skin; and to
remedy this a thinner and more fluid material, a com-
pound of cod-oil and soap, was laid on to keep it soft.
This answered satisfactorily, but it required frequent
renewal, as it was apt to be drawn into the tube by the
rush of air when the valve was opened. The renewal of
the various compositions, and the careful examination
and repair which the valve constantly required, was a
cause of great anxiety and expense.
But in the materials of the valve lay the source of the
more serious difficulty.
The ready affinity of leather for oil and grease, and its
suppleness and closeness of grain when saturated with
substances of that nature, had long been known and
utilised. It had not been .anticipated how readily, with
158 THE ATMOSPHEEIC SYSTEM. [a.d. 1848.
air-pressure on one side and a partial vacuum on the
other, the oily matters with which the leather was charged
would escape from it, especially in the presence of water.
Although, while the leather was saturated with water, the
valve was remarkably air-tight; when frost supervened
the water became frozen, and gave a fatal stubbornness
of texture, which rendered the valve incapable of closing
properly. Again, in long- continued drought the leather
became intractable from its dryness ; and the stiffening,
whether from frost or drought, rendered it liable to be
torn. An immediate application of seal-oil penetrated the
leather, and relaxed its stiffness; but the remedy often
could not be applied in time, and, moreover, was expensive.
A still more grave defect was all the while becoming
matured, and was undermining every hope that a suitable
dressing could be discovered, and that the longitudinal
valve might be made perfect.
Under the joint action of water in the leatlier, and of the
affinity of iron for tannin — and on the enduring presence of
tannin within its texture the consistency of leather depends
— a destructive decomposition had long been at work ; the
oxide, established in the iron plates of the valve by con-
tinued contact with damp leather, had been steadily ab-
stracting the tannin; thus the leather had become con-
verted into an ink-stained and comparatively decomposed
tissue. Large portions of it became torn, and incurably
pervious to air.
It was not until early in June 1848 that Mr. Brunei
discovered the condition which the valve had assumed.
He then instituted a careful examination throughout the
line, and the extent of the disorder was realised.
The state of things which existed when this discovery
was made in effect involved the renewal of the valve the
whole distance from Exeter to Newton: so that, as the
XT. 43.] DESTRUCTION OF THE LONGITUDINAL VALVE. 159
cost of the valve was 1,160Z. per mile, an immediate
outlay of some 25,000Z. became essential to the mainte-
nance of the system, and this at the time when the real
difficulties of the valve question had become most ap-
parent. By galvanising the iron plates of the valve the
mutually destructive action of the iron and the leather
might have been prevented ; but a remedy was also
required for the other serious defect which leather, as the
material of the valve, was found to exhibit, namely, its
tendency to become permeable to air after long-continued
use under air-pressure, owing to the inward escape of the
material with which it had been dressed.
These difficulties were not only such as had not been an-
ticipated, but such as no one was justified in anticipating.
It now became necessary for Mr. Brunei to consider
what course, under the circumstances, it was most ad-
visable for the Company to adopt.
A Committee of the Board was appointed to examine
the whole question ; and, at their desire, Mr. Brunei made
a report upon it, which was as foUows : —
August 19, 1848.
You have called upon me to report to you upon the present
state of the Atmospheric apparatus, and particularly upon the cir-
cumstances connected Avith the partial destruction of the longi-
tudinal valve which has lately occurred, and the probability of
remedying this serious defect, and of keeping the valve in repair
and in good working order.
Such a report involves necessarily the consideration of the whole
question of our experience of the working of the Atmospheric System ;
because, to arrive at any clear appreciation of the present state of the
apparatus, I must refer to the circumstances which have affected
our working up to the present time, and particularly to the several
difficulties which we have had to encounter and their effects.
The first difficulty, and one which was as unexpected as it was
serious, was in the working of our stationary engines. Upon the
160 THE ATMOSPHERIC SYSTEM. [a.d. 1848.
efficiency of these machines must of course ultimately depend the
economy .and efficiency of the working of the whole system, how-
ever perfect in itself might be the Atmospheric apparatus. Accord-
ingly, great precautions were taken — precautions which I still think
such as to justify the expectation that we should secure the best
engines that could be made.
The three first manufacturers of the day were employed —
Messrs. Maudslay (who had had some experience in this particular
branch, having made the engines for the Croydon railway), Messrs.
Boulton and "Watts, and Messrs. Rennie. They prepared their own
designs ; and I know that they each bestowed much thought in the
preparation of these designs, and took considerable interest in the
results.
Mr. Samuda, a man of considerable mechanical abilities, having
aU the experience that could be had upon the subject, and deeply
interested in the success of the engines, was also employed to super-
intend their manufacture.
Notwithstanding all these precautions, notwithstanding excellent
workmanship, these engines have not, on the whole, proved suc-
cessful ; none of them have as yet worked very economically, and
some are very extravagant in the consumption of fuel, burning
nearly double the quantity of others, while the average is very
considerably more than it ought to be.
The apparent causes of this excess are various in the different
engines, but all resulting more or less apparently from the want of
experience in this particular application of power, and from the
circumstance of the form of the engines being somewhat novel, and
involving slight differences in the proportion and arrangement of
the parts ; and the consumption of steam being greater than was
calculated upon, it has been obtained by a more wasteful expenditure
of fuel, and the evil has been aggravated.
The difficulty of remedying this state of things has been increased
by the consequence of defects in the Atmospheric apparatus, which,
causing a much greater demand upon the working of the engines,
has delayed, or has entirely prevented, our throwing an engine out of
work, to introduce the requisite improvements.
Still, so far as this defect in the engines is concerned, there is no
doubt that it is susceptible of considerable, if not complete remedy,
and that a reduction of one-third may be effected in the consumption
of fuel.
In the Atmospheric apparatus itself our difficulties have been more
numerous.
JET. 43.] EEPOKT ON FAILURE. 161
We have suffered from extreme cold, particularly when it followed
quickly upon wet.
We have suffered from extreme heat, and also from heavy falls
of rain. These difficulties have in turn been encountered and
gradually overcome, and I think the effects of all these causes upon
a valve in good condition may now be obviated, if not entirely, yet
so much so as to render their opei-ation unimportant.
The same remedy applies to all three — keeping the leather of the
valve oiled and varnished, and rendering it impervious to the water,
which otherwise soaks through it in wet weather, or which freezes in
it in cold, rendering it too stiff to shut down ; and the same pre-
caution prevents the leather being dried up and shrivelled by the
heat ; for this, and not the melting of the composition, is the principal
inconvenience resulting from heat. A little water spread on the
valve from a tank in the piston-carriage has also been found to be
useful in very dry weather, showing that the dryness, and not the
heat, was the cause of leakage ; but a new difficulty has arisen, and
a new defect has been discovered, one much more serious in its extent
and its possible consequences, and one which renders the operation
of each of the previously mentioned causes of difficulty much more
j)Owerful and mischievous.
Within the last few months, but more particularly during the
dry weather of last May and June, a considerable extent of longi-
tudinal valve failed by the tearing of the leather, at the joints
between the plates; the leather first partially cracked at these points,
which causes a considerable leakage, particulaily in dry weather;
after a time it tears completely through, and that part of tlie
.valve is destroyed, and requires to be replaced.
A considerable extent has thus been replaced, but the whole of the
valve is more or less defective from this cause ; the amount of
leakage is considerable, and the working altogether inefficient. I
have examined carefully portions of the valve that have been re-
moved, and I find that at the part which has given way the texture
of the leather seems to be destroyed — it is black, and has evidently
been acted upon by the iron of the plates.
Upon some parts of the line the injury seems to be more general
than upon others ; but it is very difficult to examine the valve in
place, so as to form any correct opinion of the extent of the evil.
As regards the cause of this defect, Mr. Samuda, who under his
contract is at present liable for the repair of the valve, urges that
the valve was kept for a length of time in cases after it was
delivered to the Company, and that, exposed to damp, and the oil in
M
162 THE ATMOSPHEEIC SYSTEM, [a.d. 1848.
the leather not being renewed on the surface, the iron may have
rusted, and the leather hhve been injured; and he refers to instances
lately observed, in wiiich valves taken out of the top of a case
Avhich had been exjosed to wet do show similar signs of injury.
Supposing, however, this assumption to be correct, it would not
seem to affect the question of his liability. He suggests also, as a
cause, that the valve remained for a length of time in place withoiit
been used and even worked over by locomotive engines, which
prevented its being properly oiled and attended to ; that the evil has
been aggravated by an attempt to reduce too much the use of oil
to the leather ; and, lastly, that the piston-gear has been allowed to
get out of adjustment, so that the leather of the valve has been
strained.
I shall not, however, here enter into the discussion of this question
of liability, but confine myself to the consideration of the evil, and
the possibility of remedying it.
Of the extent of the evil, for the reason I have given, it is im-
possible to form any accurate opinion ; it is impossible, therefore,
to say that it does not extend more or less over the whole distance,
excepting, of course, that which has been already replaced. That
Avhich is injured cannot be repaired in place, but must be removed,
and the remedy can only be applied in the new valve.
It is quite possible that a valve made in the same manner as the
present, if properly attended to from the first, and with our present
experience, might not be subject to this destruction, and Mr. Samuda
states that such is the case at Dalkey ; but I do not think that I
could rely upon this result. By painting, but, better still, by
zincing or galvanising the iron plates, and making them overlap a
short distance, both the chemical and the mechanical action of the
plate upon the leather appears to be prevented, and I believe, there-
fore, that this evil may be remedied at a small increased cost in any
new or repaired valve that might be laid down : but of the existing
valve I can say no more than I have done. It is not now in
good working condition, and I see no immediate prospect of its
being rendered so.
From the foregoing observations, it will be evident that I cannot
consider the result of our experience of the working between Exeter
and Newton such as to induce one to recommend the extension of
the system.
I believe that if the longitudinal valve were restored, the working
expenses might be immensely reduced ; that the quantity of fuel con-
sumed which is the great item of expense, may be diminished by
XT. 43.] EEPORT ON FAILUEE. 163
one-third; that the price of the fuel, which now costs 18s. per ton at
the engine-houses, ought to be reduced at least 12 per cent.; and
that the total cost may thiis be brought down to a moderate
amount, such as I had oi'iginally calculated upon. But the cost
of construction has far exceeded our expectations, and the difficulties
of working a system so totally different from that to which every-
body, traveller as well as workmen, is accustomed, have proved
too great; and therefore, although, no doubt, after some further trial,
great reductions may be effected in the cost of working the portion
now laid, I cannot anticipate the possibility of any inducement to
continue the system beyond Newton.
With respect to the future working of the apparatus between
Exeter and Newton, I feel in great difficulty as to expressing any
opinion, seeing that a very large expense has been incurred, and
believing, as I do, that the cost of working may be so very much
reduced ; but that reduction can only be effected by the almost entire
renewal of the valve, and by some expenditure in the engines. And
unless Mr. Samuda or the patentees undertake the first, and extend
considerably the period during which they would maintain it in
repair, and unless they can offer some guarantee for the efficiepcy
of that valve, I fear that the Company woiild not be justified in
taking that upon themselves, or incurring the expense attending the
alteration of the engines.
I believe that for the inclined planes, as an assistant power, the
apparatus will be found applicable and efficient; and as the engines
and the pipes are nearly ready at Dainton, it may be found desirable
to try it there, provided a satisfactory aiTangement can be entered
into for the maintenance and efficiency of the valve.
I have not referred to our great disappointment in not obtaining
the assistance of the telegraph in the working of the engines, and
the greatly increased consumption of coal consequent upon the
working the engines unnecessarily, because this evil is now nearly
removed ; but some further reductions may still be made by using
the telegi'aph by night as well as day, which has not yet been in
our power to do, but which I trust will be commenced this week.
Tlie Committee to whom this report was made, and
who had been also in constant communication with Mr.
Brunei, placed the result of their investigation before the
Board. The Directors, after carefully considering the
information given them, reported as follows : —
H 2
164 THE ATMOSPHERIC SYSTEM. . [a.d. 1848.
Your Directors, without pronouncing any judgment as to the
ultimate succe.ss of tlie Atmospheric System, and while they are
prepared to afford to the patentees and other parties interested in it
the use of their machinery for continuing their own experiments,
have arrived at the conclusion, with the entire concurrence and on
the recommendation of Mr. Brunei, that it is expedient for them to
suspend the use of the Atmospheric System until the same shall be
made efficient at the expense of the patentees and Mr, Samuda.
At the meeting in August, the proprietors adopted the
Directors' report, and the line was worked throughout hj
locomotives on and after September 9.
In the following November Mr. Thomas Gill, the chair-
man of the Board of Directors, published an 'Address
to the Proprietors,' in which he strongly deprecated
the abandonment of the Atmospheric System, and pro-
posed that the Company should embark on a further ex-
pefiment. Mr. Gill's pamphlet was referred to three
of the Directors, Mr. Thomas Woollcombe, Mr. Charles
Eussell, and Mr. James Wentworth BuUer. With Mr.
Brunei's assistance, and to a great extent from memo-
randa written by him, they prepared a statement which
went very fully into all the points raised by Mr. Gill.
After combating Mr. Gill's propositions, they observe : —
Of the two men who are most deeply concerned in the further
trial of any reasonable experiment to perfect the Atmospheric
System, we find that one, Mr. Brunei, disapproves of the pro-
posal for the purpose as insufficient and unsatisfactory ; the other,
Mr. Samuda, had not sufficient confidence in the result, or in
Mr. Gill's estimates for its accomplishment, to offer the only security
which would justify the Company in endeavouring to effect it.
In conclusion they express an opinion that the sus-
pension of the Atmospheric System in the previous
September was a prudent and necessary step, and that
nothing had since occurred to justify its resumption.
The proprietors adopted the view taken by the
^T. 43.] ABANDONMENT OF SYSTEM. 165
Committee, and no further attempt was made to work the
railway on the Atmospheric System.
Under these circumstances, it cannot be a matter of
surprise that Mr. Brunei was much censured for having
advised the South Devon Railway Company to work their
line on the Atmospheric System.
The reasons which led him to recommend the use
of the Atmospheric System on the South Devon, and
the causes of its failure, have been very fully described,
and it has been also shown that the most important of
these were the defects of the pumping-engines, and the
deterioration of the longitudinal valve.
When the formidable character of these difficulties had
fully declared itself, the South Devon Eailway Company
were not in a position to spend any more money upon a
system which, as the event had proved, was, in one of
its most important details, still in the experimental stage.
There can be no doubt that the abandonment of the
Atmospheric System was the wisest step which, under
the circumstances, could be adopted ; and it was recom-
mended to the Directors by Mr. Brunei with a simple
and self-sacrificing disregard of every consideration except
that which was always paramount with him, the interests
of those by whom he was employed.*
' It may be mentioned that, from receive any remuneration for his pro-
the date of the abandonment of the fessional services as engineer beyoud
Atmospheric System, he refused to a nominal retaining fee.
166 THE ATMOSPHERIC SYSTEM.
NOTE (p. 143).
Comparison of Stationary and Locomotive Power.
In order clearly to set forth the reasons which justify the statement
made by Mr. Brunei,^ that stationary power if freed from the weight
and friction of any medium of communication, such as a rope, must
be cheaper than locomotive power, it is desirable to consider, (l)the
waste of power which arises from the locomotive having to move
itself as well as the train ; and (2) the excess of cost at which
a given power was supplied by a locomotive, as compared with
that at which it could have been supplied by a stationary engine.
On the first point, the best information can be obtained from
experiments made by Mr. Daniel Gooch during the gauge contro-
versy. The results are very suitable for use in the present inves-
tigation, as the South Devon was to be a broad-gauge railway.
Moreover, as the broad-gauge engine with which these experiments
were tried was one of a class more powerful for their weight not
only than the contemporary narrow-gauge engine, but also than
the engines Mr. Brunei had experience of when he wrote his report
three years previously, the results may be considered to represent
very favourably the then existing case for the locomotives.
The engine employed in the experiments weighed, with its tender,
about fifty tons. The maximum power it was capable of delivering
by the pressure of steam in its cylinders was represented as a trac-
tive force of 4,900 lbs. at a speed of 60 miles an hour, equivalent to
784 indicated horse-power; and at 40 miles an hour 5,200 lbs.,
equivalent to 555 indicated horse-power.
It is next to be considered how this power would, when running
at the speeds mentioned, be employed in overcoming the elements
of resistance. These are : —
(1) The working friction of the machinery.
(2) The rolling resistance of the engine and tender.
(3) The air resistance due to the engine frontage.
' See above, p. 138.
STATIONAKY AND LOCOMOTIVE POWEE. 167
(4) The rolling resistance of the train.
(5) The air resistance on tlie portion of the train unprotected by
the tender.
(^6) The resistance due to gradient.
The following symbols and quantities may be conveniently made
use of to denote the various terms of the equation between force
and resistance.
Total available tractive force in lbs. . . . F
Weight of engine and tender (superfluous load) in tons . 50
Weight of train (useful load) in tons . . . W
The sum of the resistances of machinery, rolling resistance,
and air resistance of engine and tender . . . R
Rolling resistance of train in lbs. per ton . . . K
Gradient . . . . . . . G
Speed in miles per hour . . . . .V
Resistance of air (according to the received empirical formula)
= (frontage area) x V^
Frontage area of train in square feet . . .63
Frontage area of portion of train unprotected by the tender,
in square feet . . . . . .24
For a locomotive train therefore
24
F=R + WK+^^V2 + (50 + W) 2240 G.
For a system that dispenses with the locomotive
Tractive force=WK + :rS^ V2 + W 2240 G.
400
Therefore
W (K + 2240 G) + -1575 V^
= the useful tractive force, and
R + 112000G-0975 V2
^ the tractive force wasted by the use of the locomotive.
Therefore
F={R + 112000G-'0975 V*) +{W(K + 2240G) + 1575V2}
and the useful load
_ F-R-tl2000 G-06 yg
^- K + 2240 G
168
THE ATMOSPHERIC SYSTEM.
The values which Mr^ Gooch's experiments give for the two se-
lected speeds are as fcjlows ': —
Miles per Hour
E (lbs.)
K (lbs. per ton)
F (lbs.)
40
60
1500
2100
12-5
18-6
5200
4900
Using these values, the results in the following table are obtained,
being the conditions appropriate to the two speeds at successive
ascending gradients : —
Miles
TJsefnl
Super-
fluous
Gross
Useful
Waste
Gross
Ratio of
Waste
per
ing
Load
Load
Horse-
Horse-
Horse-
to Useful
Hour
Gradient
in tons
in tons
power
power
power
Horse-
f
power
0
288
50
338
411
144
555
•35
_i_
128
60
178
352
203
555
•68
71
50
121
292
263
555
•90
40-1
1
50
60
100
252
303
555
1-20
1
23-8
50
73-8
173
382
555
2-21
jL
U-7
50
61-7
113
442
555
3-91
*-
1
36-3
7
60
57
82
473
555
6-77
r
0
139
50
189
504
280
784
•66
_1_
68
50
118
415
369
784
•89
<S(\-{
1
3o-7
60
85-7
325
459
784
1^41
22-5
50
72-5
265
619
784
1-96
L
1
52-3
7
50
67
160
624
784
3-90
Thus, on a level line, the engine, woi-king up to 555 horse-power,
could just draw 288 tons of train at the rate of 40 miles per hour,
wasting on its OAvn resistance only one-third of the power usefully
employed on the train ; but when the speed was increased to 60 miles
per hour, it could not, though working up to 784 horse-power, draw
more than 139 tons of train, wasting on its own resistance more
than half the power usefully employed on the train. And again, at
40 miles per hour, though, as just stated, it could draw on the
' These quantities are the result
of the experiments made in September
1847. They agree with what is now
the received opinion of authorities on
tra in resistances, and represent favour-
ably the case for the locomotives at
the time of Mr; Brunei's report in
August 1844. At the time when Mr.
Erunel wrote his report of August
1844, the weight of a locomotive, as
has been said, bore u higher ratio to
its power.
STATIONARY AND LOCOMOTIVE POWER. 169
level 288 tons, it could only draw 24 tons of useful load at [that
speed up 1 in 50 ; while at 60 miles per hour, though it could
draw, as stated, 139 tons of train on the level, it could only draw
23 tons of useful load up 1 in 75 ; and at the respective speeds
of 40 and 60 miles per hour, it could only take one carriage (7 tons)
up the respective gradients of 1 in 36, and 1 in 52.
Hence to maintain a minimum speed of 40 miles per hour
with locomotive power on a line with long gradients of 1 in 40
involved on those parts of the line a wasted power of nearly 4 times
that usefully employed ; and if a minimum limit of 60 miles per
hour were contemplated, a locomotive of the most powerful class in
existence three years subsequent to Mr. Brunei's report advising
the adoption of the Atmospheric System would only have been able
to take a single carriage up an incline of 1 in 52. So heavily at
high speeds on steep gradients is the performance of a locomotive
taxed by the resistance due to its own dead weight.^
A comparison has now to be made between the cost of power as
developed by a locomotive and as developed by a stationary engine.
From the well-known experiments made for the information of
the Gauge Commissioners in December 1845, taking the high speed
trials as the basis of calculation, it appears that 4*5 lbs. of coke per
horse-power per hour may be taken as the average consumption
of the engine.^
It will be well, however, to allow for the improvement which was
at the time anticipated in locomotive working, and to assume an
expenditure of 4 lbs. of coke per indicated horse-power per hour, as
representing the case then for the locomotive engine.
Coke may be taken to have at that time cost 21s. a ton, or •0094s.
per lb. Moreover, a careful analysis of the Great "Western Railway
half-yearly reports, for 1844 and 1845, shows that for every shilling
expended in coke, 1*44 shillings were expended on the average in
wages, oil and waste, repairs, etc.
' It must be borne in mind that all quisite data were recorded with the
the inconveniences attending the use greatest exactness, and the horse-
of auxiliary locomotives must be en- power employed may be deduced by
countered, or else the excessive dead means of the scale of resistance
weight of an engine powerful enough to which the subsequent dynamometric
take a train up the steepest gradient trials supply. Moreover, the result
in a hilly district must accompany it above arrived at for the consumption
for the whole length of that part of of coke is verified by an examination
the line. of published indicator diagrams taken
' No dynamometer was used in off the same engine on another occa -
these cxporimeuts, but all other re- sion.
170 THE ATMOSPHEEIC SYSTEM.
Putting the results together, it appears that for each single indi-
cated horse-power delivered by a high-speed locomotive, the cost
per hour vi^as 0'0915s.'or l'098d ; that is to say, about l^V^. per
hour.
Let this now be compared with the cost per horse-power per hour
at which the best Cornish pumping engines had long been known to
perform the work. This comparison is manifestly a rational one —
with reference to the kindred employment of engine power in
atmospheric pumping-engines.
The performances of nearly all the pumping-engines in Cornwall
were for many years so systematically and exactly reported, and
the reports of each were so critically scrutinised by the rival
makers, that the data they siipply may be relied on without hesita-
tion. It was well known that the best of the engines continuously
performed useful work with a consumption of coal at the rate of
2*33 lbs. per delivered horse-power per hour, or, counting coal at
I65. per ton (a fair price on the South Devon), at the cost of •2d.,
or one-fifth of a penny per horse-power per hour.
But it was not in its consumption of fuel alone that stationary
power was the more economical ; the expenditure in wages, oil, and
tallow on one of the pumping-engines above referred to, when doing
200 horse-power of useful work, did not exceed 20s. for the twenty-
four hours, or one-twentieth of a penny per horse-power per hour,
while the cost of repairs was merely nominal.
Thus if fuel, wages, oil, and tallow be brought into one item, it
is seen that the cost of one horse-power in stationary engines such
as the then existing Cornish engines was only '26(1. per hour, or
less than one-fourth of its cost when developed by a locomotive,
which has been shown to have been l'098t?. per hour.
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171
CHAPTER VII.
liAILWAY BRIDGES AND VIADUCTS.
1. BRICKWORK AND MASONRY BRIDGES — HANWELL VIABtfCT — MAIDENHEAD
BRIDGE FLYING BRIDGES LETTER FROM MR. BRUNEL ON BRIDGE CONSTRUC-
TION (DECEMBER 30, 1854)— 2. TIMBER BRIDGES— SONNING BRIDGE — BATH
BRIDGE — STONEHOUSE VIADUCT BOURNE VIADUCT ST. MARY's VIADUCT
VIADUCTS ON THE SOI^TH DEVON RAILWAY — IVY-BRIDGE — VIADUCTS ON THE
SOUTH WALES RAILWAY NEWPORT LANDORE VIADUCTS ON THE CORNWALL
RAILWAY ST. PINNOCK VIADUCTS ON THK WEST CORNWALL AND TAVISTOCK
RAILWAYS — PRESERVATION OF TIMBER— 3. CAST-IRON BRIDGES — LETTER ON
USE OF CAST IRON (APRIL 18, 1849) — HANWELL BRIDGE EXPERIMENTS ON
CAST-IRON GIRDERS EXTRACT FROM LETTER TO SECRETARY OF COMMISSION
ON APPLICATION OF IRON TO RAILWAY STRUCTURES (MARCH 13, 1848)
4, WROUGHT-IBON BRIDGES GIRDER BRIDGES — EXPERIMENTS ON WROUGHT-
lEON GIRDER OPENING BRIDGES TRUSSED BRIDGES NEWPORT VIADUCT
WINDSOR BRIDGE CHEPSTOW BRIDGE METHOD OF SINKING THE CYLINDERS
DESCRIPTION OP THE MAIN TRUSS — THE FLOATING OPERATIONS THE
ROYAL ALBERT BRIDGE AT SALTASH THE CENTRE PIER DESCRIPTION OF THE
SUPERSTRUCTURE — THE FLOATING AND RAISING OF THE TRUSSES OPENING
OF THE BRIDGE BY H. H. H. THE PRINCE CONSORT NOTE: EXPERIMENTS ON
MATTERS CONNECTED WITH BRIDGE CONSTRUCTION.
In Chapter IV. a general history has been given of the
railways of which Mr. Brunei was the engineer ; but the
bridges and viaducts designed by him are so numerous and
important that it has been thought advisable to devote a
separate chapter to their consideration.
The bridges selected for mention have been grouped
according to the nature of the material used in their super-
structure. This arrangement is the most convenient one
for giving a concise description of the most remarkable
of Mr. Brunei's bridges, and for stating the circumstances
which guided him in the determination of the particular
form of construction used in each case.
172
RAILWAY BRIDGES AND VIADUCTS.
The works are therefore divided into four groups, namely,
brickwork and masonry, timber, cast iron, and wrought
iron.*
Brickwork and Masonry Bridges.'^
The viaduct which carries the Great Western Eailway
over the valley of the river Brent near Hanwell is the
first of Mr. Brunei's important railway works.^ It is a
handsome brickwork structure, G5 feet high, with eight
semi-elliptical arches, each 70 feet span and 17 feet 6
inches rise. The spandrils of the arches are lightened by
longitudinal spandril-walls ; the piers are also hollow, and
' It would of course be impossible
here to give a description of all Mr.
Brunei's bridges, or even to refer to
the most important of them with that
minuteness which would be required
if this were a book written for pro-
fessional use. The following publica-
tions may be consulted : — Bourne's
History and Description of the Great
Western Eailway, 1846 ; Brees' Hall-
way Practice, 1837 ; Simms' Public
Works of Great Britaioi, 1838; Pro-
ceedings of Institution of Civil Engi-
neers, vols. 14, 25, and generally;
Molinos et Pronnier, Construction
des Ponts Metalliques, 1857; Hum-
ber's Cast and Wrought-lron Bridge
Construction, 1861 ; and Humber's
Eecord of Engineering for 1866. At
the end of the description of many of
the bridges in this chapter a note has
been given of publications in which
the bridge has been referred to.
* In the early days of the Great
Western Railway special designs were
made for every one of the ordinary
bridges over and under the railway ;
but when, in consequence of the rapid
extension of the Great Western system,
tlie number of bridges to ])& designed
became very large, Mr. Brunei had a
set of ' standard drawings ' prepared
and engraved, which embodied the
experience gained, and contained de-
signs suitable for various situations.
The contract drawings were made
by adapting to the particular circum-
stances of each case the standard
drawing which was most applicable
to it. This system, besides securing
uniformity of construction, introduced
a considerable amount of economy;
since, the standard drawings being
based upon the results arrived at in
an extensive practice, the proper struc-
tural arrangements and dimensions
were indicated with far greater accu-
racy than could be attained in a
reasonable time by an independent
calculation in each individual case.
^ It was called the 'WharncliflFo
'Viaduct,' in acknowledgment of the
services rendered to the Company
by the late Lord WharnclifFe as Chair-
man of the Committee in the House
of Lords. Drawings of this bridge
are given in Simms' Public Works
of Great Britain, 1838, pL 54, 55, and
56 ; and in Bourne's History and
Description of the Great Western Eail-
way, 1846.
MAIDENHEAD BEIDGE. 173
the structure is throughout made as light as possible. It
is on this account interesting, as showing the care taken
by Mr. Brunei from the commencement of his practice to
distribute the material in the simplest arid most effective
manner.'
The great bridge over the Thames at Maidenhead con-
tains two of the flattest, and probably the largest arches
that have yet been constructed in brickwork. The river,
which is about 290 feet wide, flows between low banks ;
in the middle of the stream there is a small shoal, of
which Mr. Brunei took advantage in building the centre
pier.
It was originally intended that the foundation of the
bridge should be on the chalk, which was at a short
distance below the surface ; but it was found to be very
soft, and Mr. Brunei therefore decided to place the
foundations of the bridge on a hard gravel conglomerate
overlying the chalk. The main arches are semi-elliptical,
each of 128 feet span and 24 feet 3 inches rise. They
are flanked at each end by four semicircular arches, one
of 21 feet span, and three of 28 feet span, intended to
give additional water-way during floods. The radius of
curvature at the crovm of the large arches is 165 feet, and
the horizontal thrust on the brickwork at that point is
about 10 tons per square foot.
In the interior of the structure immediately landward of
the large arches, Mr. Brunei constructed flat arches loaded
with concrete. The centerings of these were struck,
and an active thrust opposed to the main arches before
' At the back of retaining walls, corbelled out at the back of the wall,
such as the abutments and wing walls The weight of earth resting on these
of bridges which were subject to the shelves virtually increased the weight
pressure of earth behind them, Mr. of the back of the wall, and assisted it
Brunei introduced what were termed in resisting the forward pressure of
' sailing courses/ projecting shelves the earth.
174
EAILWAY BKIDGES AND VIADUCTS.
their centerings were eased.' The line of pressure of
each main arch was diverted downwards by the thrust
of the flat arch adjoining it without the necessity of
employing a great mass of brickwork in the abutment.
The woodcut (fig. 1) shows the form of the main arches
and the flat arch referred to.^
Fig. 1. Maidenhead Bridge.
Longitudinal Section.
f.„t.t If *t *p tf
Scale of/eet.
The Maidenhead bridge is remarkable not only for the
boldness and ingenuity of its design, but also for the
gracefulness of its appearance. If Mr. Brunei had erected
this bridge at a later period, he would probably have em-
ployed timber or iron ; but it cannot be a matter of regret
that this part of the Thames, although subjected to the
dreaded invasion of a railway, has been crossed by a
structure which enhances the beauty of the scenery.
There are two other large brick bridges over the Thames,
one at Gathampton and another at Moulsford, that at
Moulsford crossing the river obliquely at an angle of 45°.
In each of these bridges there are four arches, of 62 feet
span on the square.
' During the construction of the
bridge a part of the crown of tlie
eastern arch proved defective, in con-
eequenceof the cement in the middle of
the brickwork not having set suffi-
ciently at the time when the centering
was eased. Apprehensions which
had been entertained by some as to
the safety of the structure were
groundless, for when the defective
part was taken out and replaced, no
further trouble was experienced. The
bridge has stood well, and has shown
none of those symptoms which an
overstrained structure exhibits.
* Simms' Puhlic Works of Great
Britain, pi. 57, 58 ; Bourne's History
and JDescriptioti of the Great Western
Bailwajj, p. 3G.
BRICK AND MASONRY BRIDGES. 175
Other good examples of brick bridges are the turnpike
road bridge, 60 feet high, with three arches, across the
deep cutting at Sonning Hill, and the bridge, with one
opening of 60 feet and four side arches of 18 feet span,
over the river Kennet at Eeading.
The bridge over the Avon at Bathford, of 87 feet span,
and the bridge crossing the same river at Bath, with an
arch of 88 feet span, are handsome Bath-stone structures
with semi-elliptical arches. Near Bristol there is an orna-
mental bridge of masonry with three Gothic arches, the
centre arch having a span of 100 feet.' Another bridge
of Gothic design, with two arches of 66 feet span, carries
the railway over the Floating Harbour.^
The bridgfes which have hitherto been noticed are all on
the Great Western Railway. On the Bristol and Exeter
Railway there is a large stone bridge over the New Cut
at Bristol, built in 1840, which has a single segmental
arch of 120 feet span, and 20 feet rise. Owing to some im-
perfect workmanship in the interior masonry of the arch,
and possibly to some unequal yielding of the abutments,
the crown sunk much more than had been expected.
On his later railways Mr. Brunei did not build large
arches of brickwork or masonry, though he constructed
several lofty and extensive viaducts of these materials with
spans varying from 40 to 60 feet.
Mr. Brunei seldom employed artificially piled foundations
to support masonry. When the ground was soft, he pre-
ferred to rely on a large extent of bearing surface, and
' When Mr. Brunei for architectural case he did not obtain equilibrium
eflFect employed Gothic or pointed by loading the crown, but he kept the
arches, he occasionally made the main line of pressure sufficiently within the
part of the arch of a form diiferent tliicknoss of the arch by strengthening
from the curve visible on the face, the haunches,
but he more frequently made it of the * Brees' liailway Practice, pi. 42.
same pointed form throughout. In this
176 EAILWAY BRIDGES AND VIADUCTS.
ensured uniformity of settlement by an accurate distribu-
tion of the load. Several of bis large viaducts and bridges,
standing on ground of a soft and spongy nature, v^ere
constructed on this principle.
A class of bridge of striking outline was used in
the cuttings on the Bristol and Exeter Eailway, and on
the other railways subsequently made. Bridges of this
class were called flying bridges. Instead of arches resting
on piers and abutments, the bridge has a single arch,
reaching from one side of the cutting to the other, and
springing from the slopes, which it helps in some measure
to support. A flying bridge of large dimensions near
Weston-super-Mare carries a road across the cutting at
a height of 60 feet above the line of rails, with a clear
span of 110 feet.
The quantity of masonry in these bridges is much less
than in those of the ordinary construction ; and lofty and
expensive centering is not required, as the bridge can be
built before the cutting is excavated to its full dimensions.
This class of bridge, by the avoidance of abutments and
counterforts, simplifies the construction of. skew arches,
while on sharp curves it presents but little obstruction
to the view along the line.
A curious use of arches of this construction, as applied
by Mr. Brunei, may be seen on the South Wales Rail-
way near Llansamlet, between Neath and Swansea. A
deep cutting through the coal measures showed a ten-
dency to slip, and a large amount of excavation would
have been required to flatten the slope, as a hill rose
immediately above the side of the cutting. Four of these
flying arches were thrown across the cutting at short
intervals, and weighted with heavy copper slag, so that
the sides of the cutting are kept apart by the thrust of
the loaded arches.
FLYING AND SKEW BRIDGES. 177
Among the skew bridges on Mr. Brunei's railways,
there are a few of extreme obliquity. Of these may be
mentioned two large road bridges near Berkeley, over the
Bristol and Gloucester Railway, one being 48° and the
other 53° off the square. Both the bridges are of brick-
work, and in the arch of the first one, which was set in
Roman cement, hoop iron was introduced in the manner
successfully employed by Sir Isambard Brunei. On the
South Devon Railway, near Plympton, there is a skew
bridge 63° off the square.
On the Great Western Railway, in the neighbourhood of
Bath and Bristol, there are skew bridges of ashlar masonry
built on the mechanically correct principle of spiral
tapering courses, the bed-joints in every part of the arch
being made at right angles to the lines of pressure.
By this method the arch does not depend for its stability
on the friction and cohesion of the materials, as it does to
a great extent in very skew bridges, built in the usual
way with spiral parallel courses, especially when the arches
are semi-circular or semi-elliptical.
Mr. Brunei's bridges of masonry and brickwork were
well known for the comparatively small quantity of ma-
terial used in them ; and, though it was requisite that the
materials and workmanship should be of superior quality,
their cost was comparatively small.
The specifications he prepared for aU his works, and on
which the contracts were based, were noted for the
completeness with which they were drawn up, and for
their not requiring a standard of perfection higher than
that which was actually to be carried out. The confi-
dence with which Mr. Brunei was regarded enabled him
to insist with effect on the work being executed according
to his interpretation of the contract.
178 RAILWAY BRIDGES AND VIADUCTS.
In connection with the design of engineering works,
and especially of brickwork and masonry bridges, the
following letter from Mr. Brunei to one of his assistants,
who was abroad, will be found interesting : —
December 30, 1854.
Let me give you one general piece of advice — that while in all
works you endeavour to employ the materials used in the most
economical manner, and to avoid waste, yet always put rather an
excess of material in quantity. You cannot take too much pains in
making evei-y thing in equilibrio ; that is to say, that all forces should
pass exactly through the points of greater resistance, or through the
centres of any surfaces of resistance. Thus, in anything resembling a
column or strut, whether of iron, wood, or masonry, take care that
the surface of the base should be proportioned that the strain should
pass through the centre of it. Consider all structures, and all bodies,
and all materials of foundations to be made of very elastic india-rubber,
and proportion them so that they will stand and keep their shape :
you will by those means diminish greatly the required thickness :
then add 50 per cent. So in trussed framework of wood or iron,
experience shows that you cannot refine too much upon the perfec-
tion of the designing of every little detail by which all strains are
carried exactly through the centres of the rods or struts and the
centres of the bearing surfaces. And remember, always in retaining
walls to give plenty of batter ; never build an upright wing- wall, or
retaining wall. To a man who has an instinctively mechanical mind
— and no other can be an engineer — the advice I have given you
above is all T need say ; but this advice is the result of a good deal
of experience, purchased by failures of my own, and by looking at
those of others, and is, I assure you, valuable advice, to be followed
literally and strictly, and not to be considered as a mere theoretical
refinement, to be neglected in practice. Practically too much at-
tention cannot be paid to these precautions. I have found that there
is not a single substance we have to deal with, from cast-iron to
clay, which should not practically be treated strictly as a yielding
elastic substance, and that the amount of the compression or tension,
as the case may be, is by no means to be neglected in practice any
more than in theory. Bear in mind also that which is too often
neglected and involves serious consequences, that masonry or brick-
work has not half the strength which is generally calculated upon
until the mortar is hard, and that you cannot keep centres or shores
up too long.
TIMBEE BRIDGES AND VIADUCTS. 179
Timber Bridges and Viaducts.
Mr. Brunei's timber bridges and viaducts are remark-
able on account of the extensive scale on wbicb lie em-
ployed that material, and the simple and efficient type of
construction which he adopted in the largest structure
as well as in the smallest.
In 1841 Mr. Brunei constructed a timber bridge of five
spans to carry a public road over the Sonning cutting of
the Great Western Eailway, a short distance east of
Eeading. The total width of the space across which the
road had to be carried was 240 feet. The superstructure
rests on four tall frameworks or trestles of timber forming
the piers. Two of these piers are on either side of the
railway, and the others are about halfway up each slope.
The road rests on a platform of timber planking, carried
on three longitudinal beams, which are supported at
nearly equal distances by timber struts radiating from
points on the piers about 12 feet below the level of the
carriage road. The system of arrangement of these struts
will be best understood by a reference to the woodcut
given below (fig. 5, p. 187) of one of the Cornwall
viaducts, of which the Sonning bridge may be regarded
as in some measure the prototype.^
The skew timber bridge on the Great Western Railway
near the Bath Station, carrying the line over the river
Avon, was constructed about the same time as the
Sonning bridge. It has two spans of 36 feet each on the
square, but the obliquity is so great that the span on the
skew is 89 feet. Each opening has six laminated arched
ribs parallel to the line of the railway. These support
the platform of the bridge, and are built up in five layers
' There is an illustration of this Description of the Great Western Bail-
bridge in Bourne's History and way.
N 2
180 EAILWAY BEIDGES AND VIADUCTS.
of curved Memel timber, six inches thick, bolted together.
The thrust is counteracted by iron ties connecting the
ends of the ribs. The inner spandrils are filled in by
cross-ties and braces, and those of the outer ribs by orna-
mental cast ironwork.
The two bridges already described are almost the only
timber bridges of importance on the main line of the
Great Western Railway from London to Bristol. Shortly
after the completion of this railway Mr. Brunei began
to make an extensive use of timber in his designs, and
in so doing took full advantage of the largeness of the
material, in order to avoid intricacy of construction.
A well-known arrangement for forming beams of greater
strength than could be obtained by single pieces of timber
was adopted by Mr. Brunei after a careful investiga-
tion of its merits. This arrangement consists in joining
together two beams of timber placed one above the other,
by means of bolts and joggles, so as to form a beam nearly
equivalent in strength to a single piece of timber of the
same depth as the two pieces united.^ By this plan,
the length which could be spanned by simple beams,
without the introduction of trussed framework, was nearly
doubled.
The distance between the piers of railway bridges is
generally too great to allow of the superstructure being
constructed of simple beams, and in such cases Mr. Brunei
adopted forms of framing similar in the arrangement of
' Joggles are small pieces of hard pieces of equal size act as one of
wood or cast-iron of rectangular cross double the depth, and therefore of
section, placed between two beams, four times the strength of a single
and fitted carefully into notches cut piece. In 1841 Mr. Brunei made
across them. The beams are then experiments to satisfy himself of
bolted firmly together. The object the strength gained by this method ;
is to stop the slipping which would and he afterwards perfected the ar-
occur between the two surfaces if the rangement by ensuring an exact fit in
beams were merely laid one on the the notches by tightening up the
other and loaded, and so to make two joggles with wrought-iron wedges.
TIMBER BRIDGES AND VIADUCTS.
181
^
Queen Truss.
King Truss.
their parts to the common designs of king and queen
trusses employed in roofs.
One of Mr. Brunei's early timber viaducts was that
erected in 1842 at Stonehouse, on the Bristol and Glou-
cester Eailway. It consisted of a series of five openings
of queen trusses 50 feet span, resting on piers formed of
timber trestles.
In the Bourne viaduct, across
the Stroudwater Canal, on the
Cheltenham and Great Western
Union Railway, there was a span
of 66 feet, with three timber
trusses, for the two lines of way.
Each of these trusses may be
described as a king truss with an internal queen truss.
The inclined timbers or principals rested in iron shoes
upon the piers, and were connected together by bolts
and joggles.
The upper horizontal or collar beam of the queen
truss carried the roadway planking, which was continued
upon beams supported by the principals. The timbers
carrying the roadway received support from struts radiat-
ing from the feet of the queen posts, which were con-
nected with the apex of the king truss by iron ties. The
horizontal tie bars were of wrought iron. The arrange-
ment of the truss is shown in the woodcut (fig. 2).
The side openings consisted of four spans of 30 feet,
with trusses of the Stonehouse viaduct type, of one span
of 25 feet and ten
spans of 20 feet, with
double beams.
rig. 2. Bourne Viaduct.
t.,tM.t
The St. Mary's via-
duct, across the canal scaie <,f/eet.
in the Stroud Valley, was constructed with one span of
182
RAILWAY BRIDGES AND VIADUCTS.
74 feet, with trusses similar to those at the Bourne
viaduct.^
In the year 1846 Mr. Brunei made an elaborate series
of experiments on the strength of large timber. Some
account of these is given in the note to this chapter.
Fortified by the information thus obtained, he was able
to proceed with confidence to an extensive use of timber
in the viaducts of the South Devon, the Cornwall, and
other railways.
Between Totness and Plj^mpton, the South Devon
EaUway, running along the skirts of Dartmoor, crosses
four deep valleys, by lofty viaducts, all of the same design.
Three of them can be seen at one time, and they form
striking and elegant features in the landscape.
The viaduct at Ivybridge is the highest of these. It
is on a curve, and has eleven openings of 61 feet each;
the extreme height
is 104 feet.
The piers are of
masonry, each con-
sisting of two slen-
der and slightly
tapered shafts
about 7 feet square,
rising to the level
of the rails. The
superstructure was
originallydesigned
for a railway on
^"^ ''•^•^^"- the Atmospheric
System, and was therefore only intended to bear the load
of a train of carriages. The framework was placed
' A drawing of this bridge is Commisswn on the A2->2^lication of Iron
appended to the Eeport of the to Eailway Structures, 1849.
SOUTH DEVON TIMBER VIADUCTS. 183
below the level of the rails, and, as will be seen in
the woodcut (fig. 3), it consists of a polygonal frame, with
a few subsidiary struts, the feet of the main timbers
being tied together by wrought-iron rods. There are
two of these frames, one at each side of the bridge, to
support the planking of the roadway. Before the con-
struction of the viaducts was proceeded with, a complete
span of the superstructure, consisting of a pair of the
frames with the planking, was erected at Bristol, and
tested to ascertain the efficiency of every part.
When it became necessary to strengthen the super-
structure to enable it to carry the weight of locomotives,
a strongly trussed parapet was added above the trusses,
as shown in the woodcut. After the lapse of twenty years,
the timber having begun to decay, wrought-iron girders
have been inserted, which rest on the stone piers; the
framing, however, has not been removed.
Shortly after the completion of the viaducts on the
South Devon Railway, those on the South Wales Railway
were constructed. The most important on this line are
those at Landore and Newport.
The viaduct at Landore, near Swansea, is 1,760 feet
long, as the railway here crosses a wide valley. It has
37 openings, and there are a variety of spans, one of 100
feet, two of 73 feet, two of 64 feet, two of 50 feet, and the
rest of about 40 feet each. Most of these consist of a
superstructure of queen trusses. The piers are of different
materials, some being almost entirely of masonry, some
partly of masonry and partly of timber, and others en-
tirely of timber, according to the nature of the foundation.'
• Mr. Brunei, by taking care in his feet high was placed upon a broad
timber structures to distribute the platform resting on an old embank-
load uniformly, was frequently able ment upwards of 50 feet in height,
to dispense with costly foundations. A similar arrangement was adopted
On one occasion a timber viaduct 30 by him in some cases on slips in em-
184
KAILWAY BRIDGES AND VIADUCTS.
The chief feature is> the centre span, with an opening of
100 feet, the superstructure of which is a very fine piece
of timber-work.* It has four trusses, one on either
side of the two lines of rails, of the form shown in the
woodcut (fig. 4). The truss consists of a four-sided frame
placed within a five-sided frame, the angles of each polygon
being connected by bolts and struts with the middle of the
sides of the other polygon.
The planking of the roadway rests on double beams,
Fig. 4, Landore Viaduct.
■t..?....?
Scale of feet.
supported at several points in the manner shown in the
woodcut, each point having suspension-rods to connect it
with the nearest angles of the frames. The arrangement
of the double polygonal frame and of the tie-rods enables
the transverse strength of the timbers to exercise consider-
able resistance to any distortion of the shape of the truss
by a rolling load. To prevent any tendency of the top
of the frame to yield sideways under the compressive
bankments whicli it would have been
uncertain and expensive to make up
with earthwork.
' For a description of this viaduct,
seo Proceedings Inst. C. E., vol. xiv.
for 1854-6, p. 492.
•SOUTH WALES TIMBEE VIADUCTS. 185
strain, the tops of the trusses are connected by transverse
struts or braces, the two outside trusses being steadied
by raking ties attached to outriggers projecting from
below the flooring of the bridge. The thrust of the
polygonal frames is resisted by wrought-iron tie-bars at
the level of the roadway beams. All the tie-rods in this
bridge are double, with one bar on each side of the timbers,
to avoid the necessity of making large bolt-holes.^
The viaduct at Newport consists of eleven spans with
queen trusses, resting on piles. The main span, over the
river Usk, is 100 feet, and was constructed with timber
trusses very similar to those at Landore. Shortly before
it was finished, the viaduct was burnt down. In rebuilding
it, wrought-iron trusses were employed for the main span.
The works of the Cornwall Eailway were commenced in
the year 1852. The district through which the line passes
is very deficient in the materials requisite for the con-
struction of a railway. The granite of the country is for
the most part only applicable for ashlar ; and the slate,
which is flat-bedded and so far fit for rubble masonry, is
frequently inferior in quality.
In consequence of the number of valleys that the rail-
way had to cross, the aggregate length of the viaducts,
thirty-four in number, exclusive of the Saltash bridge, is
' Mr. Brunei about this time intro- commencement of the thread, the
duced a great improvement in the strength is not so great as that
manufacture of wrought-iron bolts for due to the reduced sectional area,
bridges, when these, as is usually the The improvement consisted in swell-
case, are screwed at the ends. A ing out the iron of the end of the
screw cannot be made on a bolt with- bolt where the thread was to be
out the metal being cut into to the made, so that the diameter, at the
extent of the depth of the thread, deepest part of the thread, should be
and the strength thereby considerably fully equal to that of the bolt. The
reduced. The section, taken at the saving of metal by this improvement,
bottom of the thread, is much smaller especially in the case of long bolts, is
than that of the bolt ; and, moreover, very considerable,
owing to the abrupt change at the
186 RAILWAY BEIDGES AND VIADUCTS.
upwards of four miles on a line of sixty miles. By the
use of timber, a -great saving was effected in tlie first
cost of the works ; and though it is a material which in
time requires renewal, its use on the Cornwall Eailway
enabled the line to be made with the capital at the com-
mand of the Company; while, allowing for the cost of
subsequent repairs, the total expenditure did not differ
much from what it would have been had the super-
structure of the viaducts been of more durable mate-
rials. The comparatively small cost of these structures
enables them to be, in certain places, economically sub-
stituted for embankments, as was done on the Cornwall
Railway.
The viaducts are to be found over the whole length of
the line, but they are most frequent between the Liskeard
and Bodmin Road stations, where the railway crosses
numerous branches of the Glynn valley.
Most of these viaducts are of one type of construction.
The piers are formed of plain walls, built up to thirty-
five feet below the level of the rails, those of the more
lofty viaducts being strengthened by buttresses. In the
woodcut (fig. 5) is shown a portion of the St. Pinnock
viaduct, from which the form of these piers will be under-
stood.
This viaduct is the loftiest on the Cornwall Railway,
the rails being at a height of 153 feet above the ground.
A description of the superstructiu-e will serve to explain
the design of the principal viaducts on the line.
The roadway planking rests on three beams, which run
longitudinally throughout the whole length of the viaduct.
Each of these beams consists of two pieces of timber, one
above the other, fastened together by bolts and joggles.
The piers are 66 feet apart, centre to centre, and the
longitudinal beams are supported, at four nearly equi-
COENWALL TIMBER VIADUCTS,
187
distant points in this space, by straight single timbers
radiating from the tops of the piers. The feet of the
timbers, which rest on the masonry in cast-iron shoes,
are connected together by wrought-iron tie-bars; and
the framework is made rigid by iron diagonals.
It will be observed in the transverse section (fig. 5) that
\
/\
— —
A
A
Tramvcrse tictUm.
Plan of base of pier.
Plan of top of pier.
Fig. 5. St. Pinnock Viaduct.
the whole weight of the superstructure is concentrated
immediately over those points in the piers where the three
buttresses meet. The diagonal braces which are attached
to each set of the main timbers give transverse stability
to the superstructure.^
' An arrangement was introduced
by Mr. Brunei to prevent any distur-
bance in the permanent way by a
settlement of the embankments at
the ends of the viaducts. There
were no lai^e abutments and wing
walls, but the end of the viaduct
was formed with a queen truss in the
188 EAILWAY BEIDGES AND VIADUCTS.
It was desirable, both, in first construction and in
subsequent repairs, to have a iiniform dimension for the
spans, and the subdivision of 66 feet was determined on
as being suitable for the economic construction of the
greater part of the work. The subdivision of this length
was such as to allow of single whole timbers being sufii-
cient for the direct supports of the longitudinal beams ;
and as these beams were supported at intervals of 15 to 20
feet, no intermediate trussing was required. As the inclined
timbers met the tops of the piers at a moderate inclination,
the outward thrust caused by unequal loading of the spans
of the viaduct was inconsiderable, and was easily counter-
acted by light iron ties.
The stone for the piers was for the most part procured
in the neighbourhood, the design of the masonry being
sucli as to enable stone of the country to be used ; and,
as the timber superstructure was built in pieces of mode-
rate size,* and easily obtained, the expenditure was pro-
bably not far from the minimum under the existing
conditions.''
On the South Devon and Tavistock Railway, the via-
ducts are six in number, and from 62 to 132 feet in height.
In these the piers were made of a somewhat simpler form
than those just described. At the lofty viaducts, the
parapet, which rested on a platform with a view to giving facility for re-
on the top of the embankment slope. placing portions of it, should they
In any slight settlement of the earth, decay.
the end of the viaduct sunk with it, ' The viaducts on the Cornwall
and the permanent way was not dis- Eailway between Plymouth and
turbed. Wedges were provided to Truro are thirty-four in number,
raise the ends of the trusses and re- Of these there are nineteen which
adjust their level. This was an im- have from six to twenty openings,
portant provision, as it applied to and are from 80 to 153 feet in
about 60 cases on the Cornwall Eail- height. The aggregate length of
way. these nineteen viaducts is nearly 2f
' The simple arrangement of the miles,
timber-work was specially arranged
CORNWALL TIMBER VIADUCTS. 189
buttresses were made with a -uniform batter througboiit
their height. The Walkham viaduct, near Tavistock, 132
feet high, with fifteen openings of 66 feet span each, may-
be considered to exhibit the most matured design of Mr.
Brunei's timber viaducts.
On the West Cornwall Eailway a type of viaduct similar
to that described above was adopted ; but as the general
height was not so great, the spans were 50 feet each, and
the longitudinal beams were supported at three points in
each span, instead of at four as on the Cornwall Railway.
In consequence of the nature of the foundations, the piers
of the nine viaducts on this line were for the most part
formed of upright timbers well braced together, standing
upon masonry footings. The viaduct at Angarrack, 98
feet high, with 16 spans, which was constructed in 1851,
was remarkable for its light appearance, owing to the
smaU number of timbers in the superstructure and piers.
Mr. Brunei paid great attention to the preservation of
the material of the timber bridges and viaducts. As
early as 1835 he had been in communication with Mr.
Faraday as to the best method of testing the extent to
which the Kyanising solution penetrated into wood.
Mr. Brunei made a careful trial of all the different methods
of preserving timber, and employed the more successful of
them on a very considerable scale. He was so impressed
with the importance of the preserving processes being
properly applied, that he on several occasions preferred to
keep the operation of preserving the timber in the hands
of the Company, in order that it might be done thoroughly,
and under his own supervision. He also minutely at-
tended to the details by which timber structures may be
protected from decaying influences.
190 RAILWAY BRIDGES AND VIADUCTS.
Cast-Iron Bridges.
Mr. Brunei did not make an extensive use of cast iron
for the superstructure of bridges. His views as to the
employment of this material in girders are clearly ex-
pressed in the following extract from a letter to one of
the Directors of the Great Western Railway : —
April 18, 1849.
Cast-iron girder bridges are always giving trouble — from such
cases as the Chester Bridge, and our Great "Western road bridge at
Hanwell, which, since 1838, has always been under repair, and has
cost its first cost three times over, down to petty little ones, which,
either in frosty weather or from other causes, are frequently failing.
I never use cast iron if I can help it ; but, in some cases it is
necessary, and to meet these I have had girders cast of a particular
mixture of iron carefully attended to, and I have tavight them at
the Bridgewater foundry to cast them with the flange downwards
instead of sideways. By these means, and having somebody always
there, I ensure better castings, and have much lighter girders than I
should otherwise be obliged to have. The number I have is but
few, because, as I before said, I dislike them, and I pay a price some-
what above ordinary castings, believing it to be economy to do so.
I won't trust a bridge of castings run in the ordinary way, and at
foundries where I have not a person always watching; and, even if I
did, the weight requisite in a beam of ordinary metal and mode of
running would more than make up for the reduced price.
The bridge at Hanwell referred to in this letter was one
on the main line of the Great Western Railway, over the
Uxbridge road. In 1847 the planking caught fire, and
the cast-iron girders were destroyed by the heat.
The researches of Mr. Eaton Hodgkinson had drawn
attention to the importance of a proper proportionment of
the top and bottom flanges of cast-iron girders, and Mr.
Brunei now made some experiments on this point. As part
of this investigation, eight girders, 30 feet long and 16
inches deep, were tested by weights until they gave way.
CAST-IEON GIEDERS. 191
The comparative areas of the top and bottom flanges were
varied until a correct proportion between the two was
arrived at. The general result of these large-scale ex-
periments showed a lower breaking-weight than that
deduced from Mr. Hodgkinson's formula.
When Mr. Brunei afterwards had occasion to use cast-
iron girders, which was chiefly for road bridges over rail-
ways, they were made of the form which his experiments
had shown to be the best ; ' but he repaired the Hanwell
Bridge with wrought iron.
At about the same time the necessity for spanning wide
openings had led to larger girders being required than
could be manufactured in single castings, and Mr. Brunei
had a large cast-iron girder made, 46 feet long and 4 feet
deep, of five pieces bolted and keyed together. It was
tested until it gave way with a load of 92 tons on the
middle. The result showed that the several parts had been
well connected, and that the strength of the beam was not
much less than the calculated strength of a beam of the
same size in a single piece. Mr. Brunei did not, however,
use girders of this construction, as the rapid introduc-
tion of wrought iron rendered it unnecessary.
Cast iron was introduced, though not for girders, in
many of the brick and stone bridges on the Great Western
Railway. It was used in the form of troughs sunk into
the crown of the arch in bridges where the headway was
very limited. The rails were laid along the bottom of the
trough within a few inches of the soffit or underside of the
arch.
Although, after the careful experiments and investiga-
tions he had made, and the experience he had obtained,
Mr. Brunei did not make use of cast iron for large girders,
' A drawing showing this form of the Commission on the Application of
section is appended to the Jieport of Iron to Railway Structures, 1849.
192 RAILWAY BRIDGES AND VIADUCTS.
he looked forward to the possibility of such improvements
being introduced into the manufacture as would enable
sound castings of considerable size to be made of homo-
geneous material.
He expressed this opinion in a letter to the Secretary
of the Commission on the Application of Iron to Rail-
way Structures. This Commission (which Mr. Brunei
called ' The Commission for stopping further improve-
* ments in bridge building ') was appointed ' for the
' purpose of inquiring into the conditions to be observed
' by engineers in the application of iron in structures
' exposed to violent concussions and vibration.' Mr.
Brunei, in common with most engineers, thought it would
be very inexpedient that any regies de Vart should be laid
down, and took up the cudgels boldly on behalf of the
liberty of the profession : —
March 13, 1848.
At present cast iron is looked upon, to a certain extent, as a friable,
treacherous, and uncertain material ; castings of a limited size only
can be safely depended upon ; wrought iron is considered compara-
tively trustworthy, and by riveting, or welding, there is no limit to
the size of the parts to be used. Yet, who will venture to say, if the
direction of improvement is left free, that means may not be found of
ensuring sound castings of almost any form, and of twenty or thirty
tons weight, and of a perfectly homogeneous mixture of the best metal?
Who will say that beams of great size of such a material, either in
single pieces or built, may not prove stronger, safer, less exposed to
change of texture or to injury from vibration, than wrought-ij-on,
which in large masses cannot be so homogeneous as a fused mass
may be made and which when welded is liable to sudden fracture
at the welds ? '
Wrought-Iron Bridges.
Notwithstanding the cost of wrought iron, but a short
time elapsed between its introduction into bridge building
' The remainder of this letter is printed in Chapter XVI. p. 486.
WROUGHT-IEON GIRDER BRIDGES. 193
and its use in structures of great magnitude. Mr. Brunei
had been long familiar with the application of riveted
wrought-iron work, and he was the first to encourage its
use on a large scale in shipbuilding by recommending its
adoption in the * Great Britain ' steam-ship in 1838.
Girder Bridges.
The strains on girders made of homogeneous material
have been carefully and ably calculated by mathematicians ;
and the investigations thus made have directed inquiry
into the right channels for determining the nature of the
stresses on the several parts of the built-up structures
now so much in use. Principles have by degrees been laid
down, and lines of thought have been suggested and
followed out which were unknown at the time when
wrought-iron girders were first introduced in the con-
struction of railway bridges.* <r~^ — >*
Shortly after Mr. Brunei began to use ^^
wrought iron for bridge girders, he made an
experiment in order to determine the weak
points of a large wrought-iron plate-girder.
•Mr. Edwin Clark, in his work on the
' Britannia and Conway Tubular Bridges,'
vol. i. p. 437, gives a description of what
he justly terms *this magnificent experi-
*ment.' The girder was of the section
shown in the woodcut (fig. 6), 70 feet in
length, and of ^-inch plate throughout. cauoffeet
It was weighted gradually, and gave way Fig. e.
.,, , ,/.-,„,-, ,1 , 1 11 Experimental Girder.
With a load of 165 tons on the centre, by the Tramversestctum.
' Mr. Brunei was thoroughly con- but at the same time he preferred,
ersant with the principles of mathe- when it was possible, to use geometri-
matical analysis, and was able with cal methods of solution for engineer-
great readiness to apply it in practice ; ing problems.
IlliS L
194 KAILWAY BEIDGES AND VIADUCTS.
tearing apart of the vertical web plate near the ends of
the girder. When this portion had been strengthened,
and the girder again loaded, it gave way with a load
of 188 tons by the simultaneous failure of the top and
bottom flanges, that is to say, of the plates forming the
triangles shown in the woodcut.^
The superior tensile strength of wrought iron to that
of cast iron, and the facility with which pieces could be
joined together by riveting, enabled girders of great size
to be made. The thin wrought-iron plates were arranged
so as to form the top and bottom flanges of the girders as
well as the upright web connecting them. The metal in
the top of a girder being in compression, it was important so
to dispose it that it should resist the tendency to yield side-
ways under the strain. This requirement was met in the
experimental girder by the triangular section of the top
flange; and the convenience of this form for joining
together a number of plates, without dif-
ficulty or the use of long rivets, led Mr.
Brunei to use the triangular section also
for the bottom flange.
Subsequent improvements in the faci-
lities for bending wrought-iron plates en-
abled him to use a form of cross section
of wrought-iron girder, the top flange of
which was a nearly circular tube, the best
■f»fn I > t shape of strut to resist longitudinal com-
scauoffea. presslou. It is shown in the woodcut (fig.
cirder on South Wales 7), and was uscd in many of his bridges.
Kailway, 70 feet span.
Tranzverse Section. Thls form was aftcrwards modified to
that shown in fig. 8. The semicircular top plate is stiffened
by occasional cross diaphragms, and while it was a good
* In the note at the end of this experiments made by Mr. Brunei on
chapter mention is made of some riveted joints.
WKOUGHT-IRON GIRDER BRIDGES. 195
form to resist compression, it was more easily painted than
the closed-in top flanges shown in figs. 6 and 7.
The forms of wrought-iron girder already referred
to are those known as plate girders, with continuous
webs made of plates riveted together, and therefore
analogous to the beams of cast iron which they almost
entirely superseded. On Mr. Brunei's railways there are
a great number of bridges of these forms yT^>.
of girder, where the spans do not exceed L j
100 feet. For larger spans he used wrought
iron, in large and deep trussed frames, by
which means a great degree of economy
was attained in the employment of the
material.
The care which he had taken to satisfy
himself of the action of the strains in
plate girders was of service in all the
greater structures he designed, as in '
all of them he employed wrought-iron scaje o/Mt.
girders to carry the roadway, of a type ^'^•*-
'^ •' *" -f ^ Girder on Eastern Ben-
somewhat similar to those already de- fptn.^*""^*^' ^^ ^'^^
scribed, the girders being supported at Tramvertt section.
frequent intervals by the main framework or truss.
Opening Bridges.
The first large opening bridge which Mr. Brunei con-
structed was a roadway swing bridge, 12 feet wide, across
the new lock at the Bristol Docks. The length of the
overhanging end is 88 feet, and the other, or tail end,
which is 34 feet long, rests upon two wheels, which travel
on a circular rail. The weight of the overhanging end
is rather more than counterbalanced by large blocks of
cast iron, forming part of the pavement of the tail end.
Almost the whole weight is borne on a centre pivot, assisted
o 2
196 KAILWAY BKIDGES AND VIADUCTS.
by four wlieels in fixed bearings, upon which runs an in-
verted circular^ rail attached to the underside of the
bridge. On the pivot, which rests on a large cast-iron
bed-plate, are two discs, one of steel and the other of
brass, which can readily be lubricated, or taken out and
renewed.
On the sides of the bridge are longitudinal wrought-
iron plate- girders. The top flange is pear-shaped,
and the bottom flange triangular, having
three curved plates. The flanges are
connected together by a vertical plate
web of wrought iron. The section is
shown on the woodcut (fig. 9). It admits
of very simple riveting, without the use of
^^-K angle irons. The form of the bottom
tiiiJ — 1 — 5 — 5 flange is suited to the compressive strain
Scale of feet. {j^ j^as to bear when the bridge is being
Pig. 9. Cumberland °
Basin Swing Bridge, moved. The top flange has also wrought-
iron tie-bars within the tube. When the bridge is across
the lock and open for trafiic, the overhanging end rests
on cams, which are tightened up so as to lift and support
the ends of the girders. As the bridge rests almost en-
tirely on a pivot of small diameter, it turns with great ease.
^Near Gloucester there are two skew swing bridges some-
what similar to each other in arrangement. Almost all
the weight while turning is supported on the piston of a
hydraulic press, and the bridge therefore turns round on
the water in the cylinder. The first bridge is on the main
line of railway leading to South Wales, across a branch
of the River Severn, and is for two lines of way. It has
three girders, 125 feet long, of the form shown in fig. 7
(p. 194). The water pivot is in the middle of the length
of the bridge, which spans two openings of 50 feet on the
square. Before being turned the bridge was intended to
OPENING BRIDGES. 197
be lifted slightly off its bearings by the hydraulic press,
and steadied by four wheels, on which a portion of the
weight was to be made to rest by long springs within
the girders, the range of which was to be limited in one
direction by a fixed stop. The central pier consists of five
cylinders of cast iron, each 6 feet in diameter, filled with
concrete, surmounted by a cast- iron ring or roller path.
The railway company was obliged to make this an opening
bridge in order to provide for the free navigation of the river
should the old stone bridge lower down be altered. This
has not been done, and the railway swing bridge, con-
structed in 1851, has not yet been opened.
The other swing bridge at Gloucester is on the Dock
branch, for one line of way, with an opening of 50 feet
on the square, the overhanging length of the girders
being 70 feet. While raised from its bearing and turning
on its water pivot it is steadied by two tail wheels, like
the bridge at the Bristol Docks.
On the BuUo Pill branch of the South Wales Eailway
there is a small wrought-iron drawbridge, for one line of
way, of 30 feet span. It is a lifting bridge on the bascule
principle, like many bridges over canals in this country
and in Holland. The opening part turns on a horizontal
axle, and is lifted by rods attached to the ends of two large
beams or levers, turning vertically, which are supported
above the railway on a timber framework. At the other
ends of these beams is a counterbalance weight. The
bridge is opened or shut by pulling down either end of
the beams with a small chain.
The other bridges are on the main line of the Soutli
Wales Railway, and are four in number, each for two lines
of way.
One at Loughor is a wrought-iron swing bridge, of 30
feet opening, of the ordinary construction, with girders
Univerg!TV of Toronto
DePa
198 RAILWAY BEIDGES AND VIADUCTS.
90 feet in length, resting upon 36 rollers, whicli are
secured in a ring concentric with the pivot. The opening
and closing is effected by means of a crab, fixed clear
of the bridge, near the centre. A chain passes from the
overhanging end of the bridge to this crab, and taking
one or two turns round the barrel, to ensure a sufl&-
cient amount of friction, is led to the tail end. The
bridge can thus be opened or shut by turning the crab
handle in opposite directions. The overhanging end, when
across the river, is raised upwards to a small extent
by weighted levers, and wedges are then drawn in under
it to give it a solid bearing.
At Kidwelly and at Haverfordwest there are wrought-
iron lifting bridges, the former of 20 feet, and the latter of
30 feet span. Each of these turns on a horizontal axle
like the BuUo Pill bridge; but, instead of being lifted
by levers overhead, it has a narrow, heavily-weighted
tail end, beneath the planking of the viaduct, which is
pulled down with a chain worked by a crab. The portion
which carries each line of way is made to open indepen-
dently. In this form of bridge no wedges or adjusting
arrangements are required for the bearings of the over-
hanging end.
Over the river at Caermarthen is a skew bridge of three
girders, each 116 feet long, for a double line of way. It
occupies two spans and rolls back, so as to leave a 50-feet
opening for the navigation. The swing bridge at Bristol,
already described, was at first intended to be a rolling
bridge, and to be furnished with wheels to run back on
fixed rails, but the difficulty of forming a good foundation
for the wheel path led to the design being altered. At
Caermarthen the same difficulty was overcome by putting
wheels turning in fixed bearings on the pier and abutment
of the bridge. The undersides of the girders carry inverted
WROUGHT- lEON TRUSSED BRIDGES. 199
rails, and run back on the wheels. The bridge, when shut,
is on an incline of 1 in 50. When about to be opened it
is made to assume a horizontal position by turning a sup-
porting cam to lower the overhanging end, and the tail end
then rises sufficiently to pass clear above the part of the
railway over which it runs back.
By this arrangement the bridge, while in motion, moves
along a level path. It is opened and closed by hydraulic
machinery.
All these opening bridges have worked satisfactorily
since they were constructed.
Tnissed Bridges.
When the timber viaduct over the river TJsk, at New-
port, was burnt down,* Mr. Brunei decided to form the
new superstructure of the centre opening with three
iron trusses, for the two lines of way.
These are bow and string girders, of 100 feet span,
and were made of considerable height, not only to reduce
the strain on each of the members of the framework,
but also in order that the rib or upper portion of each
truss might be braced diagonally to the corresponding
portion of the other trusses, and headway left for the
locomotive chimneys to pass underneath. This bracing
counteracts any tendency of the ribs to bend sideways
under the compressive strain. The form of the trusses
is shown in fig. 1, PL IV. (p. 206). Each truss is a
wrought-iron polygonal arch of triangular section, from
which is suspended a horizontal girder supporting the
roadway. This girder also forms the tie which connects
the feet of the arch and counteracts its thrust. The
diagonal braces shown on the elevation of the bridge
prevent the arch from being distorted by the unequal
' See above, p. 185.
200
EAILWAY BRIDGES AND VIADUCTS.
T
loading caused fey a passing train. The middle truss is
twice tlie strei^th of eacli of those at the outside, being
made so bj increasing the thickness of the plates. One
of the outside trusses was tested with a distributed load
of 1| tons per foot-run of its length.
At about the same time that the
Newport viaduct was reconstructed, Mr.
Brunei designed the bridge over the
Thames on the Windsor branch of the
Great Western Eailwaj. This is a very
large example of the bow and string
girder, the span being 202 feet, and
the height of the truss 23 feet. The
trusses are three in number, for two
lines of way, the middle one being twice
the strength of the outside trusses.
The elevation of the Windsor bridge is
shown in fig. 2, PI. lY. (p. 206). The
bridge is oblique to the river, being 20°
off the square. To steady the arched
ribs sideways a system of diagonal
bracing extends over the whole of the
top of the trusses, except at the ends, where headway
has to be left for the trains.
A section of the arched ribs and of the roadway girders
in the centre of one of the trusses is given in the wood-
cut (fig. 10). The arched rib, to resist compression, is of
triangular section.^
The borings to ascertain the nature of the ground at
the foundations of the piers were made in 1846, but it was
I I t 1
Scale of feet.
Fig. 10.
Truss of "Windsor
Bridge.
Transverse Section.
' A description of this bridge is
given in Humber's Bridge' Construc-
tion, vol. i. p. 228, and vol. ii. pi. 70,
71, 72; Molinos et Pronnier, Con-
struction dcs Fonts Metalliques, p. 328,
pi. 20, 21, 22.
WI^DSOE BEIDGE. 201
not until 1848 tlial the works were commenced. Each
abutment consists of six cast-iron cylinders, 6 feet
diameter, which were sunk by excavating the gravel from
their interior by hand dredging and by placing weights
on the top so as to force them down.
When each cylinder had been by this means sunk low
enough to ensure a good foundation, it was filled with con-
crete in the following manner. A mixture formed of Thames
ballast and Portland cement, in the proportions of 8 to 1,
was put into a canvas bag ; this was lowered inside the
cylinder to the bottom, and, by pulling a rope, the mouth
of the bag was opened, and the concrete deposited under
water in the bottom of the cylinder. Whenever the work
was interrupted, great care was taken before recommencing
it to clean off any deposit, in order that the new concrete
might adhere well to the old. When the cylinder had
been filled to such a height that there was no danger of
its floating up when emptied, the water was pumped out.
The inside was then filled with concrete in the ordinary
manner. On the top were placed oak platforms, which
support the trusses of the bridge.
One of the outside trusses was tested at Bristol in July
1849, by loading it gradually with iron rails, beginning
from one end, until the whole truss was uniformly
weighted with 270 tons, or 1^ tons per foot-run, observa-
tions on the deflection of different points of the bottom
girder being made both during the loading and unloading.
The results of this test were perfectly satisfactory.
The superstructure of the bridge was erected on scaf-
folding, and the line was opened on October 8, 1849.
It wiU be desirable here to notice one or two important
features in this as in almost all Mr. Brunei's bridges.
The ordinary permanent way was laid over the bridges
202 EAILWAY BRIDGES AND VIADUCTS.
with ballast cl sufl&cienfc thickness to enable the road to
be kept in repair in the same manner as the other parts
of the line. As there was no change in the nature of the
support given to the rails, no concussion was caused on
a train entering or leaving a bridge. The ballast took off
from the structure the vibration of the train ; and, in the
event of carriages or even engines getting off the line,
it helped in a great measure to prevent their ploughing
through the flooring. Where the flooring was of timber
the ballast protected it from fire. Also in long bridges
there was no necessity for any contrivance of sliding rails
to allow for the effects on the structure of changes of
temperature. On the other hand, the ballast added to
the weight on the bridge. With the timber viaducts
this was an advantage, since it kept the various parts of
the framework in close contact, and prevented sudden
jars being brought on them by the rapidly applied load of
a passing train. Even on the large bridges the cost of
the extra material requisite to support the weight of the
ballast was more than compensated for by the advan-
tages above referred to.
Mr. Brunei employed timber flooring, as being the safest
in the case of carriages getting off the line, and also as
being the cheapest. This flooring in the iron bridges was
generally laid diagonally on wrought-iron cross girders,
which were placed not at right angles to the line, but
obliquely, in order that the two wheels" of the same axle
of an engine or heavy waggon might be on different cross
girders at the same time. By this arrangement the cross
girders could be made of less strength, and a saving
effected in their cost and weight.
The bridge over the Wye at Chepstow, and the Royal
Albert Bridge over the Tamar at Saltash, are the largest
and most important of Mr. Brunei's bridges.
CHEPSTOW BEIDGE. 203
They are remarkable not only for their dimensions,
but also for the economical character of the designs, the
form of their superstructures, and the methods by which
the foundations of the piers were made.
At the part of the river Wye where it is crossed by
the Chepstow Bridge, a cliff of limestone rock rises on the
left bank to a height of 120 feet above the bed of the
river, forming the precipitous edge of a broad table-land ;
while on the right bank the ground slopes gently for
a considerable distance, rising only a little above high
water, and is composed partly of clay and partly of loose
shingle interspersed with large boulder stones. As it was
necessary to leave a clear headway of 50 feet above high
water for the navigation, the line on one side of the river
is on an embankment of great height, and on the other
side it penetrates the cliff about 20 feet below the top.
The whole space to be bridged over, 600 feet wide, was
divided into a river span of 300 feet, and three land
spans of 100 feet each (see fig. 3, PI. V. p. 206.) At one
end of the great span a secure abutment was offered by
the cliff of limestone rock ; but at the other end, and under
the piers of the smaller spans, the ground throughout was
soft, and full of water. There was, however, rock at a
depth of 30 feet below the bed of the river.
To reach this foundation with masonry, by means of a
coffer dam, was almost impracticable, as it was 84 feet
below high water.
The plan of building a stone pier on a foundation of
piles was considered, and abandoned on account of the
expense.
The method of sinking the cast-iron cylinders of the
Windsor bridge has been already described. The pneumatic
process of sinking cylinders had been introduced with
great success at the Rochester bridge.
204 KAILWAY BRIDGES AND VIADUCTS.
In this process the cylinder is closed at the top and
air forced in \j pumps until the water is expelled at
the bottom. Workmen in the interior excavate the
ground and remove any obstacles which prevent the
cylinder from sinking, weights being added to force it
down. As the air within is at high pressure, the work-
men enter, and the materials are passed in and out,
through an intermediate chamber, called an ' air lock,'
fitted with air-tight doors. The pneumatic method was
ultimately employed at Chepstow, to assist in sinking the
cylinders.
Before he decided on the plan for the foundations,
Mr. Brunei had an experimental cylinder made of cast
iron, 3 feet in diameter, at the bottom of which was an
exterior screw flange 12 inches broad, and 7 inches pitch,
making one complete turn. This screw cylinder pene-
trated the ground like an ordinary screw pile. In one
instance it was rapidly sunk to a depth of 58 feet, through
stiff clay and sand, in 142 revolutions ; ^ yet, on another
trial, when boulders were encountered, there did not
appear to be sufficient penetrating power. In one of
these trials, the screw, having got into a bed of running
sand, had no hold, and failed to descend. Mr. Brunei
then had the cylinder partly raised, and another screw
added at some distance above the lower one. It was then
successfully screwed down.
Mr. Brunei, however, ultimately decided on forming the
piers of cast-iron cylinders forced down by loading and
afterwards filled with concrete, and the work was com-
menced in the spring of 1849.
With this form of construction all uncertainty of ob-
taining a secure . foundation was removed, as the pneu-
> See Proccedwgs Inst. C.E., for 18i7-8, vol. vii. p. 138.
CHEPSTOW BRIDGE. 205
matic method was in reserve, in case of excessive influx
of water, to sink the cylinders to the rock, if it could
not be reached by simpler means ; and additional cylinders
could be added, so as to obtain any amount of area of
base that might be thought necessary.
The land piers for the 100 feet spans consist each
of three cylinders, which are 6 feet in diameter, joined
together in lengths of 7 feet. The main pier, which
supports one end of the great truss, consists of a double
row of cylinders, six in all, the lower parts of which are
8 feet in diameter, joined together in lengths of 6 feet.
The bottom of each cylinder was made with a cutting
edge, so as to penetrate the ground easily.
Most of the cylinders were sunk by the process of ex-
cavating the ground within them and weighting the top,
the water being kept down by pumping. As the ground
consisted chiefly of wet sand and shingle, danger was
apprehended from its tendency to run in from the out-
side, while the excavation was in progress. This would
have diminished the lateral stability of the cylinders ;
and great care was taken not to excavate too near the
bottom, but merely to loosen the ground round the cutting
edge and to force the cylinder down by weights. Stiff
clay was sometimes used to prevent the wet sand and
gravel from being squeezed in from the outside. When
the cylinders had been sunk to the rock, and it had
been dressed off to form a level foundation, they were
filled with concrete in the same manner as at the Windsor
bridge.
In sinking the cylinders of the main pier, much greater
difficulties were encountered than with those of the land
piers, owing to large boulders and pieces of timber
being met with near the bottom. When still at some
distance from the rock, a length of one of these large
206 EAILWAY BRIDGES AND VIADUCTS.
cylinders cracked, from its having met with, an obstruc-
tion. Timber struts were then fixed within it, until
the obstacle was passed, when it was strengthened by a
strong wrought-iron hoop, and forced down to the rock.
In April 1851, when the greater number of the cylinders
had been sunk, it was apparent that, from delays due to
the influx of water and other causes, some of them could
not be completed by the time that the superstructure
would be ready. Mr. Brunei then decided to employ the
pneumatic method, and by means of this apparatus some
of the remaining cylinders were sunk. In the main pier
four auxiliary columns, formed of 7-feet cylinders, were
placed close to the others. They were connected to the
8 -feet cylinders by strong brackets, and supplied a great
additional bearing surface. Any slight inaccuracy of
position in the cylinders was corrected by adjusting cones
at the level of the ground ; on these cones 6-feet cylinders
were built up to the level of the railway.
The depth to which the cylinders were sunk and
their position are shown in fig. 3, PI. IV. From this
drawing also the general form of the superstructure will
be understood.
The bridge is for two lines of way ; each line is carried
between two longitudinal girders 7^ feet deep, of the
section given in the woodcut, fig. 11 (p. 208). Each
girder has a triangular top flange with a plate iron verti-
cal web, and a slightly curved plate for the bottom, flange.
The roadway girders over the three land spans of 100 feet
are in one piece, and are therefore continuous girders,
300 feet long, supported at ' two intermediate points.
Those across the main span are also 300 feet long, and
are supported by the main truss.
The truss for each line of way consists of two suspension
chains, one on each side of the roadway, hung from either
X,
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CHEPSTOW BEIDGE. 207
side of the ends of a horizontal circular tube, arched
slightly for the sake of appearance, which rests* on piers
rising about 60 feet above the level of the rails. The
pier at the land end is of masonry, and the upper part
of the middle pier is of cast iron, resting on the cylinders
abeady mentioned. Each pier has two archways for the
trains to pass through. The chains carry the roadway
girders at four points, and the tube is supported at two
intermediate points in its length by upright standards
resting on the chains. Thus, while the weight of the
structure is supported somewhat in the same manner as
in a suspension bridge, the inward drag of the chains is
resisted by the tube. To prevent the framework from
being distorted by unequal loading, it is made rigid by
diagonal chains connecting the upper and lower ends of
the two upright standards.
The main truss may be described as an inverted queen
truss. The tube which has to resist the compressive
strain due to the inward pull of the chains is 9 feet in
diameter, and is made of boiler plate f and f of an inch
thick, stiffened at intervals by diaphragms. The chains
are like those of suspension bridges, each formed of 12
and 14 links alternately, these being 10 inches deep, and
varying from f to JL-L of an inch thick. ^
At the ends of the tube, where the chains are con-
nected to it, there are several thicknesses of plate,
between which the links of the chains are introduced,
and a round pin, 7 inches in diameter, passes through
both plates and links. The strain is thus conveyed from
the chains to the ends of the tube.
Though the trusses for the two lines of way are com-
' After some perseverance, Mr. without welding on the eyes. He had
Brunei succeeded in getting these to go down himself to the manufactory
unusually large links, which were 20 in order to get the men into the way
feet long, rolled in a single piece of doing the work.
208
EAILWAY BEIDGES AND VIADUCTS.
pletely distinct, the tubes are braced together horizontally,
to increase their stiJffness sideways.
The woodcut (fig. 11) represents
a transverse section of the truss
for one line of way, and shows the
circular tube with the internal dia-
phragms, the upright standards
which support it, the roadway
girders, and the chains.
In consequence of the great
depth of the truss, which is about
60 feet, or one-sixth of the length,
the strains on the several parts
are comparatively small for such a
large span.
The weight of wrought-iron
work in each of the trusses of the
main opening is 460 tons, inclu-
sive of the longitudinal and cross
girders, which weigh 130 tons.
At the points where the roadway girders are intersected
by the inclined chains, they are not fixed to the chains,
but rest upon them, rollers and saddles being placed
between ; and at the ends of the short horizontal links,
in the middle of the span, there are screws for adjusting
the level of the girders.
These arrangements were made in order that the road-
way girders might not be strained by the slight alteration
in the form of the truss which takes place when a load
comes on the bridge.
The continuous roadway girders were, in the case of
the large span, supported at six points, and in those over
the three land spans at four points. As the strains on con-
tinuous beams, supported at so many points, had not at
Fig. 11.
Sca7e of/eet.
Truss of Chepstow Bridge.
Transverse Section.
CHEPSTOW BEIDGE. 209
that time been fully investigated, Mr. Brunei had the
subject carefully enquired into both by calculation and
experiment, and was thus enabled to proportion the sec-
tion of the girders to the strains at each point in their
length. Some account of this investigation is given in
the note at the end of this chapter.
As soon as the ironwork for the first truss was com-
pleted, it was put together parallel to the river bank close
to the site of the bridge. The ends were supported on
temporary piers, and the structure was uniformly weighted
with a load of 770 tons, or 2| tons per foot run. In unload-
ing it, the weight was taken off from one end of the truss,
so as to test its strength when unequally loaded. The test-
ing having been satisfactorily completed, the truss was taken
to pieces, and preparations were made for erecting it.
It was necessary that the river traffic should not be
interrupted for any long period; this circumstance ma-
terially influenced the nature of the design of the super-
structure, which was such that no scaffolding was required
in its erection, nor was there any interference with the
navigation for more than a single tide. The truss was
made so that it could be divided into parts, each of which
could be lifted separately and quickly. For the operation
of lifting Mr. Brunei determined to use chain purchases
worked by crabs. ^ The tube was temporarily stiffened by
' See note at the end of this chapter case had a single-barrelled crab been
for experiments on ropes and chains, used.
The crabs were designed and made These crabs were subsequently used
specially for this duty. Each had at the floating of the Saltash trusses,
two barrels, grooved to receive the and at the launch of the 'Great
chain, which was passed several times 'Eastern.'
round both barrels, so as to get suffi- A similar arrangement was applied
cient grip ; and it was in this way in the paying-out machinery of the
possible to wind in with the crabs Atlantic cable, and is still used for
any length of chain without having to the picking-up gear in the ' Great
stop to fleet, as would have been the ' Eastern.*
210 EAILWAY BEIDGES AND VIADUCTS.
portions of the main chains, arranged so as to form a
truss. With this" assistance it was able to carry its own
weight when suspended by the two ends.
The preliminary operation of slewing the tube to its
position on a platform at right angles to the river, was a
work requiring a good deal of careful contrivance. When
this had been accomplished, a pontoon, consisting of six
wrought-iron barges, was placed opposite the end of the
tube, and all was ready for floating it across the river.
The floating took place on Thursday morning, April 8,
1852. The tube had been rolled forward on two trucks
till its end overhung the pontoon ; and, as the tide rose,
the pontoon floated with the end of the tube resting on it.
In order to guide it in a straight line across the river,
hawsers were attached to points on the bank up and
down the stream, and were led to crabs on the pontoon,
so that by hauling on either hawser the tube was kept in
its right course. As spring tides at Chepstow rise 40 feet,
there is a rapid current except for a very short time.
The operation of drawing the tube across was com-
menced at a little after nine o'clock, and by a quarter
to ten the pontoon had reached the other side safely,
and the tube spanned the river. All proceeded with
perfect quiet and regularity under the management of
Mr. Brunei, who was assisted by Mr. Brereton and Captain
Claxton. As soon as the pontoon reached the further
shore, the chains of the lifting tackles were attached
to the tube. The tube was lifted in the course of the day
to the level of the railway, and afterwards to its place on
the top of the piers, when the suspension chains and the
rest of the truss were attached to it. The bridge was
opened for a single line of way on July 14, 1852. The
second tube was floated in n, similar manner to the first,
and the bridge was completed shortly afterwards.
ROYAL ALBERT BRIDGE. 211
The total cost of the Chepstow bridge was 77,OOOL'
The Royal Albert Bridge, which carries the Cornwall
Railway across the River Tamar at Saltash, is the last
and greatest of Mr. Brunei's railway works.
A railway into Cornwall, crossing the river Tamar, was
proposed as early as 1844. Mr. Brunei at one time
thought of carrying the trains across on a steam ferry
similar to those which had been successfully introduced
by Mr. Rendel.
In 1845 a company was formed and an application made
for an Act to construct the railway either with a steam
ferry at Torpoint or by a bridge at Saltash. The latter
plan was sanctioned by Parliament.
The height of the line shown on the section at the
crossing of the Tamar was 80 feet above high water. The
Admiralty, however, required that this height should be
increased. No further steps were taken till the beginning
of 1847, when some preliminary borings and sections were
made, in order to prepare definite plans for the bridge.
The facts then ascertained were so encouraging as to
strengthen Mr. Brunei in his opinion that the difficulties
to be encountered would not be found greater than had
been anticipated.
The river at Saltash is 1,100 feet wide, with a depth
in the middle of about 70 feet at high water. It had
at first been intended to construct the bridge with one
span of 255 feet, and six of 105 feet, with superstructures
of timber-trussed arches.'^ In compliance with the
' See Encjiclopadia Britannica, ^ These would have been magnifi-
' Iron Bridges,' vol. xii. p. 601; cent specimens of timber-work, and
Molinos et Pronnicr, Construction des a design for somewhat similar trusses
Pants Mitalliques, p. 320, pi. 23, had at one time been prepared for
24, 25. the Chepstow Bi-dge. It is worthy
p 2
212
EAILWAY BRIDGES AND VIADUCTS.
requirements of the Admiralty, the design was altered to
two spans of 300 feet, and two of 200 feet, with a clear
headway of 100 feet. This arrangement would have
required three piers in deep water. Mr. Brunei sub-
sequently decided to have only one pier in deep water,
and to have two spans of 465 feet each. It was afterwards
found that these could be reduced to 455 feet.^
of mention that Sir Isambard Brunei
at one time designed a timber arched
bridge of 800 feet span to cross the
Neva at St. Petersburg.
■ Before the work was begun Mr.
Brunei made calculations to determine
whether or not it might be desirable
to cross the river with one span of 850
feet, in order to avoid the great depth
at the centre pier. "
A few extracts from letters relating
to bridges of large span will be in-
teresting :
' January 31 , 1852.
' I have revised my calculation as
' to a span of 1,000 feet, and find that
' even with the loads and limitations
' of strains which I adopt — namely a
' proper thickness of ballast, and a
' possible load of a train of engines
' without tenders, and a limitation
' under such a load of 6 tons' strain
' per square inch, that a span of 1,000
' feet may be made in England of the
• very best workmanship, and sent out
' and erected for I should say safely
' 250,000^., of course a single way —
' another 250,000Z. ought, I should
' think, to cover the rest of the
' bridge.
' I should like to explain to you the
' mode I should propose for raising
' such a bridge, weighing 7,000 tons.
' December 1, 1852.
' As you ask me my opinion of the
' advisability of patenting your bridge,
' I give it you ; though you will prob-
' ably be the first person who will
' have followed such advice if you do
' so, and might safely patent such a
' novel mode of using advice.
' In my opinion you cannot patent
' the bridge. Without detracting in the
' least from your merit of invention,
' the form has been so frequently and
' exactly applied that no patent could
' hold. The Saltash bridge now just
' advertised for letting is exactly on
' the same principle as regards form ;
' and this is so old to my knowledge
' that I can claim no invention, and
' the use of cast iron for such purpose
' is also incapable of being patented.
' There is much that is good in your
' bridge, and you deserve credit, but
' you would find innumerable claim-
' ants to dispute, and successfully,
' your attempt to claim a monopoly
' by a patent — I myself for one.
' Besides, I see it published in a book.
' May 30, 1854.
'As to your present enquiry, I do not
' think that what I am doing at
' Saltash would be applicable in tliis
' case; but withoutbeingguilty of great
' presumption, I think I may say that
' if the same plan will not do, it is
' fair to assume that the same brains
' which concocted the plan to suit the
' difficulties of the Tamar might very
' likely find the means of overcoming
' those of the Severn.
' If I should be able to suggest a
' feasible plan, and there should be
' found people ready to make it, I
' shall have the satisfaction of bridg-
' ing the Severn as well as the
' Tamar.'
ROYAL ALBERT BRIDGE. 213
Twenty years before, while engaged with his father on
the Thames Tunnel, he had conceived the idea of working
under a diving-bell of great dimensions. Sir Isambard
approved of the suggestion, and thought of applying it in
sinking the shafts of the Tunnel. Drawings were prepared,
but the circumstance of a patent for a similar idea having
been taken out by Lord Cochrane partly deterred him
from carrying out the project, though some sketches were
afterwards made for constructing a lighthouse by means
of this arrangement. When the construction of the Corn-
wall Eailway had to be considered, Mr. Brunei thought
that his old idea would be applicable to the difficulties to
be encountered at Saltash.
Although the plan of using a large diving-bell was
one which was nearly certain to be successful, Mr. Brunei
thought it probable that a large cylinder of wrought iron
could be constructed to serve as a coffer-dam, and that
after sinking it through the mud, the bottom edge might
be sufficiently water-tight to admit of the water being
pumped out, and the masonry of the pier built in the
ordinary manner.
A trial cylinder, 6 feet diameter and 85 feet long, was
made, partly to ascertain whether or not this plan was prac-
ticable, but mainly for the purpose of thoroughly examin-
ing the site of the centre pier, where the surface of the
rock was 80 feet below high water.
A strong framework was fitted on two gun-brig hulks,
with powerful tackle for lowering and raising the cylinder.
After it had been lowered to the bottom, five borings were
taken within it, reaching through the mud to the rock.
The cylinder was then shifted and similar borings made.
The positions of the borings, one hundred and seventy
five in all, were carefully recorded ; and thus a minute and
accurate survey was obtained of the surface of the rock.
214 EAILWAY BEIDGES AND VIADUCTS.
The site of the pder was afterwards determined by means
of a model constructed from these observations. In
January 1849, when sufficient information had been ob-
tained, the water was pumped out of the trial cylinder,
and the mud excavated down to the rock. A short piece
of masonry was then built, to demonstrate the practica-
bility of building a pier in such a situation.
The expenditure of the Company for works of all kinds
was shortly afterwards curtailed as much as possible, and
no further progress was made for upwards of three years.
However, information had been gained which proved that
a masonry pier could be built in the middle of the river,
on a good rock foundation which was there covered by a
thickness of about 16 feet of mud.
During the suspension of the works, all the plans were
revised, with the view of reducing the first cost wherever
practicable; and Mr. Brunei decided not to make the
bridge for a double line, even if there were money forth-
coming to do so. His reason for this is given in the
following report to the Board of Trade, made in 1852 : —
This bridge had been always assumed to be constructed for a
double line of railway as well as the rest of the line. In constructing
the whole of the line at present with a single line of rails, except at
certain places, the prospect of doubling it hereafter is not wholly
abandoned, but with respect to the bridge it is otherwise.
It is now universally admitted that when a sufficient object is to
be attained, arrangements may easily be made by which a short
piece of single line can be worked without any appreciable incon-
venience. . . . This will make a reduction of at least 100,000/.
In the summer of 1852 the designs of the bridge were
matured, and by the beginning of 1853 the Admiralty
had approved of them ; the work of constructing the great
cylinder for the centre pier was then commenced.
It was determined to provide for the possibility of having
to emijloy the pneumatic process. The cylinder had a
ROYAL ALBERT BRIDGE. 215
diameter of 35 feet at tlie bottom, and about 20 feet
above the lower end of it a dome was made to form the
roof of the diving-bell ; from the centre of the dome rose a
tube 10 feet in diameter to the level of the top of the
great cylinder. As a diving-bell of this size, under 80
feet of water, might have proved unmanageable, an
annular space, forming a gallery or jacket of 4 feet in
width and 20 feet high, was formed round the inner cir-
cumference of the bottom of the cylinder below the dome.
This annular space was divided by radial vertical partitions
into eleven compartments, and was connected at the top by
an air-passage with a 6-foot cylinder, which was placed
eccentrically inside the 10-foot cylinder already mentioned,
and served as a communication between the outside and
the annulus. On the top of the 6-foot cylinder were placed
the air-locks of the pneumatic apparatus which had been
used at Chepstow. Thus air might be pumped into the
annular space, the water expelled, and the work carried on
without having to use air pressure under the whole of the
dome. In "that part of the 10-foot cylinder which was not
occupied by the 6-foot cylinder a powerful set of pumps
were fixed to keep down the water in the central space, and
diminish the pressure under which the men worked, thus
utilising whatever advantage could be gained from the
great cylinder acting as a coffer-dam. As it had been
ascertained that the surface of the rock dipped to the
south-west to the extent of about 6 feet in the width of
the pier, the bottom of the cylinder was made oblique, so
as to fit the surface of the rock. These arrangements are
represented in the transverse section of the great cylinder
(PI. V. p. 218).'
' It has of course been impossible to ants; but it may be mentioned here
refer to the points on which Mr. that, as appears from one of Mr.
BruDiel was aided, in his different Bninel's letters, the plan of working
works, by the suggestions of his assist- under a diving-bell had been proposed
216 KAIL WAY BEIDGES AND VIADUCTS.
The great cylinder, having been constructed on the river-
bank, was moved down to low water on launching- ways,
and floated off by the rising tide. Guided between four
pontoons, it was finally sunk in correct position in June
1854.
Some delay in penetrating the mud was caused by a
bed of oyster shells, which had to be cut through by one
edge of the cylinder. In consequence of some irregularities
of the surface of the rock, the cylinder at first deviated
considerably from an upright position ; and it was neces-
sary to use the pneumatic apparatus to gain access to the
rock, and excavate it. The height of the annulus below
the dome was such that it was not quite filled by the mud
when the cylinder rested on the bottom. The work of
getting the mud out of the annular space was much facili-
tated by the division of it into compartments.
By February 1855, the cylinder had been sunk to its
full depth in an upright position, and it then rested
everywhere on the rock, its lowest point being 87 feet 6
inches below high water.
Much trouble was^iven by a spring of water issuing out
of a fissure in the rock, in one of the compartments, but
the flow was stopped by driving close sheet piles into the
fissure. The rock in the annulus was dressed, and the
space filled by a ring of granite ashlar masonry which was
built to a height of about 7 feet all round. The state of the
work at this time is that represented in the section of the
cylinder, (PI. V. p. 218).
The rock consisted of greenstone trap, so hard that tools
by Mr, William Glennie, his assistant, matic apparatus, by forming the an-
before he knew that Mr. Brunei had nukr space round the circumference
decided to adopt it. of the bottom of the cylinder, was
Mr. Brunei also mentions in another suggested to him by Mr. Brereton,
letter that the ' very simple and effec- when the method of constructing the
' tual manner ' of applying the pneu- cylinder was being finally settled.
EOYAL ALBERT BRIDGE, 217
could with difficulty be got to work it. When the ring of
masonry was completed, it was expected that the bottom
might be sufficiently water-tight to act as a coffer-dam, and
allow of the mud being taken out from the central part
of the cylinder, below the dome. But the pumping
power was not at first sufficient for this purpose, and it
was thought that it would be necessary to employ the
pneumatic process in this space also.
However, by rapid and incessant pumping the water
was lowered so as to allow of the mud and rock being
excavated, and the masonry in the central space built
without having again recourse to the use of air pressure.
The leakage water was conveyed to two wells, formed of
cast-iron pipes built into the masonry, from which the
water was pumped. The inner plates of the annulus were
cut out, and the work in the centre which consisted of
granite ashlar set in cement was thoroughly bonded into
the ring of masonry already built. When the work was
carried up to the level of the dome, both the dome and
the internal 10-foot cylinder were cut out and removed.
When the building had been carried up some height, the
pump wells were filled with cement concrete, and the influx
of water stopped. Finally, about the end of 1856, when
the masonry was completed to the cap of the pier, the
upper part of the great cylinder was unbolted and taken
ashore, it having been made in two halves with that
object. Thus the most difficult part of the undertakmg
was successfully completed.^
The centre pier of the Saltash bridge is, like many
great engineering works, out of sight, and little regarded
by any but professional men. The rest of the bridge
• In the Proceedings of the In- Brereton, giving a detailed description
siitution of Ciml Enginetrs, vol. xxi. of the means employed for the con-
1861-2, will bo found a paper by Mr. struction of the central pier.
218 EAILWAY BRIDGES AND VIADUCTS.
forms a striking feature in a beautiful landscape, and its
appearance is well known.
Tlie whole length of the bridge is about 2,200 feet,
and is divided into two great spans over the river of
455 feet each and seventeen side spans, varying from
70 to 90 feet, which are on sharp curves. The piers of
the side spans, as well as the two large piers carrying the
land ends of the main trusses, are of masonry. The
masonry of the centre pier is 35 feet in diameter, and is
carried up about 12 feet above high water level. On it
stand four cast-iron octagonal columns, rising up to the
level of the railway. The piers which support the ends
of the great trusses are constructed with arched openings,
through which the trains pass.
The transverse elevation of the centre pier (PI. Y.)
shows the octagonal columns connected by cast-iron
open-work, and the arched opening. The upper part
of the centre pier is a cast-iron standard, and that of the
land piers is of masonry cased with cast iron.^
The elevation shows the great height of the structure,
the rails being 190 feet and the highest part of the truss
260 feet above the lowest point of the foundations.
The railway is carried over each of the smaller openings
between two longitudinal girders, and over the main
spans it is carried between similar longitudinal girders,
which are suspended at intervals from the main truss.
Each truss consists of a wrought-iron oval tube, which
forms an arch, and of two suspension chains,^ one on
either side of the tube, connecting its two ends. The
' Shortly after Mr. Brimel's death engineer, 1859.
some of his friends on the Board of ^ A portion of the chains used
the Cornwall Eailway placed the fol- were those which had been made
lowing inscription, in raised letters, for the Clifton Suspension Bridge,
over the laid archways — i. k. ueunel, Mr. Bnanel's earliest design.
EOYAL ALBERT BRIDGE.
219
rise of the arched tube above its abutments on the top of
the piers is the same as the fall of the suspension chains
below the same level. At eleven
points in the length of the truss
the chains are connected to the
tube by upright standards, vrhich
are braced together by diagonal
bars, in order to resist the strains
due to unequal loading. The road-
way girders are suspended from
the truss at the upright standards
already mentioned, and at an in-
termediate point between each of
them.
The truss has the great depth of
56 feet in the centre; this con-
duces materially to the economy
of the construction, as it diminishes
the strain upon the principal parts,
the tube and the chains, and so
enables them to be made of smaller
dimensions.
The woodcut (fig. 12) is a F^g- 12. Truss of Salta^h Bridge.
\ ~ 1 Transverse section.
transverse section in the centre ?.i..? s f « »
of the truss, showing the oval
tube, the chains, the upright and standards, the roadway
girders.
The tube is made oval in section with the greater dia-
meter horizontal, in order that it may have stiffness
sideways under the compressive strain, and that the main
chains may hang vertically at such a distance as to leave
room for the roadway between them. The tube is 16 feet
9 inches broad and 12 feet 3 inches in height. Each chain
consists of two tiers of links, each tier formed of 14 and 15
220 RAILWAY BRIDGES AND VIADUCTS.
links alternate!]^. These are 7 inches deep and about 1
inch thick. The arrangements of the ironwork of the
tube and its connections with the main chains are gene-
rally similar to those at Chepstow.
The truss may be described as a combination of an arch
and a suspension bridge, half the weight being placed
on the one and half on the other, the outward thrust of
the arch on the abutments being counterbalanced by the
inward drag of the chains.
The mechanical arrangement of the Saltash truss is
similar to that of the one at Chepstow.^ The tube,
resting on standards, the railway passing beneath, the
suspension chains hung from either side of the tube,
the upright standards, and the diagonal bracing are
common to the two structures.
The difference in the form of the two trusses is prin-
cipally the result of the difference in the circumstances
attending the construction of the bridges at Chepstow and
Saltash. The design of the Chepstow truss was chiefly
determined by the necessity of lifting up the separate
parts of it under conditions of peculiar difficulty ; while at
Saltash the mode of floating and lifting the superstructure
had great influence in the preparation of the design.
On Plate V. (p. 2 J 8) is given an elevation of one span
of the Saltash bridge, and a general elevation on a smaller
scale of the whole bridge.
The total weight of wrought ironwork in the super-
structure of each span is 1,060 tons.^
The trusses at Saltash were not lifted in parts, as at
' Though it is convenient to explain one at Chepstow, for in both the strain
the nature of the strains in the Salt- on the tube counteracts the strain on
ash bridge as an arch and suspension the chains, though the one tube is
bridge combined, it is not intended curved and the other straight,
to imply that there is any virtual - Humber's Bridge Construction,
difference between this truss and the vol. i. p. 231 ; vol. ii. pi. 78, 79, 80.
ROYAL ALBERT BRIDGE. 221
Chepstow ; for, as the river was divided by the centre pier
into two openings, one of them could be left clear for the
navigation, and each truss, with its roadway girders at-
tached, could be raised to its position slowly and in one
piece. The trusses were constructed parallel to the river
on the Devonshire- side, close to the site of the bridge.
When the truss for the Cornwall or western span was
completed, temporary piers were erected to support the
ends, and the scaffolding having been removed, the road-
way was loaded with 1,190 tons, uniformly distributed.^
This test having proved satisfactory, preparations were
made for floating the truss. Docks were made under-
neath it near the two ends, and in each of these docks
two iron pontoons were placed. Yalves were then opened
to admit water, and the pontoons were allowed to sink
on timbers prepared to receive them.
Upon each pair of pontoons was erected an elaborate
framework of timber to carry the weight of half the
truss, or between 500 and 600 tons. The framework con-
sisted of stout timber props, some of them 40 feet long,
extending from the pontoon to the arched tube, and
was attached to the tube by iron suspension rods, so that
when the operation of floating was completed, the pon-
toons would be free to pass from underneath the truss.
Mr. Brunei had previously taken part in operations of
this nature. When Mr. Robert Stephenson was about
to undertake the floating of the tubes of the Conway
and Britannia bridges, he asked his friends Mr. Brunei
' This load amounted to two and and of the chains with a load of one
three quarter tons per foot run, in ton per foot run, in addition to the
addition to the weight of the truss. weight of the truss, flooring, and bal-
Under this load the central deflcc- last, is under four tons per square
tion was about 5 inches. inch.
The strain on the iron of the tube
222 RAILWAY BRIDGES AND VIADUCTS.
and Mr. Locke to give him their assistance. They were
present at all, or nearly all, these difficult operations, and
Mr. Brunei had an active share in the work, especially in
the floating of the first Conway tube. By Mr. Brunei's
advice Mr. Stephenson had obtained the services of Captain
Claxton to superintend the nautical part of the work ; and
Captain Claxton was, as a matter of course, with Mr. Brunei
in a similar capacity at Chepstow and Saltash.
Ai Saltash fortunately there was not so swift a tide as
there had been at the Britannia and Conway floatings.
In order to haul the truss out, warps were laid from
the pontoons to a gun-brig hulk near the centre pier, and
to a barge higher up the river. On this barge were also
placed ready for use the ends of four warps, leading to
capstans and crabs on board vessels moored at various
points. To keep the truss from being drifted up or
down the river while being moved out, radius lines were
laid from the pontoons to moorings, with arrangements
for hauling in on them if required.
In order to ensure his directions being clearly under-
stood and promptly attended to, Mr. Brunei assembled a
number of his assistants, one of whom was placed as
* Captain ' in each of the vessels containing the hauling
capstans, to superintend the men, and to execute orders.
These orders were given by signals.
It was most important that the attention of the captain
should not be diverted by looking out for the signals,
and that there should be no chance of a signal not being
seen by him because he was attending to some other of his
duties. There was, therefore, in each vessel an assistant
whose sole duty it was to watch for the signals, to give
the appropriate interpretation to the captain, and to
acknowledge the signal by a flag corresponding to that
by which it was given.
ROYAL ALBERT BRIDGE. 223
Mr. Brunei directed the operations from a platform
in the centre of the truss. The signals were given from
a smaller platform immediatel}'" above, and were made by
red and white flags, held in front of black boards, which
were turned towards the vessel signalled to. Printed
papers containing instructions were distributed to all
engaged ; the signalling was carefully rehearsed, as also
was every other part of the operations which could be
tried beforehand.
September 1, 1857, was the day fixed for the floating.
During the morning, the men, about 500 in number, assem-
bled at their stations on the vessels and pontoons. Captain
Claxton had command of the arrangements afloat, and
as a reserve force to act in any emergency several boats
were lent from H.M.S. 'Ajax' and the Dockyard. With
Mr. Brunei were Mr. Brereton and Captain Harrison, the
commander of the 'Great Eastern.' Mr. Eobert Stephen-
son was expected, but a serious attack of illness pre-
vented him from being present.
At about one o'clock in the afternoon signals from the
tops of the temporary piers on which the truss rested,
showed that the ends had been lifted three inches clear.
Mr. Brunei then gave the signal for the men in the pon-
toons to haul on the warps, and the great structure glided
slowly out to the centre of the river. A pause was then
made, while the warps which were to swing the truss round
into its place were being attached to the pontoon which
was farthest from the centre pier. When this was done,
the different ropes were hauled upon in obedience to
signals, so as to keep the other pontoon close to the
centre pier, upon which, as a pivot, the truss swung round
in a quarter circle till it occupied the whole of the
western half of the river, and was brought close to its
224 RAILWAY BRIDGES AND VIADUCTS.
appointed resting-place. It was finally adjusted to its
exact position by strong tackles attached to the piers.
Water was then admitted into the pontoons ; and, as the
tide fell, they were allowed to drift away, leaving the
truss resting on the piers, the roadway girders being but
a few feet above the water.
The whole operation was conducted with the most perfect
order and regularity. The beauty of the scenery and the
changing effect produced by the truss in the various posi-
tions it assumed as it was being moved forward and swung
round into its place, rendered the operation as interest-
ing to the spectators as its results were satisfactory to Mr.
Brunei and to those who assisted him.^
In the task of lifting the truss, as well as in that of
floating it, Mr. Brunei had the great advantage of the
experience gained at the Britannia Bridge. There the
piers were built first, and the tubes hauled up with link
chains by hydraulic presses placed on the tops of the
towers. The design of the piers at Saltash did not allow
of this plan being adopted, and they were built up
under the truss as it was lifted. Under each end of the
truss were three hydraulic presses j the two outside
presses combined, or the middle one by itself, were suffi-
cient to lift the weight. Mr. Brunei had also at first in-
tended to have strong screw-jacks, which were- to be kept
screwed up underneath the truss, and so to support the
weight, if by any accident the presses failed. A modifi-
cation of this plan was adopted ; the rams of the presses
had a screw thread cut on them, and a large nut on each
was kept screwed up hard against the top of the press as
' The difficult operations of floating and his assistants, there being no
and lifting the superstructures of the contractor engaged in, or responsible
Chepstow and Saltash bridges were for, the work in either case.
carried out entirely by Mr. Brunei
ROYAL ALBEET BRIDGE. 225
the ram emerged from it. As an additional precaution,
timber packing, in thin layers, was placed in the space
between the completed portion of the pier and the end
of the truss as it was lifted. Great care was thus taken
to guard against any mishap.
The tube was lifted 3 feet at a time at each end. The
operation went on slowly, in order to allow the masonry of
the land pier to set after it had been bailt up underneath
the truss. The work was carried on with great system and
care under the immediate superintendence of Mr. Brereton.
Mr. Brunei was only able to be present during one of the
lifting operations, as he was then engaged in the launch of
the * Great Eastern.'
By July 1858, the first truss had been lifted to its full
height, and the second truss was ready for floating. The
arrangements were generally similar to those on the
previous occasion ; the course, however, to be traversed by
the pontoons was more intricate than on the previous
occasion, as the land pier on the Devonshire side of the
river, over which the first truss had passed, had been built
up to receive the end of the second.
This truss had, therefore, to be moved first outwards
till the pontoons were clear of the docks, then it had to
move endways up the river, and to swing round into posi-
tion. Mr. Brunei was obliged to remain abroad from
ill-health, and Mr. Brereton conducted the operations.
Although the weather was not favourable, and the wind
high, the truss was safely landed on the piers ; and was
afterwards raised in the same manner as the first one.^
The general elevation, Plate V., shows the proportions
of the bridge. On the Devonshire side, the side spans
' A photograph taken shortly after the frontispiece of the first rolume of
the floating of the second tube forms Humber's Bridge Construction.
226 RAILWAY BRIDGES AKD VIADUCTS.
pass over fields^ and on the Cornwall side over the town of
Saltash.
The general effect of the bridge is in no way heightened
by an expenditure of money on architectural ornament ;
for, with the exception of a few unimportant mouldings,
the bridge is absolutely unadorned. The total cost was
225,000Z. — a very moderate expenditure, especially when
the difficult work at the centre pier is taken into account.
This result is due not only to the careful manner in
which all the details of the design were prepared, but also
to the great attention given throughout to the construc-
tion.
His Royal Highness the Prince Consort, as Lord
Warden of the Stannaries, permitted the bridge to be
called the Royal Albert Bridge, and consented to open it
in person. The ceremony was performed on May 3, 1859.
Mr. Brunei was compelled to be absent on the Continent,
for the sake of his health, and was represented on the
occasion by Mr. Brereton.
After Mr. Brunei's return to England, he paid a hurried
visit to the Cornwall Railway, and, for the first and last
time, saw in its completed state the great work on which
he had expended so much thought and care.
EXPERIMENTS. 227
NOTE, (pp. 182, 194, 209).
Experiments on Matters connected with Bridge Construction.
No account of the structures designed by Mr. Brunei would be
complete without a reference to the elaborate care he always took,
wherever it was practicable, to satisfy himself by experiment of the
qualities of the materials employed, and of the correctness of the
principles followed. It would not here be possible to give a detailed
record of all his experiments, but an account of some of the methods
employed by him will be interesting.
Some of the larger of Mr. Brunei's experiments on cast and
wrought-iron girders have already been mentioned.^ He scarcely
ever made any large girder or framework without having it fully
tested, and he made extensive and elaborate experiments, most of
them on a very large scale, on the strength of some of the materials
and component parts of his different structures.
Among the large scale experiments tried by Mr. Brunei, were
those on the compressive strength of yellow pine-timber, which
were made at Bristol in 1846, and were on specimens from 10 to
40 feet in length, afid from 6 to 15 inches square. A framework
of four upright pieces of whole timber, nearly 50 feet high, con-
tained four strong bars of wrought iron, placed vertically, and
attached at their lower ends to the cylinder of a hydraulic press.
Along these bars, a casting could be moved, and fastened at dif-
ferent heights by keys, in such a manner as to have its under-
surface, which was planed, perfectly horizontal. The ends of a
specimen having been made exactly square to its length, it was put
in this apparatus, with the upper end bearing against the lower
surface of the movable casting, and the lower end resting on the
top-surface of the ram of the hydraulic press, which was also planed
and adjusted so as to be horizontal. The keys, which attached the
movable casting to the bars, were now driven tight, and the pump
of the press worked, weights being placed on the end of the lever,
to correspond with increments of pressure on the ram. These weights
were added gradually, until the specimen gave way. The accu-
racy of this mode of meastiring the pressure was tested by direct
loading of the ram with rails, which was repeated several times
» See above pp. 190 and 193.
Q 2
228 RAILWAY BKIDGES AND VIADUCTS.
during the course -of the experiments, so as to guard against any
change in the amount of friction of the press. For each increment
of weight, the compression of the specimen was measured on its four
faces, and its deflection, or amount of bending, on two adjacent faces.
The transverse stiffness of long specimens was also tried, by supporting
them at each end, and loading them in the middle. The deflec-
tion in the middle thus observed corresponded very closely with
what might have been expected from the observations on the
direct compression ; and from the constants so obtained, the strength
of those specimens, whose length was very great as compared with
their transverse dimensions, could be obtained by Euler's theory, but
for the stouter specimens the strength per square inch was found to
be nearly constant. From these experiments, a complete practical
knowledge of the properties of yellow pine timber, when subjected
to end pressures, was obtained, knowledge new at the time, and
almost essential to Mr. Brunei in designing the many viaducts
which he afterwards constructed.
Mr. Brunei also made experiments on the strength of pine timber
when exposed to pressure on the side or at right angles to the fibre.
By this means he determined the area which it was desirable to
provide for the washers of bolts, and the weight which might
safely be placed on transverse timbers or sills of viaducts.
Mr. Brunei's experiments on riveting were also important. Most
of these were made with specimens 20 inches wide, and half an
inch thick. They were compared with specimens of solid iron,
of the same quality and thickness as the riveted specimens, and also
the same width minus the rivet holes, so as to have equal efficient
sectional areas. Double covering plates and double riveting were
used in all cases, the variation being in the widths of the covering
plates, and the number and arrangement of the rivets. The experi-
ments were continued until thirty in all had been made, and the
strongest form of joint was considered to have been arrived at.
In connection with the lifting of the parts of the Chepstow
Bridge, an elaborate series of experiments was made on ropes, chains,
and wire-rope, so as to ascertain which of these it was desirable to
employ, as possessing the greatest advantages. The experiments
made were of two kinds, one to determine the absolute strength
of the specimen when subjected to a straight pull, and the other
to observe what took place when it was worked over a sheave.
In the first set the specimen was held at each end in the jaws
EXPEEIMENTS. 229
of a pair of wrought-iron clamps, which we^-e tightened up by
means of screws. One of the clamps was attached to a fixed
beam, and from the other was suspended a large cylindrical tank,
which was gradually filled with water until the specimen gave way,
the breaking strain being the weight of the tank and water. This
weight was ascertained by actual weighing with a steelyard when
the water in the tank was at different heights. Observations on
the extension, shrinkage of the circumference, and change in the
pitch of the spiral of the rope were made with different loads, and
the strength of a sufficient number of the yarns of which the rope
Avas composed was tried to ascertain the loss of strength by com-
bining the yarns into a rope. In the second set the specimen, clamped
as before, was passed over a sheave, the axle of which rolled horizon-
tally on planed cast-iron plates, in order to diminish friction. To
each clamp was attached a cylindrical iron tank. Water being ad-
mitted to the highest tank iintil downward motion commenced, its
influx was stopped, and the tank descended, the other one rising.
Water was then admitted to the now highest tank until motion again
commenced, and this process was repeated until the specimen gave
way, the tanks getting fuller of water at each movement, at which
times the difference of weight of the two tanks was observed. This,
minus the slight friction of the apparatus, represented the rigidity
of the rope. The extensions were observed as in the first set of
experiments.
The specimens consisted of hemp, manilla, shroud laid and
hawser laid ropes, from 8 to 10 inches in circumference, round and
flat wire ropes, and chains of different sizes of about the same
strength as the ropes. The sheaves also were of different diameters.
These experiments resulted in Mr. Brunei deciding to use chains
for lifting the bridge, and this mainly from the circumstance that
chains work more satisfactorily over a sheave than cither hemp
or wire ropes.
Some small scale experiments made by Mr. Brunei are deserving
of notice. These were made to verify calculations on the longitu-
dinal girders of the Chepstow truss, which are virtually continu-
ous beams of five unequal spans. It was desirable to test the
results of analysis by experiment, in order to be assured that
no errors had been committed in its application. Mr. Brunei
accordingly devised the following simple form of experiment for
this purpose. A deal rod, exactly half an inch square and 38 feet
long, quite free from knots, was supported on props of equal
height, above the perfectly horizontal and planed surface of a large
230 RAILWAY BRIDGES AND VIADUCTS.
beam of timber. ^ The props were placed so as to correspond rela-
tively to the actual spans, and the rod was loaded uniformly by
means of a ch^iin. It was thus bent into an elastic curve, the
ordinates of which were very carefully measured, at every foot along
the length, by a finely divided scale and magnifier. The pressure
on each prop was also determined, by removing any particular one,
and suspending the point of the rod immediately over it to a steel-
yard, the weight being observed when the point of the rod was
exactly at the same level as before the prop was removed. The
obvious condition, that the sum of the pressures on the props should
be equal to the weight of the rod and its load, furnished a satis-
factory means of testing the results of these weighings. The rod
being turned over on each of its four sides, the experiments were
repeated, and the average taken, in order to eliminate the effects of
initial curvature, or of unequal elasticity. Diagrams of the elastic
curves were then made, showing the correspondence of theory with
experiment, and this Avas so close as to leave no doubt that a true
knowledge of the nature of the strains had been arrived at. One of
these diagrams is given by Mr. Edwin Clark in his work on the
' Britannia and Conway Tubular Bridges,' vol. i. p. 462.
By modifications of the plan Mr. Brunei adopted in this experi-
ment, the strains on continuous beams of varying section may be
ascertained with considerable accuracy.
231
CHAPTER VIII.
STEAM NAVIGATION. THE ' GBEAT WESTERN' STEAM- SHIP.
A.D. 1835—1847. ^TATis 30—42.
INTEODTJCTION TO THE CHAPTBB3 ON STEAM NAVIGATION — FOBMATION OF
THE GBEAT ■WESTEBN STEAM-SHIP COMPANY — COMMENCEMENT OF THE
BUILDING OP THE ' GBEAT "WESTEBN ' — ■ REPOBT ON SELECTION OP
THE BUILDERS OF THE ENGINES (jUNE 18, 183G) — STATEMENTS OF DR.
LAEDNEB ON THE PEOBABLE FAILURE OF A LINE OF STEAM-SHIPS
BETWEEN ENGLAND AND AMEBICA — VOYAGE OF THE ' GREAT WESTEBN '
TO LONDON — ^COMPLETION OF THE ENGINES — HEB RETURN TO BRISTOL — -
FIRE ON BOARD AND ACCIDENT TO MB. BEUNEL — VOYAGE TO NEW YORK
COMPABISON BETWEEN THE PEBFOBMANCES OF THE ' GBEAT WESTEBN '
AND THE ' SIEIUS '—SUBSEQUENT HISTOEY OP THE 'GREAT WESTEBN*—
note: DIMENSIONS OF THE SHIP AND ENGINES.
It will readily be conceded that Mr. Brunei's railway
works, wliich have formed the subject of the five preced-
ing chapters, would have given him ample employment
for the thirty years of his professional life.
Nevertheless, during almost the whole of that period —
namely, from 1835, the year of the passing of the Great
Western Railway Bill, to his death in 1859 — he was also
engaged in the accomplishment of undertakings which
had for their object the systematic development of Ocean
Steam Navigation.*
The * Great Western,' the first steam-ship which made
regular voyages across the Atlantic, the ' Great Britain,*
' It Ras been observed with much ' Address of George Parker Bidder,
truth that full justice has not been ' Esq., on his election as President of
done to ]VIr. Brunei's exertions in this ' the Institution of Civil Engineers,
department of practical science. — See ' January 10, I860.'
232 THE 'GREAT WESTERN' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1835.
the first large iron steam-ship, and the first large ship in
which the screw propeller was used, and, lastly, the ' Great
* Eastern,' were Mr. Brunei's works, built under his
direction, in the midst of his other engrossing occupa-
tions, and at the sacrifice of his health and life.
The history of these projects will contain records of
many disappointments as well as of success ; for no great
and novel undertaking can be perfected at once and with-
out changes of plan and arrangement. As engineer to
the Companies which built these steam-ships, Mr. Brunei
advised the adoption of measures strongly in opposition to
current popular opinion, and far bolder and more daring
than even his recommendation of the broad gauge and
the atmospheric system. Thej;esults obtained have veri-
fied his calculations^_ajQd__the conclusions he sought to
establish are now so generally accepted that it is difiicult
to believe that they were e:£fiiL.cmestioned. No one now
has any doubt that large vessels can with safety be built
of iron, or that the screw propeller can be advantageously
employed in ships of war and the mercantile navy; no
one can now deny that it is practicable for steam-ships
to make long voyages across the ocean with regularity
and speed.
A detailed account will now be given of the ships whose
performances first demonstrated the truth of these pro-
positions.
Although the ' Great Western ' was the first steamer
which was built for regular voyages between Europe and
America, the first attempt to use steam in the direct
voyage across the Atlantic was made by an American ship
of 300 tons burden, called the ^ Savannah,' and built at
New York. Her engines were of small power, with
paddles made to ship and unship. She made only two
JET. 30.] INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. 233
voyages to and from Europe : in the first of these she
left the port of Savannah on May 25, and anchored at
Liverpool on June 20, 1819.
No further advance in Ocean Steam Navigation seems
to have been attempted until 1835. In the October of
that year, at a meeting of the Directors of the Great
Western Railway Company, at Radley's Hotel, in Bridge
Street, Blackfriars, one of the party spoke of the enormous
length, as it then appeared, of the proposed railway from
London to Bristol. Mr. Brunei exclaimed, ' Why not
' make it longer, and have a steamboat to go from Bristol
' to New York, and call it the " Great Western ? " ' This
suggestion was treated as a joke by most of those who
heard it ; but at night Mr. Brunei and Mr. T. R. Guppy,
one of the Directors, talked it over, and afterwards con-
sulted three of the leading members of the Board —
Mr. Scott, Mr. Py croft, and Mr. Robert Bright. They
took up the idea warmly, and a committee was formed
to carry out the project.
As a preliminary measure, Mr. Guppy and Captain
Christopher Claxton, R.N., made a tour of the great
ship-building ports of the kingdom, in order to collect
information. The results of their inquiries were embodied
in a report, dated January 1, 1836, which describes at
great length the advantages to be gained in large vessels.
The manuscript was submitted to Mr. Brunei previously to
its publication, and he inserted the following passage : —
The resistance of vessels in the water does not increase in direct
proportion to their tonnage. This is easily explained ; the tonnage
increases as the cubes of their dimensions, while the resistance
increases about as their squares ; so that a vessel of double the
tonnage of another, capable of containing an engine of twice the
power, does not really meet with do.uble the resistance. Speed
therefore will be greater with the large vessel, or the proportionate
power of the engine and consumption of fuel may be reduced.
• i ■/ ' ' ,:
' ' .'.c.NT OF Civil ENGiNEhfiiNG
234 THE 'GREAT WESTERN' STEAM-SHIP. [a.o. 1835.
This was anjmportant addition to the report, for it enun-
ciates the principle which governed Mr. Brunei in deter-
niining the dimensions and power, not only of the ' Great
* Western,' but also of the ' Great Britain ' and ' Great
* Eastern ' steam-ships.
Immediately after the publication of this report a Com-
pany was formed in Bristol called 'The Great Western
* Steam-Ship Company,' Mr. Peter Maze being the Chair-
man, and Captain Claxton the Managing Director. Cap-
tain Claxton's exertions in the service of the Company
from its formation to its dissolution were unremitting and
invaluable. He was also, from the date of Mr. Brunei's
first connection with Bristol, one of his most intimate
friends, and his confidential adviser on all points on which
nautical experience was of value. ^
Mr. Patterson (an eminent ship-builder of Bristol) was
selected to superintend the building of the first ship,
under the direction of a 'Building Committee' consist-
ing of Captain Claxton, Mr. Guppy, and Mr. Brunei.
Whenever railway business called Mr, Brunei to Bristol,
which at this time was at least once in every week, the
Committee and Mr. Patterson used to meet at the office,
or at Captain Claxton's or Mr. Guppy's house, and often
sat far into the night discussing the details of the design
of the ship.*
' Captain Claxton died on March great longitudinal strength. The ribs
27, 1868, in his 79th year. The were of oak, of scantling equal to that
manuscript of this and the three fol- of line-of-battle ships. They were
lowing chapters was fortunately com- placed close together, and caulked
pleted in time to be submitted to him. within and without before the plank-
He spared no trouble either in giving ing was put on. They were dowelled
or procuring original documents and and bolted in pairs ; and there were
other materials for all parts of this also four rows of H-inch iron bolts,
book, in the preparation of which he 24 feet long, and scarfing about 4 feet,
took the liveliest interest, which ran longitudinally through the
* To enable the ship to resist the whole length of the bottom frames of
action of the heavy Atlantic waves, the ship. She was closely trussed
especial pains were taken to give her with iron and wooden diagonals and
JET. 30.] CONSTRUCTION OF THE SHIP. 235
One of the most important questions which occupied
Mr. Brunei's attention was the selection of the builders
of the engines. Tenders were invited ; and on receiving
them, he addressed the following report to Captain
Claxton, the Managing Director : —
June 18, 1836.
In considering the three tenders for the supply of marine engines
for your first vessel, which you have submitted to me for my
opinion, I have as.sumed that the interests of the company are
paramount, and that all feelings of partiality towards any particu-
lar manufacturer or any local interest must yield to the absolute ne-
cessity, in this the first and the boldest attempt of the kind yet
made, of not merely satisfying yourselves that you will obtain a
good engine, but also of taking all those means of securing the best
which in the eyes of the public may be unquestionable. In this
view of the case, if you agree with me, I think you will consider
that, provided the prices are fair individually, the relative araoimt
of the tenders is a secondary consideration.
I assume, also, that the high respectability of all these parties
would ensure equally from either the best materials and workman-
ship, and I shall confine myself simply to pointing out a few of the
conditions peculiar to the engines which you require, and the means
which the different parties have of complying with these conditions.
I need hardly remind you that, owing to the lateness of the
season, you will require that the vessel should be prepared to run
her first voyage almost immediately after the engines are fixed.
You will remember, also, that it will be the longest voyage yet run ;
that in the event of unfavourable weather a total failure might be
the result of the engine not working to its full power, or consuming
too great a quantity of coals — a very common occurrence with
engines apparently well made, after six or eight days' constant work ;
and, lastly, that the future success of the boat as a passenger ship
— nay, even of the company's boats generally, and, to a great ex-
tent, and for some time, the reputation of Bristol as an American
steamboat station, may depend upon the success of this first voyage.
It is indispensable, therefore, to secure as far as possible a machine
which shall be perfect in all its details from the moment of its cora-
shelf pieces, which, with the whole of practice,
her upper works, were fastened with The principal dimensions of the hull
bolts and nuts to a much greater and engines are given in the note to
extent than had hitherto been the this chapter (p. 245).
236 THE ' GREAT WESTERN ' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1836.
pletion. There may be time for a few trials for ascertaining the fact
of its completion, but there will be none for effecting any alterations
should they be found necessary, or for making any experiments.
The machinery which you require to be so perfect is by no means
an ordinary steam-engine.
Marine engines of 80 or 90, and even some of 100 horse-power,
are mere models on a large scale of the ordinary-sized engines.
Engines of 160 or 180 horse-power each would be unmanageable
without many material modifications in the details ; the arrangement
must be different, and, as the strength of materials remains the same,
the proportionate dimensions of the parts must be modified. Many
contrivances of this description have been introduced into the large
engines of 110 horse-power each made for the Navy. From 110 to
160 is still another and a very great stride. Those who have led the
way in the first step are certainly the most likely to be aware of the
difficulties of the second, and to be able to appreciate them better,
and be more prepared to overcome them than those who have as yet
only manufactured, however successfully, engines of the ordinary
class. Of three parties tendering .... Messrs. Maudslay have
made by far the largest number, and have for some years led the
way in the introduction of the largest anned steamboats ; and there
can be no question as to the fact that they are the oldest manufac-
turers of marine engines, that they are themselves the originators of
the greatest number of the improvements of the day, that they have
made the largest engines yet made, and the greatest number of large
engines of all sizes ; and, lastly, that they have the principal supply
of engines for the large war ships now used for the Navy, and have
had hitherto the sole supply of all above 70 horse-power. With
these facts before you, it remains only for you to consider how far
you agree with me in the conclusion I have come to, and which I
have no hesitation in expressing — that I think you will be safest, in
the peculiar case of the first ship, in the hands of the parties who
have had most experience, and that Messrs. Maudslay are those
persons. Their price is, I think, moderate.
This report was read by Mr. Brunei at a meeting of
the Board, summoned at his request; the Directors
adopted his advice, and accepted the offer of Messrs.
Maudslay & Field, of Lambeth.^
' The engines as designed by although Mr. Brunei had strongly
Messrs. Maudslay were beam engines, urged them to adopt the more compact
JET. 31.] CONSTRUCTION OF THE ENGINES. 237
The ' Great Western,' for so the ship was called, had
not been long commenced when a somewhat celebrated
controversy arose, in which the correctness of Mr. Brunei's
views was questioned by the late Dr. Dionysius Lardner.
The circumstances which led to this discussion were as
follows : —
The British Association for the Advancement of Science
held its sixth meeting at Bristol in August 1836 ; and,
as Dr. Lardner was announced to lecture on Trans-
atlantic Steam Navigation, great interest was felt in
Bristol on the occasion.
After some postponement, he delivered his lecture
on August 25, to a crowded meeting of the Mechanical
Section. The proceedings of the Association unfortunately
do not give any report of Dr. Lardner's observations ; but,
as in his latest work on the subject ^ he speaks in
commendatory terms of the report given in the ' Times '
newspaper, that account may be relied on as correct.
In the 'Times ' of August 27, 1836, it is stated that in
the course of his lecture Dr. Lardner said, —
Let tliem take a vessel of 1,600 tons, provided with 400 horse-
power engines. They must take 2^ tons for each horse-power, the
vessel must have 1,348 tons of coal, and to that add 400 tons, and
the vessel must carry a burden of 1 ,748 tons. He thought it would be
a waste of time, under all the circumstances, to say much more to
convince them of the inexpediency of attempting a direct voyage to
New York, for in this case 2,080 miles was the longest run a steamer
could encounter : at the end of that distance she would require a
relay of coals.
There is no detailed report remaining of the animated
discussion which followed the lecture, and in which Mr.
form of direct-acting engines. They, ' Steam and its Uses, by Dr. Lard-
however, thought it better not to de- ner, 1856. Chapter on 'Steam Navi-
part from what was then the usual ' gation,' section 10.
form.
238 THE 'GREAT WESTERN' STEAM-SHIP. [a.u. 1836.
Brunei took .part. He exposed several errors in Dr.
Lardner's calculations, but failed to produce any effect
upon tlie majority of those present, who were powerfully
impressed by the lecturer's dogmatic assertions.
Those assertions seem to have had a wide circulation
beyond the walls of the lecture-room; and if Dr. Lardner's
arguments were sound, and if transatlantic steamers ought
to have taken their departure from * the most western
* shore of the British Isles,' the enthusiastic advocate of
a railway scheme in Ireland might well exclaim, —
The promoters of this vast object stand forewarned of defeat.
Dr. Lardner, who has bestowed a great deal of pains in arguing the
bearings of this undertaking, has pronounced it impracticable ; and
I entirely agree with him in his conclusions. The effort, neverthe-
less, will be made ; the genius of English enterprise will hazard the
consequences ; and every honest spirit that shall hear of the brave
British crew which will embark upon that perilous expedition will
feel his heart beating high for the merchant-sailoi-, Avhom nothing
can deter. He will sail ; but, though dangers will encompass him,
and destruction appear, there is yet a hope for his ultimate success.
Let us cheer ourselves with the expectation that, as the exhausted
mariner returns, he will fall in with the western shores of Ireland ;
that, worn out and hopeless of home and comfort upon earth, the
Shannon will win him to her bosom; that, invited by the graceful
sinuosities of that noble stream, and the rich and fertile lands around,
he will advance to this convenient and improving city ; and as he
rests within its walls that he will exclaim, ' This is the place from
* which I ought to have set out, for here have I returned with ease
* and safety ! ' ^
Dr. Lardner's views are repeated in an article in the
* Edinburgh Eeview' for April 1837 (vol. Ixv.) ; and in
the report of the proceedings of the British Association
for 1836 (p. 130 of the proceedings of the sections), the
reader is referred to this article, apparently as a substitute
for an abstract of the lecture.
' ' An pxpositiou of the advantages of the proposed Railway from Limerick to
Wiiterford.'
^T. 31.] DE. LARDISER'S OPINIONS. 239
The following resume is there given of the lecture : —
The conclusions at which he arrived were briefly these : that,
in the present state of the steam-engine as applied to nautical
purposes, he regarded a permanent and profitable communication
between Great Britain and New York by steam-vessels making
the voyage in one trip as in a high degree improbable ; that since
the length of the voyage exceeds the present limits of steam-power,
it Avould be advisable to resolve it into the shortest practicable
stages; and that, therefore, the most eligible point of departure
would be the most western shores of the British Isles, and the first
point of arrival the most eastern available parts of the western
continent; and that, under such circumstances, the length of the
trip, though it would come fully up to the present limit of this
application of steam-power, would, nevertheless, not exceed it, and
that we might reasonably look for such a degree of improvement
in the efficiency of marine engines as would render such an
enterprise permanent and profitable. (P. 119.)
Among other objections to long voyages the reviewer
enumerates the incrustation of boilers, and the choking of
smoke flues ; and then, with reference to the quantity of
fuel required, he proceeds : —
In proportion as the capacity of the vessel is increased, in the
same ratio or nearly so must the mechanical power of the engines be
enlarged, and the consumption of fuel augmented. ... It is
therefore demonstrable that, in the present state of steam navigation,
if this voyage shall be accomplished in one uninterrupted trip, the
vessel which performs it must, whatever may be her power and
tonnage, be capable of extracting from coals a greater mechanical
virtue, in the proportion of three to two, than can be obtained
from them by the combined nautical and mechanical skill of
Mr. Lang, the builder of the 'Medea,' and Messrs. Maudslay and
Field That the passage from Liverpool to New York cannot
on any occasion be made in one run by a steam- ship we do not
maintain. . . . The average time of the outward voyage to New York
is thirty-six days, and Ave say that when the circumstances of wind
. and water are such that a sailing vessel would require that time to
make the passage, a steamer cannot make it without an intermediatG
supply of fuel. (Pp. 127, 139, 143.)
240
THE 'GREAT WESTERN' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1836.
To sum up Dr. Lardner's views in liis own words written
at about this time/ ' We have as an extreme limit of a
' steamer's practicable voyage, without receiving a relay
* of coals, a run of about 2,000 miles.' ^
■I It will be seen from these extracts that the proposition
iDr. Lardner laid down as the basis of his ' demonstration '
as, that the power of the engines must be increased as
he size of the vessel. Were this true his conclusion
would also be true — namely, that the capacity of a given
vessel regularly to accomplish a given voyage does not
increase with the increase of size, since the consumption
of fuel is augmented in about the same ratio.
This assumption is directly opposed to the opinion held
by Mr. Brunei, and acted on by him in his recom-
mendations to the Steam- Ship Company — namely, that
while the tonnage of a ship is increased as the cube of
' The Steam Engine: its Applica-
tion to Navigation and Eailways,
with Plain Maxims for Eailway Spe-
culators, 5th edition, 1836, p. 307.
" It is right to add that, according
to the report given in the Athencetim
newspaper of the meetings of the
British Association at Liverpool in
September 1837, 'Dr. Lardner ad-
' dressed the section (Mechanical) on
' his old subject, the appliciition of
' steam to long voyages. His remarks
' and calculations were to a great
'extent identical with those brought
' forward by him last year at Bristol,
' and published long since in his work
' on the steam-engine, but the conclu-
' sions were somewhat varied. The
' Doctor did not now deny that the
' voyage might be practicable, but he
' did not believe that it would be profit-
able' {Athenaum, Septemhp,r23, 1837).
Dr. Lardner was answered by several
speakers, and among them by Mr.
Guppy, who pointed out in much
detail the unreliable character of Dr.
Lardner's data ; while nothing was
suggested about commercial profits or
subsidies. It may therefore be in-
ferred that Dr. Lardner's arguments
as to the consumption of fuel remained
the same, although he may have
abandoned the conclusion which legi-
timately followed from them — namely,
that the long voyages were practically
impossible.
The Report in the Bristol Mirror
newspaper of the same date (copied
from the Liverpool Standard) is as
follows : — ' Dr. Lardner's speech was
' little beyond a repetition of his dis-
' course last year in Bristol, re-pub-
'lished by him in the Edinburgh
' JReview. The voyage to America by
' steam he treated as practicable, but
' so uncertain as to render a profitable
' result hopeless. . . . During nearly
'all the year there was an adverse
' west wind, and the Gulf Stream was
' to be avoided.'
XT. 31.] AREIVAL IN THE THAMES. 241
her dimensions, the resistance is increased only about as
the square.
This question was the main point at issue between
Dr. Lardner and Mr. Brunei ; and the proposition which
Mr. Brunei then asserted is at the present time the
basis of the calculations which determine the proportion
between the tonnage of a steam-ship and the length of
voyage she has to perform without a relay of fuel.
The history of the 'Great Western' steam-ship has been
interrupted by this examination of Dr. Lardner's proposi-
tions. The weight at one time attached to his opinions,
the sinister influence they exercised over the early efforts
of those who differed from him, and the great and enduring
importance of the points at issue, have made it necessary
to refer to them at length.
The ship had been steadily proceeded with, notwith-
standing the adverse criticism of philosophers, and she
was launched on July 19, 1837. On August 18 she left
with a tug-boat for London to take her engines on board,
and arrived in the Thames after a passage of four days,
four-fifths of the way under sail.
When anchored in the river she was crowded with
visitors, who, according to the newspapers of the day,
were astonished at * her magnificent proportions and
* stupendous machinery.'
The engines were at length completed, and received in
every detail Mr. Brunei's constant supervision.
Extraordinary efforts were made to get the ship back
to Bristol and to start her on her voyage across the
Atlantic before the departure of the * Sirius ' — a vessel of
about 700 tons and 320 horse-power, bought by the St.
George's Steam Packet Company in order to anticipate
the * Great Western.'
242 THE 'GEEAT WESTERN' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1838.
At length the * Great Western ' left Blackwall for
Bristol, at 6.10 a.m. on Saturday, March 31, 1838, having
on board Captain Claxton, Mr. Guppy, Mr. Brunei, and
many other persons interested in her success. All went
well at first, but at about half-past eight o'clock a very
alarming fire broke out. The felt which covered the
boilers had been carried up too high, and the red lead
which fastened it became hot ; oil gas was generated, and
it burst into a fearful flame, setting fire to the beams and
under part of the deck. The ship was immediately run
ashore on a mud-bank not far from the Chapman Beacon,
while Captain Claxton, Captain Hosken (the commander),
and Mr. Pearne (the chief engineer) endeavoured to ex-
tinguish the fire.
Captain Claxton went below through the engine-rooms,
and forward between the boilers to the fore-hatch, and in
a stifling atmosphere of burning paint and felt he directed
the nozzle of the fire-hose against the flames. While he
was at work, something heavy fell on him from above.
On recovering from the blow, he stooped down, and found
the body of a man, who was lying insensible, with his
head covered to the ears with the water which had
collected on the floor. Captain Claxton called for a rope,
and the almost lifeless body was hauled up. It was not
till he went on deck some time afterwards that he learnt
that the person who had fallen on him was Mr. Brunei,
and that he had saved the life of his friend.
It appeared that Mr. Brunei was going down to Captain
Claxton's assistance by the long ladder which reached
from the fore-hatch to the keelson, and put his foot on a
burnt rung. He fell about 18 feet, striking an iron bar
in his descent. Had he not fallen on Captain Claxton he
must have struck the keelson or floor and- been killed,
and had not his head been raised at once he would have
^T. 32.] FIEE ON BOARD. 243
been suffocated by the water into which he fell. He was
so severely hurt that he could not move, and he was laid
on a saU on deck until the fire was extinguished, and then
lowered into a boat, and landed on Canvy Island, where
he remained some weeks. Although his sufferings were
very great, he was able, within three days of the accident,
to dictate a long letter to Captain Claxton on the state
of the ship and engines.
The fire was soon got under, the ship resumed her
voyage to Bristol, and anchored at Kingroad in the
afternoon of Monday, April 2, to the great surprise of the
good people of Bristol, who had heard that she had been
burnt in the Thames. Their astonishment was increased
by finding no outward signs of the disaster ; but, as a
fact, the deck above the boiler was charred a fourth of its
thickness, and so remained till the ship was broken up.
The ' Great Western ' started on her first voyage to New
York on Sunday, April 8, at 10 a.m.,^ and struck soundings
off Newfoundland on the ninth day. She arrived at New
York at 2 p.m. on Monday, the 23rd, having consumed
three-fourths of the coal she had taken on board.
She found that the * Sirius ' had arrived before her ; but
under all the circumstances the palm was due to the ' Great
'Western,' for the ' Sirius ' had left Cork eight hours before
the ' Great Western ' left Bristol (which lies a whole day's
run further from New York), and had only arrived at
New York in the morning of the day in the afternoon of
which the ' Great Western ' came in ; and, what is after
all the most important point for comparison, the * Great
* Western ' had nearly 200 tons of coal left, while the
'Sirius,' when she dropped her anchor at Sandy Hook, had
not only consumed all her coal, but also all the combus-
• She had only seven passengers on from going in her by hearing of ths
board ; fifty, it is stated, were deterred fire.
B 2
244 THE 'GREAT WESTERN' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1838.
tible articles which, could possibly be thrown on the fire,
including (to' repeat the well-known anecdote) a child's
doU!
The * Great Western ' was received at New York with
well-deserved honour. According to the journal of one
of her passengers, * Myriads were collected, boats had
'gathered round us in countless confusion, flags were
* flying, guns were firing, and cheering rose from the shore,
* the boats, and all around loudly and gloriously, as though
* it would never have done. It was an exciting moment, a
* moment of triumph.'
The ship started on her return home on May 7, 1838,
with sixty-eight passengers on board. She made the
voyage in fourteen days, although twenty-four hours were
lost by a stoppage at sea.
After this she ran regularly between Bristol and New
York till the end of 1846. In April 1847 she was sold to
the West India Mail Steam Packet Company, and became
one of their best vessels.
At length in 1857 she was broken up by Messrs. Castle,
of Yauxhall. Among those who went there to take a
farewell of her before she finally disajDpeared was Mr.
Brunei j thus he saw the last of his famous ship.
245
[NOTE (p. 235).
Dimensions of the ' Great Western ' Steam-Ship.
Length from fore-part of figurehead to after-
part of taffrail
Length between the perpendiculars
Length of keel
Breadth
Breadth over paddle-boxes
Depth of hold
Draught of water
Length of engine-room
Tonnage by measurement
Displacement at load draught
Feet Inch
236
0
212
0
205
0
35
4
59
8
23
2
16
8
72
0
1,340 tons
2,300 „
Dimensions of Engines, ^c
Diameter of cylinders .
Length of stroke
Weight of engines, wheels, &c
Weight of boilers
Water 20 tons to each boiler
Diameter of wheel
Width of floats
73^ inches
7 feet
310 tons
90 „
80 „
28 feet 9 inches
10 feet
246 [a.d. 1838.
CHAPTEE IX.
8TEAM NAVIGATION. THE 'GREAT BBITAIN' STEAMSHIP.
A.D. 1838—1847. JETATis 33—42.
COMMENCEMENT OP THE BUILDING OF THE 'GREAT BRITAIN* REPORT
ON THE ENGINES (JUNE 13, 1839) — EXPERIMENTS ON THE SCREW PROPELLER
ITS ADOPTION IN THE ' GREAT BRITAIN ' COMPLETION OF THE SHIP
HEK VOYAGE ACROSS THE ATLANTIC STRANDING OF THE ' GREAT
' BRITAIN ' IN DUNDRUM BAY LETTER TO CAPTAIN CLAXTON ON THE
CONDITION OF THE ' GREAT BRITAIN,' AND ON THE MEANS TO BE
ADOPTED FOR SAVING HER (DECEMBER 10, 1846) REPORT TO THE DIRECTORS
ON THE SAME SUBJECT (DECEMBER 14,1846) APPOINTMENT OF CAPTAIN
CLAXTON TO SUPERINTEND THE EXECUTION OF MR. BRUNEl's PLANS
LETTER TO CAPTAIN CLAXTON ON THE DIFFICULTIES TO BE OVERCOME
(DECEMBER 29, 1846) — REPORT ENCLOSING CAPTAIN CLAXTON's ACCOUNT OF
THE ERECTION OF THE BREAKWATER (FEBRUARY 27, 1847) REPORT ON THE
ARRANGEMENTS FOR FLOATING OFF THE SHIP (mAY 4, 1847) SUCCESSFUL
ACCOMPLISHMENT OF THE FLOATING OPERATIONS — SUBSEQUENT HISTORY
OF THE 'GREAT BRITAIN* NOTE; DIMENSIONS OF THE SHIP AND
ENGINES.
The Directors of the Great Western Steam-Ship Com-
pany, encouraged by the success of the ' Great Western,'
determined shortly after her first return to England to lay
down a second ship of not less than 2,000 tons burden.
As they did not at that time contemplate the use of iron,
a portion of the timber was purchased, and drawings were
put in hand for a wooden ship. The proposed vessel
was intended to be in all respects a companion ship to
the * Great Western ; ' only she was to be of larger dimen-
sions, as it was found that additional cargo space would
be remunerative.
In October 1838, Mr. Guppy (one of the Directors) com-
JET. 33.] COI^IMENCEMENT OF THE SHIP. 247
municated to the Board the results of some calculations
Mr. Brunei had made relative to the cost and efficiency
of iron vessels as compared with wooden ones. Mr.
Brunei then suggested that Captain Claxton and Mr.
Patterson, accompanied by one of his assistants, should
make a voyage to Antwerp and back in the * Rainbow,'
an iron steam-boat of 407 tons burden, and report on the
subject. On receiving their report, which was revised by
Mr. Brunei, and which was strongly in favour of the
adoption of iron, the Directors resolved to build their shij)
of that material, and of not less than 2,000 tons measure-
ment, the same size as that which they had intended for
their wooden ship. They also determined to erect the
shops, and provide the tools for building her themselves.
As in the case of the * Great Western,' the details of
construction were settled by the Building Committee —
Captain Claxton, Mr. Guppy, and Mr. Brunei — who were
assisted by Mr. Patterson.
The preparation of the design occupied some time. In
each succeeding drawing an increased size was proposed ;
at length the fifth design, showing a ship of 3,443 tons
burden, was finally approved of. On July 19, 1839, the
flat keel plates were laid, and the construction of the hull
was commenced.
It will be necessary to enter with some detail into the
history of the construction of the engines of the ' Great
* Britain,' as it has often been stated that it was on Mr.
Brunei's recommendation that the Company built their
own engines. It appears, however, that Mr. Brunei re-
peatedly urged upon the Directors the utmost caution
and economy, and that they ultimately acted ' against his
* suggestion.'
When the Directors determined, in May 1838, to build
248 THE ' GKEAT BEITAIN ' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1838.
a second sliipj they did not entertain any idea of under-
taking so great a responsibility as tlie manufacture of the
engines ; nor had they any intention of doing so, even
when, towards the end of the same year, they resolved
to build the ship themselves, and to construct her of iron.
The dimensions of the proposed paddle engines (for at
this date the use of the screw propeller was not contem-
plated) were sent, in November 1838, to Messrs. Maudslay
and Field, Messrs. Hall, and Messrs. Seaward.'
Messrs. Maudslay declined to tender, and the negotia-
tions seem to have fallen through at the time ; but they
were renewed in April 1839, when estimates for engines
(with cylinders of 100 inches diameter and seven feet
stroke) were again invited from several makers.
The contest lay eventually between Messrs. Maudslay
and Mr. Humphrys (whose patent for trunk engines was
worked by Messrs. Hall). At Mr. Brunei's desire they
prepared designs for engines with cylinders of 120 inches
diameter. He twice induced the Directors to postpone
coming to a decision on the subject, in order that Messrs.
Maudslay might mature their new patent for double-
cylinder engines.
When their tender was placed before the Board, the
Directors were of opinion that it largely exceeded the
estimate of Mr. Humphrys. Mr. Humphrys' estimate,
however, had been more than once sent back to him
for revision, at the suggestion of Mr. Brunei, who ex-
pressed doubts as to the possibility of Mr. Humphrys
being able to construct his engines within the sum named
by him.
Messrs. Hall stated that if they tendered for the supply
of engines on Mr. Humphrys' plan, large tools would have
to be purchased by them, and the cost charged on the one
' These engines were to have had two cylinders of 88 inches diameter.
;et. 33.] CONSTRUCTION OF ENGINES. 249
pair of engines ; they therefore strongly recommended the
Company to become their own engine makers.
Influenced by these considerations, the Directors deter-
mined to adopt the plan of Mr. Humphrys, and to con-
struct their own engines ; and they appointed him the
superintending engineer of their works.
It appears from a report by the secretary, Captain
Claxton, dated March 23, 1840, that * previous to coming
* to this decision, Mr. Brunei succinctly laid before the
* Directors his views of the matter, and his opinion of the
* great responsibility they would incur if they made their
* own engines ; and doubtless the Directors would have
' yielded to his suggestions, but for the report of Mr.
* Humphrys, showing the utter hopelessness of getting the
'engines made piecemeal in Bristol.'
The following is the report of Mr. Brunei on the sub-
ject :—
June 12, 1839.
At the request of Mr, Maze and Mr. Scott, whom I had the
pleasure of meeting on Saturday last, I send you the following ob-
servations on the two plans and the estimates of Messrs. Maudslay,
and of our Mr. Humphrys.
I have a copy of Messrs. Maudslay's letter of the 29th ult. con-
taining their tender, and a subsequent letter of the 11th inst. in
reply to some enquiries of mine respecting their tender and Mr.
Humphrys' estimates, according to which the total cost of a pair of
engines of 110 inches diameter and 8 feet stroke, upon his plan, and
I presume modified as last recommended by Mr. Guppy and myself,
including boilers and fixing on board, would be 29,296/., or, as
stated by Captain Claxton in a letter to me of the 1st inst., 30,700/.
First, as to the comparative merits of the plans, I consider them
both excellently adapted to our particular case, and that the choice
will depend upon other circumstances than the construction of the
engines, and these circumstances, I consider, would be, the relative
cost and the advantages of forming an establishment which will
eventually become necessary for the repair and maintenance of our
engines, contrasted with all the advantages to be derived from the
260 THE ' GEEAT BEITAIN ' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1839.
responsibility and experience in all the details of a first-rate manu-
facturer, and to which I attach very great value, particularly in the
earl}'- proceedings of a Company like ours. As regards the cost, I
understand Messrs. Maudslay's tender to be for an engine of four 75-
inch cylinders, which is equal to a pair of ordinary engines of about
106 inches.
Engine, boiler, and paddle-wheels, fixed on board, supposing the £
vessel in London, and with reduced size of boiler . . . 41,400
Deduct allowance for coal-boxes and combings for hatchways as pro-
posed by Messrs. Maudslay ...... 500
40,900
Additional expense incurred by Messrs. Maudslay in consequence of
the engines being fixed on board at Bristol instead of London, I
estimate at . . . . . . . . 250
Total amount to be paid Messrs. Maudslay . . . .41,150
In addition to this will be the freight and insurance, which we are to
pay, and also the unloading at Bristol and placing in the vessel,
which I take at Captain Claxton's estimate .... 2,000
Making a total of . . . . .43,150
It is to be observed that this includes Mr. Field's apparatus
for changing water, Kingston's cocks, casing the cylinders, and all
those extras which were applied to the ' Great Western,' and also
the paddle-beams and paddle-wheels. Without these latter the nett
cost of the engine, fixed in place, and including all other extras,
would appear to be about 40,000/. or 40,500/. If the cylinders be
increased to 77f , which would be equivalent to the pair of 110 inch,
and supposing the cost of the engines to increase in the same ratio
as the power resulting from this increase, but which ought not to
be the case, the total cost, according to Messrs. Maudslay's esti-
mate, will be 46,500/., and deducting the paddle-beams or frame-
work for carrying the paddles, which do not, I think, form part of
Mr. Humphrys' estimate, probably about 45,500/. as compared with
Mr. Humphrys' estimate of 30,700/. With respect to this latter
estimate, I cannot help expressing the fears I entertain that Mr.
Humphrys is over- sanguine, and that the cost would greatly exceed
the sum named. The items seem to me to be moderate prices only
for each article named, and I see no allowance for those alterations,
damages, and waste of parts, and a variety of other contingencies,
which in a piece of machinery of this magnitude and novelty is cer-
tain to amount to a very large sum.
In his estimate of the fittings and smaller parts, I think also he
has greatly underrated them.
JET. 34.] EEPORT ON ENGINES. 261
The outlay for tools and tackle would, I think, also be greater
than he seems to anticipate, and on the whole I cannot but come to
the conclusion in my own mind, and I should not act rightly if I
did not communicate that opinion to you, that the first outlay will
be fully as large and probably larger by adopting the plan of making
our own engines than by employing a manufacturer. It is true we
shall have some valuable and costly tools and shops included in
this outlay, and a fine establishment formed, which may be rendered
fully competent in point of means to continue the manufacture of
engines for others, and to keep up the repairs of any number of
engines which the Company are likely to have at work. My only
fear would be that of the risk of the undertaking being too great for
a newly-formed establishment. The making of the vessel itself is
no mean effort, and to superadd the construction of the largest pair
of engines and boilers yet made, and upon a new plan, is calculating
very much upon every effort being successful, and particularly upon
the continued assistance of those who have hitherto attended to the
subject; as it must be well known to the Directors that if Mr. Guppy,
for instance, should be prevented from giving his time as he has
hitherto done, or if Mr. Humphry s should, from illness or other
causes, leave us, the manufactory would be brought to a stand, and
the loss would be serious. I have no wish to deter the Company
from becoming their own manufacturers — I think it a course which
must ultimately be adopted if the Company thrive — but I should have
much preferred that it had been adopted gradually, that we had
commenced with a vessel, and then proceeded with boilers and re-
pairs ; and, as our establishment became formed and matured, and
when we might no longer depend entirely upon the engineering
talents and assistance of one Director, who may be unable to attend
to it, or upon the health of one superintendent who, as yet, is alone
in possession of all our plans and ideas, and at present is alone
capable of carrying them out, we might then have ventured upon
making the engines perhaps for the third vessel. Circumstances
may, however, render it necessary that we should proceed more
expeditiously, and I am only anxious that the Directors should be
aware of the difficulties that we may have to encounter, and that
they should not form expectations as regards economy in which they
may be disappointed. The result of the best consideration I have
been able to give to it is, that the question does not seem to be
one of cost. In that respect, according to my view, the two
modes of proceeding would be nearly balanced, but it resolves itself
into the following question: — Is it better in our present position to
252 THE ' GEEAT BEITAIN ' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1839.
enter at once uppn the manufacture of the engines and boilers, in
doing which we shall in part repay the cost of tools and shops,
which must eventually be required, and by which we shall be more
independent, and more capable of expediting the works, should it
become desirable to incur any additional expense for that purpose,
or to throw all the responsibility and risk on another party or con-
tractor— the vessel, for which we could not easily contract, being
still made in the Company's yard ?
I have thus reduced the question to that state in which I can offer
no further opinion or advice ; it is now for you to determine. The
question is one which has frequently to be decided upon by the
Directors of public works; it is very much a matter of feeling,
but it is simplified in the present instance by the circumstance
that the expense in either case will be, to my view at least, about
the same, and the work, I have no doubt, equally good in either
case.
Upon this point, as perhaps upon the subject of cost, I have
no doubt there will be some difference of opinion. It will be
said that the work done under our own superintendence can be
more relied upon than the work of a manufacturer, and that even
in the engines of the * Great Western ' steam- ship, coming from
one of the most experienced manufacturers, many defects may be
pointed out.
I shoiild agree fully with both these arguments, but I think these
advantages are fully counterbalanced by that of the experience in all
the details which is brought into operation in an old-established
manufactory, and the great relief from responsibility and risk ob-
tained by contracting for the whole work.
The Directors having determined to make the engines,
erected shops and fitted them up with proper tools. The
services rendered to them by Mr. Brunei at this period
were fully acknowledged at the next meeting of the
shareholders.^
' It is interesting, in connection To accomplish this forging Mr.
with this subject, to mention the fol- Nasmyth designed his steam-ham-
lowing circumstance. At Mr. Brunei's mer, and though it was not then
recommendation, Mr. Humphrys con- erected in Bristol, in consequence of
suited Mr. James Nasmyth as to the the alteration of the form of the
best means of forging the large engines of the 'Great Britain,' it
paddle-shaft ; as they could not get soon afterwards came into general
any manufacturer to undertake it. use.
^T. 84.] THE ' ARCHIMEDES.' 253
Mr. Brunei's attention was now anxiously devoted to
the consideration of tlie numerous questions involved in
the construction of the ship and her engines; and, in order
to obtain reliable information on many points, he sent one
of his assistants, Mr. Berkeley Claxton, in the * Great
* Western.' His sole occupation during six voyages Avas
to note the amount of rolling and pitching, and the exact
performance of her engines, with the effect of the use of
the expansion valves on her speed, and on the consumption
of fuel. These reports furnished Mr. Brunei with in-
formation which was of great value, especially when,
shortly afterwards, he advised the Directors to adopt the
screw propeller instead of paddlewheels.
The circumstances which led to the adoption of the
screw propeller in the ' Great Britain ' instead of paddle-
wheels were as follows: —
In the early part of the year 1840, the performances of
the ' Archimedes * steamer began to attract the attention
of scientific men. This vessel, which was fitted with the
screw propeller patented by Mr. Francis Pettitt Smith,
arrived at Bristol in May. A few trips were made up and
down the Float, but the advantages of the screw propeller
were not fully appreciated by those to whom they were
explained.
But Mr. Guppy, who had attended some of these trials,
went round in the ship to Liverpool. On his return
he made a report to the Building Committee, and the
Directors, on Mr. Brunei's advice, passed a resolution
delaying the progress of the engines of the ' Great Britain,'
and of those parts of the frame which would be affected by
any change of plans. Mr. Brunei was also requested by
them to give his attention to the question of the adoption
of the screw, and to report thereon.
254 THE 'GEEAT BEITAIN' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1840.
During the next three months experiments were made
by Mr. Brunei, assisted bj Mr. Guppy and Captain
Claxton, on the screw propeller in the ' Archimedes.' '
These experiments afforded ample opportunity of trying
the performances of several forms of screws.^
On October 1, Mr. Broinel attended a special meeting of
the Board, and read and explained a report he had drawn
up, in which he laid before the Directors at great length
the results of the different experiments he had made, and
the advantages which he believed would attend the use of
the screw propeller.' A resolution was passed adopting it
for the ' Great Britain.'
Mr. Brunei at first thought that he would be able to
retain the form of engines which had been originally
determined on for working the paddle wheels; but, on con-
sideration, this was found impracticable. As the Com-
pany had by this time erected complete engine works, there
could now be no question as to their undertaking the con-
struction of the new description of engines required for
working the screw propeller.^
Mr. Humphrys resigned the post of superintendent of
the works, and Mr. Harman was appointed assistant engi-
neer under Mr. Guppy, to whom the Directors, on the
advice of Mr. Brunei, entrusted the supreme control of
their manufacturing establishment.
The duties and responsibilities which devolved on the
Building Committee — Captain Claxton, Mr. Guppy, and
Mr. Brunei — were most arduous. To design and con-
' In the Minute Book of this date dix II. p. 539. The paragraphs in
it is mentioned as a reason for post- which Mr. Brunei describes the ad-
poning any decision on the subject, vantages of tlie screw propeller will
that Mr. Brunei was making ' final,' be found at page 552j_
and afterwards ' further,' experiments. * A description of Mr. Humphrys*
* See Mr. Guppy's paper, printed trunk engines is given in Tredgold's
in the Proceedings of the Institution work on the steam engine (ed. 1838),
of Civil Engineers for 1845, p. 151. p. 390.
' This report is printed in Appen-
XT. 35.] ADOPTION OF THE SCEEW PROPELLER. 255
struct a steam-ship larger than any that had, up to that
time, been launched, to make this ship of a material
which had but lately been introduced into shipbuilding,
and which had never before been employed on a large
scale, to adapt to this ship a novel form of propeller which
had not previously been used save in a merely experi-
mental steamer, and to build in a newly opened manu-
factory marine engines of a much greater size than any
that had hitherto been contemplated, and of a totally dif-
ferent character, was indeed a bold enterprise. Mr. Brunei
had, as has been shown, recommended the Company not
to undertake one part of the work, that, namely, of the
manufacture of the engines, which he thought would have
been better entrusted to the most experienced engine
builders. But although the Directors had acted contrary
to his advice, this circumstance in no way diminished the
zeal with which he and his coadjutors entered upon their
task.
A short statement of the principal dimensions of the
vessel and engines is given in a note to this chapter ; but
some of the more remarkable features in the design may
be mentioned here.
In the construction of the * Great Britain,' the same
care which had been spent in securing longitudinal
strength in the Wooden hull of the * Great Western,'
was now given to the suitable distribution of the metal.
Over the transverse angle iron ribs at the bottom of the
ship were laid ten deep longitudinal beams (see woodcut,
fig. 13, a), which, over the greater part of the bottom of the
ship, were covered with an iron deck (h) riveted to their
upper edges by angle irons, thus forming a cellular struc-
ture which added greatly to the strength of the ship. It
does not appear that this deck was designed to be water-
tight, so that it did not form the same security against
256 THE 'GEEAT BKITAIN' STEAM-SHIP, [a.d. 1840.
accident as tlie inner skin of tlie cellular structure
wiiich Mr. - Brunei afterwards adopted in the ' Great
* Eastern.'-
The upper part of the sides of the ship, in the middle
of her length, were carefully designed so as to give her
longitudinal strength. The side plates were thickened,
and were riveted to iron shelf-plates three feet broad (c) ;
and two bands of iron, six inches wide and one inch thick,
with the joints strengthened, ran along the top of the
ship's side. There were bands of iron riveted to the
shelf-plate, and iron deck beams crossed diagonally under
the planking of the upper and main decks. Also at
the junction of the ship's side with the shelf-plate there
ran longitudinally a tie of Baltic pine timber, 340 square
inches in section [d) ; this being well secured to the
shelf-plate and ribs, added considerably to the strength of
this portion of the hull.
The ship had five watertight bulkheads, and was thus
separated into six compartments.
y...,f,...f
ScaU of feet.
Fig. 13. ' Great Britain' Steam-Ship.
Transverse Section.
She had no keel, as there did not appear to be sufficient
advantage gained by such an appendage to make up for
the increase of the ship's draught by the amount of the
jer. 35.] CONSTRUCTION OF THE SHIP. 257
depth of the keel. There were two side or bilge keels (e),
reaching down to the level of the keel plate of the ship,
so that when gi'ounded in dock she might rest on three
points in her width.
The ' Great Britain ' had what is termed a balanced
rudder, a portion of the rudder (in this case about one
third) being in advance of the pivot on which it turned.
The result of this arrangement was that, the pressures on
either side of the pivot nearly balancing one another, there
was no difficulty in putting the helm over rapidly. This
rudder was knocked away when the ship ran ashore at
D and rum, and was subsequently replaced by an ordinary
rudder.^
In the construction of the hull of the ship, instead of
a mere imitation of the arrangements of the timber in
wooden ships, the proper distribution of the material to
receive the strains that would come upon it was carefully
considered. In the result, the ship contained, in the
structure of her bottom, bulkheads, deck shelves, and
longitudinal kelsons, the longitudinal principle of con-
struction which Mr. Brunei afterwards so fully developed
in the ' Great Eastern.'
Apart from their size, the design of the engines of
the ' Great Britain ' necessarily presented many pecu-
liarities. The boilers, which were six in number, were
placed touching each other, so as to form one large boiler
about thirty-three feet square, divided by one transverse
and two longitudinal partitions. This boiler, which was
fitted in between the longitudinal bulkheads of the ship,
had a double set of furnaces, and therefore of stoke-holes,
' The balanced rudder, which is duced by Mr. E. J. Reed, C.B., into
peculiarly applicable to screw ships, vessels designed by him for the Royal
has encountered much opposition ; but Navy,
it has lately been successfully intro-
S
258 TnE ' GREAT BRITAIN ' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1840.
one at the fore end, and the other at the after end, next
the engine room.
It would seem that the boiler was only worked with a
pressure of about eight pounds on the square inch.
The feed water for the boiler was passed through a
casing surrounding the funnel, in which it was heated
before passing into the boiler. This casing was open at
the top, and the water flowed thence into the boiler by-
gravitation. A similar arrangement was adopted by Mr.
Brunei in the ' Great Eastern.'
The condensers were made of wrought iron, being in
fact part of the frame of the ship. The main shaft of
the engine had a crank at either end of it, and was made
hollow, a stream of water being kept running through it
so as to prevent heating in the bearings. An important
point in the design was the method by which the motion
was transmitted from the engine-shaft to the screw-shaft,
for the screw was arranged to go three revolutions to
each revolution of the engines. Where the engines do
not drive the screw directly, this is now universally
effected by means of toothed gearing ; but, when the
engines of the ' Great Britain ' were made, it was thought
that this arrangement would be too jarring and noisy.
After much consideration, chains were used, working
round different-sized drums with notches in them, into
which fitted projections on the chains. The greater part
of the length of the screw-shaft consisted of a hollow
wrought-iron boiler-plate tube, the metal being thus very
advantageously placed for taking torsional strain, and
the shaft was in this way made very light. The engines
were designed to work expansively, the steam being cut
off at one-sixth of the stroke.
The completion of the * Great Britain ' was delayed
many months, owing to the financial difficulties in which
JET. 35.] COMPLETION OF THE SHIP. 259
the Great Western Steam- Ship Company had become
involved ; the profit on working the ' Great Western '
having been seriously diminished in consequence of the
competition of the Cunard steamers.
At length, however, the ship was finished; and she
was floated out of dock into the Floating Harbour on
July 19, 1843, in the presence of His Eoyal Highness
Prince Albert.
This seems a fitting place to insert the following letter
from Mr. Brunei to Mr. Guppy, written at the beginning
of August 1843:—
I have been thinking a great deal of your plans for iron-ship
building, and have come to a conclusion which I believe agrees with
your ideas ; but I will state mine without reference to yours. At
'bottom and at top I would give longitudinal strength and stiffness,
gaining the latter by the former, [Fig. u.\
so that all the metal used should ..j^ ==«=.-_-
add to the longitudinal tie, F '\
while in the neutral axis and E— — —-.J
along the sides, and to resist [I |
swells from seas, I would have V..,—- — J
vertical strength by ribs and \ J
shell -pieces, thus : the black ^^'- ■ ■ • p .^'^^
lines being sections of longi- ^"^•l*.^^ i^*^
tudinal pieces, the dotted lines
vertical and transverse diagonal plates, throwing the metal as
much as possible into the outside bottom plates, and getting the
strength inside by form, that is, depth of beams, &c., the former
being liable to injury from blows, &c.,the latter being protected.
And now for the screw of which I am constantly thinking, and in
the success of which for the ' Great Britain,' remember, I am even moro
deeply interested than you.
If all goes well we shall all gain credit, but * quod scriptnm est
manet^ if the result disappoint anybody, my written report will be
remembered by everybody, and I shall have to bear the storm —
and all that spite and revenge can do at the Admiralty will be done !
The words ' better sailing qualities than could be given to the
' " Polyphemus," ' which I used in my first report to the Admiralty,
I believe have never been forgotten.
s 2
260 THE 'GKEAT BKITAIN' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1813.
"Well, the result of all my anxious thouglits— for I assure you I feel
more anxious about this than about most things I have had to do
with — is first that we must adopt as a 'principle not to be departed
from, that all mechanical difficulties of construction must give
way, must in fact be lost sight of in determining the most perfect
form — if we find that the screw determined upon cannot be made
(but what cannot be done?), then it is quite time enough to try
another form ; though even then my rule would be to try again at
making it. . .
The * Great Britain ' w^as built wider tlian the locks
through which she would have to pass, as it was supposed
that the Dock Company would allow them to be tem-
porarily widened.'
After a good deal of discussion, negotiations were satis-
factorily concluded, and the requisite alterations were
made : the ship passed through into Cumberland Basin,
and the upper lock was restored to its original state in
a few days.
On December 10, everything was ready for her passing
into the Avon through the lower lock. A steam-tug
commenced towing her at high water, but, before she
had moved half her length in the lock, it became evident
to Captain Claxton, who was on board the tug, that
there was not an inch to spare; she was touching the
lock walls on either side— in fact, she had stuck between
the copings. Upon this he gave orders to haul her back
again as quickly as possible. This was hardly effected
before the tide began to fall ; a few minutes later, and
the ship would have remained jammed in the entrance.
As the tides had passed their highest, it was necessary
immediately to widen the lock, in order not to lose the
' It maybe convenient here to state channel of the river Avon closed in.
that the dock in which the 'Great The Floating Harbour communicates
' Britain ' was built led into the Float- through the Cumberland Basin with
ing Harbour, which is a portion of the the river.
^:t. 38.] DEPAKTURE FROM BRISTOL. 261
spring tide ; and this was accomplished under Mr. Brunei's
superintendence, just in time to get the vessel through
that night.
Mr. Brunei described this occurrence in the following
letter, written to excuse himself from keeping an impor-
tant engagement in Wales : —
December 11, 1844.
We have had an unexpected difficulty with the * Great Britain '
this morning. She stuck in the lock ; we did get her back. I
have been hard at work all day altering the masonry of the lock.
To night, our last tide, Ave have succeeded in getting her through;
but, being dark, we have been obliged to ground her outside, and I
confess I cannot leave her till I see her afloat again, and all clear of
her difficulties. 1 have, as you will admit, much at stake here, and
, I am too anxious about it to leave her.
The * Great Britain,' after making several experimental
trips, sailed for London on January 23, 1845, and, although
she experienced very severe weather, made an average
speed of 12^ knots an hour.
The excitement caused by her arrival at Blackwall was
very great. Thousands of persons flocked to see her, and
she was honoured by a visit from Her Majesty and His
Royal Highness Prince Albert.
She left Liverpool on her first voyage on August
26, and arrived at New York on September 10, having
made the passage out in fourteen days and twenty-one
hours. She made her return passage in fifteen days and
a half.
She started again in October, taking sixteen days and
a half across. On her homeward passage, she broke
her screw, and got home under canvas after eighteen
days of rough weather which fully tested her sailing
qualities.
The experience of these voyages showed that the supply
of steam from the boilers was defective ; the necessary
262 THE 'GREAT BRITAIN' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1846.
alterations were carried out during the winter months, and
the ship was fitted with a new screw.
In the Beginning of 1846, everything seemed to promise
well for the success of the ' Great Britain.' She started
on May 9, with her full complement of passengers and
cargo, but again an accident happened, which prevented
this passage from affording a trial of her steaming power.
On May 13, the guard of the after air-pump broke ;
but up to that time her speed had averaged eleven and
three-quarters knots.
She returned from New York in thirteen days and six
hours, against adverse winds for ten days, with a speed
varying from eight and a half to twelve knots. On one day
of her voyage, June 13, she ran 330 knots in the twenty-
four hours, or nearly sixteen statute miles an hour. This
was said to have been the quickest passage which had, up to
that time, been made under similar circumstances of wind
and weather.
She left Liverpool again at the beginning of July, and
arrived at New York in thirteen days and eight hours, or,
deducting stoppages, in twelve days and eleven hours —
the shortest passage then and for some time afterwards
recorded. Her homeward passage was accomplished in
thirteen days, including a stoppage of eighteen hours to
repair the driving chains which had been damaged.
She started again from Liverpool on her outward voyage
on the morning of September 22, 1846, having on board
180 passengers (a larger nximber than had ever before
started to cross the Atlantic in a steamer), and a con-
siderable quantity of freight. A few hours after her
departure, and at a time when it was supposed that she
was rounding the Isle of Man, the ship ran ashore, and
all immediate efforts to get her off were unavailing.
When daylight came, the captain found, to his surprise.
XT. 41.] STKANDING IN DUNDKUM BAY. 263
that slie was in Dundruni Bay, on tlie north-east coast
of Ireland. The passengers were landed safely when the
tide ebbed.
Captain Claxton, the managing Director of the Com-
pany, went at once to the ship. He found her lying at
the bottom of a deep and extensive bay ; the ground on
which she rested had an upper surface of sand, but under-
neath this were numerous detached rocks. The ship had
settled down upon two of them, and had knocked holes in
her bottom. Her head lay NW., leaving her stern and
port quarter exposed to a heavy sea, which, at Dundrum,
always accompanies southerly gales.
When Captain Claxton got to the ship, he made arrange-
ments for trying to get her off at the next spring tides,
which were on the following Monday (September 28) ; but
on the Sunday, a gale of wind from the southward sprung
up, and at the night flood-tide the water broke over
her ; nothing remained to be done but to drive the ship
higher up the beach into a position of greater safety.
Sails were therefore set, and she was driven forward a
considerable distance.
Mr. Patterson was sent by the Directors to Dundrum
with Mr. Alexander Bremner (who had had considerable
experience in floating stranded ships), and they endea-
voured to protect the vessel by breakwaters. These,
however, were soon carried away; and, after this mis-
fortune, the Directors seem for a time to have lost all
hope of saving their ship.
On December 8, when the immediate pressure of Par-
liamentary work was over, Mr. Brunei went to Dundrum,
having some time before been requested by the Directors
and underwriters to examine and report on the ship.
He was delighted, he said, in spite of all the discouraging
accounts he had received, to find the 'Great Britain'
264 THE 'GEEAT BEITAIN' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1846.
* almost as sound as the day she was launched, and ten
' times stronger and sounder in character,' though at the
same time Jbe was grieved to see her * lying unprotected,
* deserted, and abandoned.'
Whatever may have been the misgivings of others, he
felt no doubt as to the possibility of saving the ship, by at
once protecting her by a breakwater made of fagots ; and
before he left Dundrum he set Captain Hosken at work at
the new arrangements, and he guaranteed the immediate
expense in the event of the Directors not sanctioning
the measure.
Immediately on his return to town, he wrote the fol-
lowing somewhat vigorous letter to Captain Claxton : —
December 10, 1846.
I have returned from Dundrum with very mixed feelings of satis-
faction and pain, almost amounting to anger, with whom I don't
know. I was delighted to find our fine ship, in spite of all the
discouraging accounts received, even from you, almost as sound as
the day she was launched, and ten times stronger and sounder in
character. I was grieved to see this fine ship lying improtected,
deserted and abandoned by all those who ought to know her value,
and ought to have protected her, instead of being humbugged by
schemers and underwriters. Don't let me be understood as wishing
to read a lecture to our Directors ; but the result, whoever is to
blame, is, at least in my opinion, that the finest ship in the world,
in excellent condition, such that 4,000/. or 5,000/. would repair all
the damage done, has been left, and is lying, like a useless saucepan
kicking about on the most exposed shore that you can imagine, with
no more effort or skill applied to protect the property than the sjiid
saucepan would have received on the beach at Brighton. Does the
ship belong to the Company? For protection, if not for removal, is
the Company free to act without the underwriters ? If we are in this
position, and if we have ordinary luck from storms for the next three
weeks, I have little or no anxiety about the ship ; but if the Company
is not free to act as they like in protecting her, and in preventing
oTir property being thrown away by trusting to schemers, then please
write oflf immediately to Hosken to stop his proceeding with my
plans, because I took the pecuniary responsibility of the cost of what
iET. 41.] LETTER ON CONDITION OF THfe SHIP. 265
I ordered until lie could hear from you, and of course I do not want
to incur useless expense, but still more I do not w ish any proceeding
taken as from me to be afterwards stopped. I will now describe
as nearly as I can what I have seen, and what I think.
As to the state of the ship, she is as straight and as sound as she
ever was, as a wliole. She is resting and working upon rocks, which
have broken in at several places, and forced up perhaps 12 to 18
inches many parts of the bottom, from the fore stoke-hole to about
the centre of the engines, lifting the boilers about 15 inches and
the condenser of the fore engine about 6 or 8 inches ; the after-con-
denser, perhaps, half an inch. The lifting of the fore-condenser has
broken that air-pump, the connecting rod having been unwisely left
in, and the crank being at the bottom of the stroke. Of course the
air-pump could not help being broken; except this, the whole vessel,
machinery, &c., are perfect. I told you that Hosken's drawing was a
proof, to my eye, that the ship was not broken : the first glimpse
■ of her satisfied me that all the part above her 5 or 6 feet water
line is as true as ever. It is beautiful to look at, and really how
she can be talked of in the way she has been, even by you, I
cannot understand. It is positively cruel ; it wovdd be like talking
away the character of a young woman without any grounds what-
ever.
The ship is perfect, except that at one part the bottom is much
bruised, and knocked in holes in several places. But even within
three feet of the damaged part there is no strain or injury whatever.
I think it very likely that she may have started leaks where she has
been pounding away upon the rocks, but nothing more ; and as I «iid
before, all above her 5 or 6 feet water line is uninjured, except her
overhanging stern ; there is some slight damage to this, not otherwise
important than as pointing out the necessity of some precautions if
she is to be saved. I say ' if,' for really when I saw a vessel still in
perfect condition left to the tender mercies of an awfully exposed
shore for weeks, while a parcel of quacks are amusing you with
schemes for getting her off, she in the meantime being left to go
to pieces, I could hardly help feeling as if her own parents and
guardians meant her to die there.
Why, no man in his senses can dream of calculating upon less than
three months for the execution of any rational scheme of getting her
off; and no man in his senses, I should think, would dream of taking
her across the channel in the winter months, even if he had got
the camels or floats fast. Of this I don't feel so competent to foma
an opinion, though I think I can judge, and I should consider it a
266 THE 'GREAT BRITAIN' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1846.
wanton throwing away of my shares if the Directors allowed her to be
taken out, eves if afloat ; but at all events I am competent to judge
of the probable time occupied in getting means to float her, and I
maintain thalt it would be absurd to calculate upon less than two or
three months. It is not therefore the mode of getting her off that
we ought to have been all this time thinking of, but how to keep her
where she is. I feel so strongly on this point that I feel quite angry.
What are we doing ? What are Ave wasting precious time about ?
The steed is being quietly stolen while we are discussing the relative
merits of a Bramah or a Chubb's lock to be put on at some future
time ! It is really shocking.
Having expended a little of my feeling, I will tell you what I have
done, and what I should recommend.
First, instantly to disconnect the engines and air-pumps, and remove
all the working gear, so at least to leave the mischief to the lower
part. By the bye, the cylinders are not disturbed or hurt in any way
at present, but with the engines exactly at the bottom of the stroke,
and the connecting rods on, it is a wonder they are not. If the air-
pump had been disconnected it would not have been broken. I
have taken upon myself to order this.
Secondly, I suggested to Hosken, in which he quite agreed with
me, to take off all strain from her extreme stern. At present she
has cables out from this prodigious mass overhanging nearly 30 feet
from any part capable of bearing the strain.
I recommend his taking the chain cables through the ship's side,
and making them fast with a spar or timber outside the starboard
side, about as far forward as the capstan. At present she is canted
seaward.
I thought she was better so than presenting the hollow lines of
her quarter to the sea, and both Hosken and Bremner came round
to my opinion.
Thirdly, there is a stream of water which now washes away the
sand from her bottom. I think it essential this should be diverted,
and kept so.
Fourthly, my plan for protecting her is totally different from any
that have been proposed, and if we have not such excessively bad
weather as would prevent anything being done, I believe it may
easily be done. And if done Avill, I am convinced, be perfectly good ;
while any solid timbering, even if made, would, I think, be most
likely the cause itself of tremendous damage, if once beat by the
sea. I will only premise by saying that both Hosken and Bremner
;et. 41.] LETTER ON CONDITION OF THfc SHIP. 267
came to tlie conclusion that it was the best thing that could be
done.
I should stack a mass of large sti'ong fagots lashed together,
skewered together with iron rods, weighted down with iron, sand-
bags, (Src, wrapping the whole round with chains, just like a huge
poultice under her quarters, round under her stern, and half way up
her length on the sea side.
The detail of the mode, and the precautions of detail, I have not
time now to describe. I am as certain as I can be of anything that,
once made, such a mass of fagots would stand any sea for the next
six months, and the chances of making it (after one or two failures,
no doubt) are so good, that if properly taken in hand, I look upon
it as certain. I will write more fully to-morrow — in the meantime
I have ordered the fagots to be begun delivering. I went myself
with Hosken to Lord Roden's agent about it, and I hope they are
already beginning to deliver them. Write and stop them or not —
if not, of course my responsibility ceases. I will write again to-
morrow, but let me know by train how we stand with the under-
writers.
This letter was a few days later supplemented by the
following formal report to the Directors, which was printed
and circulated amongst the proprietors.
December U, 1846.
According to your request I have, as soon as my engagements
would allow of my leaving London, paid a visit to the ' Great
Britain,' and I now beg to report to you the state in which I found
the vessel, and my opinion of the best means to be taken for re-
covering the largest possible amount of the property invested in her.
If I state these opinions concisely, and without any qualifications,
you will not suppose that I have the presumption to think them
infallible, but merely that I am compelled, by the shortness of the
time left me to write to you, to avoid all circumlocution, and to give
you as simply and briefly as possible the opinions I have formed —
at the same time I am bound to say that I have not formed them
hastily, and that my convictions upon the several points upon which
I may express my feelings are very strong.
First, as regards the present state of the vessel, I was agreeably
disappointed, after the reports that had reached me, to find her as a
whole, and, independently of the mere local damages of which I will
268 THE 'GREAT BRITAIN' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1816.
speak presently, perfectly soimd, and as strong and as perfect in form
as on the day ^she was launched. (/
In receiving this statement you must bear in mind the great
difference helween an iron vessel and a timber-built ship. In the
former, parts may be considerably damaged or even destroyed,
and the remainder may not only be untouched, but may be left
imstrained and uninjured. In a timber ship this can hardly be
the case ; if any considerable portion of a ship's bottom is stove
in, the timbers or ribs completely across the ship and the plank-
ing longitudinally, cannot fail to be strained to a very con-
siderable distance in both directions. You must therefore remove
from your minds all impressions derived from your experience of
damages sustained by timber-built ships in order to understand my
statement, which is strictly coiTect : — that, except the parts actually
damaged, the extent of which is comparatively small, the ship is
perfectly sound, and as good as at the hour when she struck. This
soundness and freedom from any damage extends from about the
5 feet water line to the top (with the exception of the injury sus-
tained by the knocking away of the rudder post and a blow under
the stern); nearly the whole of the vessel is therefore sound: the
principal injury is in her bottom under the boilers and engines. The
vessel has evidently been thumping upon the rocks, and almost en-
tirely upon this part of the bottom from the first few days after she
grounded ; and at present in all probability her whole weight is
resting upon this part ; yet notwithstanding this she is perfectly
straight, and has not broken nor even sprung an inch in the whole
length. The boilers have been forced up about 15 inches, and
one of the condensers has been lifted about 8 inches, breaking
the air-pump. At present this is nearly the extent of the damage
done ; all of which could easily be repaired if the vessel were in
dock.
I will now state my opinion of the best means of recovering the
largest possible amount of the property which has been invested in
her. In this vieAv I can only imagine two alternatives — the one to
break her up on the spot and make the most of the materials ; the
other to get her afloat and into port, and restore her into good con-
dition, or sell her to those who would so restore her.
The first alternative may I think be discarded at once ; the plates
and ribs of an iron vessel are difficult enough to convert into useful
materials for any other purposes, even in the midst of workshops
and with tools and appliances at hand. In such a place as Dundrum
Bay I do not believe the materials would pay the expense of cutting
.T.T. 41.] IlEPORT ON CONDITION OF THE SHIP. 269
up ; the masts, spars, chains, &c., in fact the stores and perhaps a
few of the lighter part of the engines, might repay the cost of removal,
but the whole would certainly not amount to many thousands ; pro-
bably hundreds would be a safer estimate of the amount to be
realised clear of all expenses. To remove the vessel and take her
into port, and either restore her or sell her, is then the only means
of recovering any part of the whole of the capital invested in this
ship. If she is so brought into port she may be worth, unrepaired,
40,000/., 50,000/., or 60,000/., according to the opportunities that
may offer themselves of employing her useiully or selling her. The
only question is, then, how at the least expense, and at the smallest
risk, is the vessel to be got into port ? But, as I will now endeavour
to prove to you, the mode of getting the vessel off the shore and into
jjort is again quite secondary to the consideration of how to preserve
her where she is so that she may be in a condition to be removed, and
to be worth removing, when the means of doing this are ready, and
the proper time is arrived for attempting it.
In the first place I assert unhesitatingly, that no man in his senses
and who thoroughly imderstands the circumstances of the case, the
Vi'eight and position of the vessel, the amount of the rise and fall of
the tide, and the draught of water around her, and the extraordinarily
exposed situation, would dream of calculating upon completing the
requisite means for floating her under three months.
In the meantime the ship mnst be protected. Even if it were prac-
ticable to construct the necessary apparatus, and to float the vessel
to-morrow, it would be little short of madness to go to sea with her
at this time of the year ; but I am doing wrong to discuss a case
which cannot arise. The vessel cannot, according to any rational
calculation of chances, be got off under three months, and it is equally
against all probability that, if left unprotected, there would be any-
thing worth taking off at that time. It is useless, therefore, at this
moment discussing the best mode of floating the vessel ; and I think,
under such circumstances, it would be most unwise hastily to deter-
mine upon any plan. The first thing is to know whether there are
any means of preserving the vessel, and whether any such plans can
be carried into effect at some reasonable cost, which it may be worth
incurring. I have looked at the vessel, and considered the very
exposed situation in which she is placed (and a more exposed one
could hardly be found), and T am convinced that no fixed breakwater
of ordinary construction could be n)ade at any reasonable expense,
or in time to prevent mischief. There is no depth of sand into
which to drive piles, and the rock is too uneven and broken to allow
270 THE 'GREAT BRITAIN' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1846.
of any framing being constructed and secured to it ; and any frame-
work would be liable to be destroyed during the progress of its con-
struction, as that already attempted has been, and the timber might
be the cause of serious damage to the ship. The plan I should
recommend would at least be free from these objections, would
be comparatively inexpensive, and I am firmly convinced would be
perfectly effectual as a protection. At the same time few persons
who have not seen the effect of a sea beating against fagots will
share in that conviction ; what I recommend is, to form under the
stern and along the exposed side of the vessel a mass of fagots
made of strong and long sticks, and used in the manner which has
been so successfully practised in Holland and elsewhere, for the
repair and protection of banks against the sea. The fagots should
be packed closely, and for a considerable thickness against the ship's
side and up to the level of the decks, and secured Avith rods run verti-
cally through the mass, and chains laid horizontally and binding the
whole tightly to the ship. The heaviest sea has no effect upon such a
mass, and I believe the vessel would remain as uninjured and indeed
as unaffected by the sea as if in dock ; 8,000 or 10,000 fagots, 300
or 400 fathoms of 1 inch or ^ inch second-hand chain cable, none of
which need be lost, 300 or 400 f inch rods sharpened at the ends,
1,000 bags to fill with sand, with what stores you have on board,
would suffice ; and, if next coming springs and the gales which have
hitherto accompanied them are safely passed, I cannot foresee any
difficulty whatever in the way of completing the protection I propose.
Of course, in all works dependent upon wind, weather, and tides,
certainty cannot be obtained ; but of one thing I am quite certain,
that no other plan offers the same chance of success, or at so small
a cost. I have communicated to Captain Claxton the steps which
I took, in conjunction with Captain Hosken, for procuring the fagots
before I left Dundrvmi ; I have also communicated to him the
directions which I gave with respect to the engines, &c., and it is
unnecessary therefore that I should repeat them. I will only re-
capitulate in a few words the substance of the advice I have above
given, and of my reasoning. You have a valuable piece of property
lying on a most exposed shore ; if preserved for a few months that
property will in all probability be worth 40,000/. or 50,000Z. ; if
neglected for a few weeks longer it will probably be worth nothing.
Can you, as men of business, under such circumstances, waste your
time at this moment in discussing what you will do in three months
hence, and what plan you will then adopt to take your property to
market, but will you not rather first and immediately adopt decisive
;et. 41.] REPORT ON CONDITION OF THE' SHIP. 271
steps for preserving that property, and then consider what you had
best do with it ?
I have no wish to escape the responsibility of advising you, as you
request me to do so, as to my opinion of the best plan to be adopted
hereafter for removing the ship; but adhering to the principle that I
have laid down, I should decline to do so at present, did I not see
reason to fear that you might be losing time and money by relying
upon expectations wliich I am convinced would be disappointed. I
would strongly urge upon you not to place your reliance upon any plan
which depends upon floating the vessel by camels, and taking her to
sea unrepaired, and therefore entirely dependent upon those camels.
The immense breadth of these floating camels, and the risk of taking
such an unmanageable floating ill-connected mass to sea, cannot have
been correctly or sufficiently estimated ; and the certainty of the
whole going to the bottom, in the event of even a very moderate gale
of wind or a slight swell, has been apparently quite lost sight of I
am also of opinion that the difficulty of lifting the vessel at all by
auxiliary floats has been underrated. The vessel has worked her-
self about 5 or 6 feet into the solid rock and sand, and may very
probably get a little deeper before the time for lifting arrives. She
must therefore be lifted, say at least 4 feet to 4 feet 6 inches, before
she could be got out of the dock she has made ; and the floating
power must therefore be calculated at least to raise her 5 feet 6
inches, so as to be quite sure of moving her. Now there is not more
than 10 feet water around the vessel even at high water of ordinary
springs, and it would be impossible to calculate upon more than 9
feet as a certainty. No floating power worth having can be got in
the vessel, and the floating vessels must therefore be capable of sus-
taining the whole weight, with a draught when the vessel is lifted of
only about 4 feet. The weight to be sustained is 2,000 tons, and to do
this with vessels drawing only 4 feet would require that they should
be upwards of 30 feet in breadth on each side, forming with the ship
a total width of upwards of 100 to 120 feet, and upwards of 300 feet
in length. I do not say that this operation is impracticable, but it
is at least a very diflScult one, and must be almost entirely dependent
tipon weather, and, unless in perfectly smooth water, a very hazardous
one. My belief and conviction is that the safe mode of proceeding,
and by far the cheapest, will be to lift the vessel by mechanical
means, to lay ways under her, and to haul her up sufficiently far for
her to be safe fiom the sea ; to repair her just sufficiently to make
her water-tight, then launch and bring her to Liverpool or Bristol.
But, as I have before stated, there is time to consider these points, if
272 THE 'GREAT BRITAIN' STEAM-SHIP. [x.n. 1846.
in the meantime we feike steps to preserve the ship. If the property
is not even npw worth protectinfr, it will indeed be waste of money to
be preparing at some considerable expense to remove what will in all
probability*be only then a valueless carcase.
If the Directors should determine upon adopting the course I have
recommended, I must remind them that the plan is one depending
entirely on the skill, the vigour, the aptitude for expedients, and
possibly, if bad weather should come on, and day after day the Avork
be destroyed, on the unwearying perseverance and determined con-
fidence in the plan of the person directing it, and the sufficiency of
means at his command.
I cannot conclude without doing justice to Mr. Bremner, whom I
met on board, and acknowledging the friendly and liberal manner in
which he discussed the various means to be adopted, and assisted me
with his valuable advice ; and-, although I may have somewhat differed
with him as to the advisability of attempting to float the vessel away
to sea without first repairing her, yet upon most points we were per-
fectly agreed ; and I firmly believe that if any man could take her
off (and if it would be prudent to let him do so), Mr. Bremner's
great experience and sound practical knowledge and good sense in
devising any plan, and his energy and skill in carrying it out, would
ensure every chance of success which the circumstances admit of.'
The Directors adopted Mr. Brunei's suggestions; and,
at his urgent request, they appointed Captain Claxton to
superintend the execution of his plans.
Captain Claxton thereupon went to Dundrum, where he
took sole charge of all the subsequent operations.
The following is selected from the many letters written
by Mr. Brunei to Captain Claxton at this time.
December 29, 1846.
You have failed, I think, in sinking and keeping down the fagots
from that which causes nine-tenths of all failures in this Avorld, from
not doing quite enough. Two and a half hundredweight of sandbags,
weighing barely one hundredweight [m ivater^, would not of course
' One of the consequences of the to have a circular letter printed de-
publication of this report was, that dining assistance; and more than four
Mr. Brunei received so many letters hundred letters were also received by
containing suggestions for lifting and the Company's secretary,
floating the ship, that he was obliged
;et. 41.] LETTEE ON BREAK WATEE. 273
keep quiet a large fagot of five bundles, and two and a half hundred-
weight of fire-bars, I should think, would only barely do. The load
must always be excessive, to make sure of a thing ... I would only
impress upon you one principle of action which I have always found
very successful, which is to stick obstinately to one plan (until I believe
it wrong), and to devote all my scheming to that one plan, and, on the
same principle, to stick to one method, and push that to the utmostlitnits
before I allow myself to wander into others ; in fact, to use a simile,
to stick to the one point of attack, however defended, and if the force
first brought up is not sufficient, to bring ten times as much ; but never
to try back upon another point in the hope of finding it easier. So
with the fagots — if a six-bundle fagot wont reach out of water, try a
twenty-bundle one; if hundredweights wont keep it down, try tons.
The able manner in which. Captain Claxton carried out
Mr. Brunei's plans, and suggested important modifica-
tions of them, is acknowledged by Mr. Brunei, in a report
to the Directors, written after the successful completion
of the breakwater.
February 27, 1847.
I beg to enclose Captain Claxton's account of the proceedings at
Dundrum Bay during the time that he has been engaged in forming
the breakwater or protection to the ship in the manner recommended
by me.
Notwithstanding the great difficulties he has had to contend with
from almost incessant bad weather, with the wind blowing dead on
shore nearly the whole of the month of January, and consequently
preventing the tides from ebbing suflBciently out to allow of the work
being properly proceeded with, and notwithstanding the occurrence
of more than one storm at the most critical period of the work, he
has, as I fully relied upon his doing, succeeded in so far protecting
the ship, that she has been comparatively unaffected by violent seas,
which, there is no doubt whatever, would otherwise have seriously
damaged her. "We may now calculate with tolerable certainty upon
preserving her without further injury until the finer or at least more
settled weather sets in.
In the work which Captain Claxton undertook, and has so success-
fully completed, he has been compelled to vary very materially the
mode of proceeding first laid down ; he has, in fact, been obliged to
adapt his plans to his means of execution, and almost from day to
T
274 THE 'GREAT ERITAIN ' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1847.
day to devise modes of proceeding with only the experience of the
past day to guide him. Numerous unforeseen difficulties have
occurred, upon which he kept me daily informed ; and simple as my
plan might have appeared to others, it required much skill, contrivance,
and unwearying perseverance to carry out so many alterations and
improvements as it progressed. I had relied confidently on success
when my friend Captain Claxton undertook the work, and the result
has fully confirmed my expectations.
It is now necessary to turn our attention to the best mode of
removing the ship. I hope in about a fortnight from the present
time to be able to give you some opinion upon this point, but it is
one requiring much consideration ; and until I had the opportimity
of conferring with Captain Claxton on the subject, and also had
before me all the measurements and data which he has collected, it
was useless to attempt it.
The construction of the breakwater will be understood
by the following extracts from a report made by Captain
Claxton to the Admiralty.
' Great Britain,' July 16, 1847.
. . . Mr. Brunei's instructions to me were principally by word
of mouth ; the difficulty to be got over, in his opinion, being the
foundation upon sand, varying in depth according to the points or
hollow of a substratum of rock, and according to the quarter from
which the wind blew.
The foundation could only be made at low water, and as fast as
a layer of fagots was laid, it was rapidly pinned down with iron
rods, bent at the heads, varying from 9 to 6 feet in length, and
driven to the rock under, loaded with stones quarried from the
nearest reefs, and upon these, the last thing as the flood came in,
chain cables, air-pump covers, fire-bars in large bundles, and the
ship's guns were dropped, care being always taken to have the ends
of the chains, and the slings of other heavy matters, fast to the ship.
As the tide in smooth water began to recede, or in heavy seas began
to lose effect in striking, these iron weights were lifted, and the fagots
which were ready were . . . placed; and the same process followed tide
after tide when the water ebbed sufficiently, which upon the neaps
it never did at all, and upon the springs it only did for about an hour,
unless there was either no wind at all, or unless the wind blew off
the land, or from the West round by the North to ESE. It is
neceissary, to a proper understanding of the nature of this really
XT. 41.] DESCRIPTION OF BREAKWATER. 275
large work, to describe a bundle of fagots, lest an idea should be
formed that it is a small thing and easily handled. They averaged
11 feet in length, and 5 feet in circumference near the butts, which
all pointed one way. When tied in Lord Roden's wood, many were
13 feet long, and none were taken under 10 feet. A cart of the
country with one horse could carry about ten bundles when well
lashed, and as they came down there was rarely more than the head
of the horse to be seen. Sixpence per bundle, and sixpence for
delivery, was the contract ; the distance at high water nine miles,
at low water six miles ; and our sailors made them into large
bundles of twos, threes, and fours ; now and then we experimented
with bundles of eight or even ten, in the middle of which were bags
of sand (old guano bags), varying in number, of 2 cwt. each, and
sometimes as many as amounted to a ton in weight. These large
bundles stood if the water remained smooth ; but if, before we could
build up to their height with smaller bundles, and, as it were, prop
-or shoulder them fore and aft, we were caught by a breeze and sea,
we found them rolled up to high Avater mark, or on spring tides four
hundred yards; while some are now being hove out of the sand
entire, and with the sand bags and sand complete .
Having got the foundation, on which, I may mention, we placed
one of the ship's iron life-boats, 30 feet long, 8 feet wide, and 5 feet
deep, and loaded her with stones, and which also, although over
bundles of fagots, went bodily down, until only the gunwale was
above the level of the strand, we began to build the part which was
to save the ship from the blows of the sea, and which I was in-
structed by Mr. Brunei to bring up to a point to the ship's gunwale
in the form of a large poultice, occupying the whole space under
her counter, the whole of the exposed quarter (the port quarter),
and inclining inwards from the outside, and declining from the top to
the same point forward, to the after end of the bilge keel. I was to be,
and was, as careful as I could be to secure as well as to weight down
as we built. Chains were secured in many places to the lower
bundles of fire-bars simk in the sand outside all, and these were
brought into the arms of the screw, and to ring bolts let into the
ship ; and rarely were two layers placed without a repetition of the
securing and weighting process all the while we had chains to use . . .
We were frequently beaten ; whole masses were capsized, but it
was found that even the foundation broke the ground swell, which,
instead of having a fair run as it has over the strand, seemed stopped,
and to break differently ; and certainly the ship was daily eased of
T 2
276 THE ■* GREAT BEITAIN ' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1847.
the blows of the sea . . . Finding the wind keeping on shore,
the fagots we placed shrinking, sinking, or settling down, and, not-
withstanding the weights and lashings, commonly breaking away, I
proposed to try spars. Mr. Brunei acceded, and recommended my
trying four long ones, to the heels of which were to be attached
chains with a spread of eight feet, the spars being pointed at the
heels, the slack of the chains, and the height at which they were
stopped to the spars, being intended to be sufBcient to embrace about
a dozen bundles of fagots, the points of the spars sticking through
the foundation below the level of the sand. After placing the first
pair of spars at an angle from the gunwale of about 70 degrees, and
before the second pair with its fagots could be got in place, and after
heaving them down tight with a tackle to each from the head to the
gunwale, a heavy sea came with the flood dead on, and although
the spars were seven inches square, they stood the blows of the sea,
bending in the middle full five feet when heavily struck. This
gave me the idea of green trees : firs being the first that occurred to
me ; first because of their height, and next because in Lord DoAvn-
shire's grounds at Dundrum the castle wood consisted of them only,
and lastly, because they were cheap and at hand. The spars we
fortunately placed, and which stood so well, were American elm, a
large balk of which had been sawed in four lengths of 42 feet for
framing, for Mr. Bremner's breakwater . . . The lengths required to
allow the application of a tackle to the head to heave them tight
down to the gunwale, or to the scuttle-holes of the ship, were from
45 to 50 feet. I found that the firs of this length were scarce, and
too fine at the head ; but on looking in Lord Rodents wood, a better
substitute was offered in the form of beech trees of any size, and a
contract was speedily made, and as speedily completed ; the carts of
the country bringing in one tree at a time, until about eighty were
placed at the most exposed point, the quarter, in three rows, the
outside row at an angle of 45 degrees. Beech-trees were found
decidedly better than firs, or, I believe, than any other description
of tree, as their weight was soon found sufficient to keep them in
place without the heaving down tackles. They can be got of great
length, without being so large and (carting, pointing, and handling
considered) so unwieldy a butt as firs, and they are of greater dia-
meter aloft, consequently stronger, and altogether tougher than firs.
Having got the whole stem surrounded, and having continued
them at from 4 to 5 feet apart up to the bilge keel, or about 80 feet
of the ship from the screw, I applied smaller spars (easily and eco-
nomically obtained from the Tyrella domain, or within half a mile
JET. 41.] DESCRirTION OF BREAKWATER.. 277
of the ship) laterally and diagonally, and about a foot apart in the
former case, and 3 or 4 feet in the latter ; the number about 300, of
all or any lengths between 15 and 30 feet. While this was abeut,
the fagot process was going on ; and before that was completed, I
found the foimdation with the boat, and its 40 tons of stones,
and even the spars, although pointed at the angles, indicated an
inclination to move forward- through the sheer force of the rollers.
To check this, tackles were made fast to three warps out to sea-
ward, with two anchors to each, and brought to the spars with four
spans to the inner block. Thus twelve of the largest spars were
grappled, the falls taken on board, and all hove tight; the whole
of the spars having first been attached to one another by a round
turn of a half-inch chain with strong staples, and of course by the
lateral spars or spreaders, and their innumerable seizings. Suffice
it to say, as regards the spars, that when struck by violent seaa
from half-flood to half-ebb, they bend in a body from 3 to-
'4 feet, and spring back after the blow; and this is, I believe,
the whole secret of the efficiency of the spar part of the breakwater,,
which has stood the whole winter, only one having broken, and
that because the head took against the topsail yard, lashed along
stanchions of the rails as a hold-down for the tackles attached to
their heads. As a proof that this is the probable cause of its
standing so well, I may refer to Mr. Bremner's breakwater, which
went with the first heavy gale and sea, although made of balks of
from 17 inches to 13 inches thick : also to our having ourselves
placed a pine spar 9 inches diameter down by the side of the outside
tree on the starboard quarter, and which broke in two right in the
middle with the first sea that struck it. The sea struck very hard
against the spars and framework, from which it was received by
the fagots without any shock to the ship worth speaking of. "With
respect to the fagots, I could not find materials to go on weighting
down as we went on piling up ... I therefore ran the re-
maining fagots up light. No sooner, however, was this done, and a
gale came on, than we were compelled to let go the lashings, and ta
help some of the top ones to escape, as the whole of the unloaded
body rose and fell full three feet with the sea, and would have done
mischief to the spars and to the ^ip, by shouldering her quarter;
and twisting her. About 200 bundles broke away in this gale-.
They were, however, all recovered, and placed further forward
and low down, and then loaded with stones ; about one third of
the top space having after this been left open, or one third down
from the apex levelled. Shrinkage did much towards this, and
278 THE 'GREAT BRITAIN' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1847.
breakmg in pieces a good deal ; so it was not deemed advisable to
iill that space again.
About the 1st of May the progress made in lifting the diip by
tightening her from the inside, and by lightening her of everything
moveable, led me to believe that Vfe should be about getting her
off towards the end of this month. I therefore felt that it was time
to begin removing the fagot portion of the breakwater . . . The
process of levelling went on for about three weeks, when all above
the loaded portion was taken away. We commenced on that portion
from necessity, and found that by no contrivance of purchases and
levers could our ten men get up or out more than four or five bun-
dles per tide. This became, and even now is, a serious matter. We
have got up all our chains and weights, and nothing remains but the
fagots and stones, which are so embedded in sand as to form a mass
which is more difficult to move than granite rock would be, as we
cannot blast. Twenty labourers have been twenty-one tides at work,
by contract, and certainly they have made an impression ; but it is not
lowered over two feet. The lower portion was made of furze bun-
dles, here called whins, and they are great collectors of sand, and only
come up at all by being cut to pieces. I mention this to show that
furze and fagots loaded with stones on sand 500 yards from high-
water mark, exposed to the sea, will form a foundation on which a
building of any weight might be erected. . . .
Mr. Brunei informed me, when I undertook to carry out his views,
that there was nothing new in using fagots to stop breaches in sea-
walls, as in Holland ; and that he saw no reason why they should not
stop the force of the sea in protecting ships as well, provided they
could be secured, and a foundation got. They were to be made of
alders, ash, hollj', laurel, oak, or anything tough, to be cut down, and
made up green, to be placed with all their leaves on, to be pointed
to the sea at their butts ; and inside the walls of them, if I may so
speak, whin (furze) bundles were to be weighted down, the fagots
placed in steps or rows of about 4 feet from the outside to the ship's
gunwale.
As the summer came on, the mode of lifting and
jEloating the ship had to be decided. On this point
Mr. Brunei wrote to the Directors : —
May 4, 1847.
You have heard from time to time from Captain Claxton of the re-
sult of the means adopted by him for protecting the ' Great Britain '
li-om the effects of the sea, and which, I am happy to say, have been
*T. 42.] EEPORT ON FLOATING.' 279
quite successful ; and you will have heard also generally from him
of the steps which we have since taken, preparatory to getting oiF
the ship.
I will now explain to you the object I have kept in view in these
preparations, and the course I should now advise you to follow.
After completing the works for the protection of the ship, and
before determining upon any mode to be recommended to you lor
getting her off, I thought it would be desirable to lighten her of all
that could be easily removed, and to ascertain how much of the
vessel could be made water-tight, and what extent of buoyancy
could be obtained in the vessel herself, as, in my opinion, upon our
success in this would depend altogether the practicability of lifting
the ship by camels. If no great extent of buoyancy could have
been obtained, I should certainly have recommended lifting the
vessel by mechanical means, as I do not consider that, with the draft
of water which could be calculated upon around her on ordinary
tides, sufficient floating poAver by camels could be obtained in an
easy practicable manner. It was also quite possible that we might
succeed in making the vessel alone sufficiently buoyant to lift high
enough on the spring tides ; and by shifting her position, or by other
means, to maintain the lift thus got, to allow of getting under her
bottom to repair her.
By great exertion nearly the whole of the compartments forward
and aft of the engine space, and part of the coal bunkers, have been
made tight ; and if the tides had ebbed as low as usual, the other
bunkers and the boilers, fireplace and flues, would also have been
made water-tight by these last springs.
Unfortunately, from the direction of the wind and other causes,
these tides have neither ebbed nor flowed to their full extent ; still,
the vessel has been lifted, and some of this lift has been maintained,
and if we were fortunate, it is evidently quite possible that our
utmost expectations might be realized, and possibly the vessel might
be lifted sufficiently to be made tight without any external assistance.
This, however, would be too much to calculate upon, and the weight
to be lifted having been reduced to one-half what it was, and being
capable of still further reduction, the operation of lifting by camels
becomes a much more practicable undertaking.
I should now therefore recommend that application be made to
some parties who have had the most experience in such work, to lay
their proposals before the Directors ; and that in the meantime we
should continue to make every effort to add to the buoyancy of the
ship. . . .
280 THE ' GREAT BRITAIN ' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1847.
I believe that, in such a case, qtiiet, sober consideration, assisted
by experience, and by careful examination of all the circumstances
on the spot, will be infinitely more valuable than the most ingenious
and brilliant schemes. And I believe we are most likely to obtain
these conditions by calling in a man like Mr. Bremner, and leaving
him to confer with Captain Claxton, and that he should have the
benefit of our advice and assistance, and then lay his plans and pro-
posals before the Directors.
Mr. Bremner and his son, assisted by Captain Claxton,
made preparations for releasing the ship. The system
followed was that sketched out by Mr. Brunei — namely,
that of lifting the ship by mechanical arrangements, and
then making good the leaks. The difficulties they had to
contend with are graphically described in the reports
which were sent almost daily by Captain Claxton to
Mr. Brunei, and which were afterwards printed by the
Directors at Mr. Brunei's suggestion.*
The principal leak was stopped, and the ship's head
raised 8 feet 7 inches by ramming wedges and stones
under her at high water. At last, on August 27, the ship
was floated, and Captain Claxton wrote to Mr. Brunei : —
Huzza ! huzza ! you know what that means ... I made up my mind
to stop her at the edge of low water, and then examine and secure
all that might discover itself. The tide rose to 15 feet 8 inches.
She rose therefore easily over the rock, but was clear of it by only
just five inches, which shows hoAv near a squeak we had — it was a
' 'The "Great Britain "Steam-Ship. In publishing the correspondence
' Extracts from the letters of Captain to which reference has been made, the
' Claxton, K.N., to I. K. Brunei, Esq., Directors acknowledge their obliga-
• and the Directors. Bristol, 1847.' tions to all concerned in the arduous
Mr. Bremner's apparatus is also de- task of saving the ' Great Britain ; ' and
scribed in a paper read by him at the they add — ' to Mr. Brunei above all
Institution of Civil Engineers, and • ' their thanks are most due, for open-
printed in the twenty-first volume of ' ing their eyes to what might be
the Transactions, p. 160. 'accomplished, and for taking upon
Accurate illustrations of the break- ' himself the responsibility of her re-
water and floating apparatus will be ' lease, provided that Captain Claxton
found in the Illustrated London News ' was employed to carry out his views.'
of August 21, 1847.
JET. 42.] FLOATING OF THE SHIP." 281
most anxious affair, but it is over. I marked 170 yards in the
sand and on our warp, and at that extent I stopped her ... I have
no doubt that to-morrow we shall see her free.
The following day they started for Liverpool. One
hundred and twenty labourers were hired to work at
the pumps, but only thirty-six came on board, and their
services were unavailable, as they spent their time in
discussing how much they were to be paid. Consequently,
when the ship was taken in tow at 4 a.m. on the 28th
there was 6 feet of water in the engine room and 5
feet in the fore hold, and she was making 16 inches
an hour. Men from Her Majesty's ships * Birkenhead '
and * Victory,' which had been sent by the Admiralty to
assist, were drafted on board, and the influx of water
was reduced to four inches an hour. It was evident that
Liverpool could not be attempted, so they made for Strang-
ford Lough. A dense fog came on when they were off
the entrance, and they pushed on to Belfast Lough, where
the ship was grounded. During the night she was cleared
of water, and the next day she started for Liverpool. The
landsmen who had been hired the previous night to
work the pumps were incapacitated by sea-sickness ;
and the ship was only kept afloat by the exertions of
Captain Claxton and the dockyard hands who had been
sent to assist in navigating her across. When she
arrived at Liverpool she was placed over a gridiron, on
which she sank when her pumps were stopped.
Notwithstanding the successful result of the efforts
made for her rescue, the stranding of the * Great Britain '
in Dundrum Bay led to the ruin of the Company;
and she was some time afterwards sold to Messrs. Gibbs,
Bright, & Co., of Liverpool, by whom she was repaired,
and fitted with auxiliary engines of 500 nominal horse-
power. On a general survey being made, it was found
282
THE ' GEEAT BRITAIN ' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1847.
that she had not suffered any alteration of form, nor was
she at all strained. She was taken out of dock in October
1851, and since that time she has made regular voyages
between Liverpool and Australia.
She is known as one of the fastest vessels on that line;
and remains to testify to the ability and wisdom of those
who, more than thirty years ago, were daring enough to
build so large a ship of iron, and to fit her with the screw
propeller.
NOTE (p. 255).
Dimensions of the ' Great Britain ' Steam-Ship.
feet inches
Totallength . . . . . 322 0
The length of keel . . . . 289 0
Beam . . . . . . 51 0
Depth . . . . . . 32 6
Feet of water . . . . , 16 0
Tonnage measurement .... 3,443 tons
Displacement ..... 2,984 „
Dimensions of original Engines, ^c.
Number of cylinders .
. 4
Diameter of cylinders .
88 inches
Length of stroke
6 feet
Weight of engines
340 tons
Weight of boilers
200 „
Water in boilers
200 „
Weight of screw- shaft .
• 38 „
Diameter of screw
15 ft. 6 in.
Pitch of screw
25 ft.
Weight of screw
4 tons
Diameter of main drum
18 feet
Diameter of screw-shaft drum
6 „
Weight of coal
]
1,200 tons
283
CHAPTER X.
• STEAM NAVIGATION. INTRODUCTION OF THE SCREW
PROPELLER INTO THE ROYAL NAVY.
A.D. 1841—1844. JETATis 36—39.
APPOINTMENT OF MB. BRUNEL TO CONDUCT EXPERIMENTS FOB THE
ADMIRALTY WITH VARIOUS FORMS OF THE SCBE-W PROPELLER, APRIL
1841 TRIALS WITH THE ' POLYPHEMUS ' OPPOSITION TO MR. BRUNEl's
EXPEHIMBNTS — TRIALS WITH THE ' BATTLER,' OCTOBER 1843-OCTOBER 1844.
Soon after Mr. Brunei had taken the bold step of recom-
mending the adoption of the screw propeller in the
* Great Britain,' he was asked to send a copy of his report
to the Admiralty, He did so ; and in the course of a few
months was invited to attend the Board on the subject of
some experiments their Lordships proposed to make.
An interview took place on April 27, 1841 ; of which
Mr. Brunei gives the following account : —
I attended the Board : Lord Minto stated that he wished a
complete experiment to be made on the applicability of the screw
to Government boats, and he proposed to place the conduct of the
experiments in my hands as a professional man. I stated that I
should have great pleasure in doing it, and should take great interest
in it, provided they intended to make a good experiment and would
place it entirely in my hands, vrithout the intervention of any
Government officers, but that I should communicate direct with the
Lords, and of course with Sir E. Pariy.' He said he proposed to
build a vessel and engines on purpose, and that he particularly
wished it to be left entirely in my hands, and took me apart to the
window to impress this last condition on me.
' Sir E. Parry was at that time Con- supporter of those who desired to make
trollerof Steam Machinery, and a warm a fair trial of the screw propeller.
284 INTRODUCTION OF THE SCREW PROPELLER. [a.». 1841.
Within a fortniglit of Ms appointment, Mr. Brunei
invited Messrs. Maudslay and Field and Messrs. Seaward
to send him designs for the engines : they were to have
been of 200-horse power, with a stroke of 4 feet. The
engines were to make a smaller number of revolutions
than the screw, the motion being communicated from the
engine shaft to the screw shaft by drums and straps.
This arrangement was adopted in preference to tooth-
gearing, in order to facilitate the variation of the number
of revolutions, in the experiments with different screws.
The designs ultimately sent to Mr. Brunei for his ap-
proval were those of Messrs. Maudslay and Messrs. For-
rester. He reported to the Admiralty in favour of Messrs.
Maudslay's engines.
Before drawing up the detailed specifications, Mr.
Brunei was desirous of procuring data for estimating the
surface of the screw required to obtain the same resist-
ance as that offered by the paddles of a ship similar to
the new vessel. With this object he applied to the Admi-
ralty for permission to make an accurate trial of the per-
formances of the paddle steamer ^ Polyphemus ' at various
speeds. This permission was granted ; the trial, however,
was fixed for such an early day that Mr. Brunei had
barely time to make the preliminary arrangements, with
the assistance of his friend Captain Claxton.
When Captain Claxton arrived at Southampton, the
day before the trial, he found that there was no measured
mile set out. He immediately hired men, got chains,
staffs, and flags, and set out both a nautical mile and a
statute mile. They made half a dozen runs each way
with the ' Polyphemus,' noting carefully all particulars of
speed, revolutions, &c. ; and the results obtained were con-
sidered very satisfactory.
On October 1, Mr. Brunei received information from the
JET. 36.] COMMUNICATIONS WITH THE ADMIKALTY. 285
Admiralty (now under the administration of the Earl of
Haddington) that Messrs. Maudslay and Field's tender
was accepted. The engines were immediately put in hand,
under Mr. Brunei's supervision.
When they were approaching completion, he became
anxious to learn something about the progress of the
ship which was to have been built for them. Nowhere
could she be found. The minutes were searched at the
Admiralty, and it was ascertained that the ship was
ordered, but that no ship had been laid down. This
discovery, as might be supposed, excited considerable
surprise. Mr. Brunei was sent for to the Admiralty to
see Sir George Cockbum, the First Naval Lord. Almost
the first words to him were : * Do you mean to suppose
* that we shall cut up Her Majesty's ships after this
* fashion, sir?' — Sir George at the same time pointing to
a model of the stem of an old-fashioned three-decker,
in which large slices were taken off to give room for the
screw, and the whole of the lower deck exposed to view,
thus making the application of the screw look very ridicu-
lous. On the model was written, * Mr. Brunei's mode
' of applying the screw to Her Majesty's ships.' Mr.
Brunei smiled, and denied its being his idea at all ; he
had never seen it before, and knew nothing about it.
' Why, sir, you sent it to the Admiralty.' This also Mr.
Brunei denied having done. While an enquiry was being
made as to where the model came from, Mr. Brunei
employed himself in effacing the inscription with his
knife. When the messenger returned, he reported that
the model had come from the office of the Surveyor of
the Navy. He was sent for, but did not appear. Mr.
Brunei, to terminate this awkward interview, pleaded
business, and bowed himself out.
Mr. Brunei often told this anecdote, and spoke of the
286 INTRODUCTION OF THE SCREW PROPELLER, [a.d. 1812.
adverse influence which had been exerted in some depart-
ment of the Admiralty to prevent the successful issue of
these experiments.
Soon afterwards Mr. Brunei was informed that the
* Acheron ' would be prepared for the screw. He there-
upon represented to their Lordships that the * Acheron '
could not, from her full after-body and other defects, be
converted into such a ship as the Board had originally
determined to construct for trying the screw ; and,
indeed, her unfitness was admitted by the authorities
themselves.
To a letter on this subject, in which he stated that the
attempt to apply the screw propeller to the * Acheron'
would not answer any of the objects which their Lord-
ships had in view, Mr. Brunei received no reply, and for
the next four months was kept quite in the dark as to
what was going on. At length he made enquiries as to
the cause of a treatment which, he said, he had never
before experienced from any public body.
These enquiries proving fruitless, he at last wrote to
the Admiralty, declining further interference, as it had
appeared on investigation that the condition on which he
had accepted his position from Lord Minto — namely, that
he should have the entire superintendence of the experi-
ments— had not been observed.
On the receipt of his resignation, Mr. Brunei was sum-
moned to the Admiralty. He thus described his interview
in a letter to a friend : —
Not a word was said about my complaint of the past, but they
said they wished me to continue the experiments, and that my screw
was to be tried first. I said that was not at all what would suit me ;
that I would, if they wished it, conduct an experiment as originally
proposed ; that I h^d no screw, that I was no competitor, but an arbi-
trator in whom the Admiralty had perfect confidence; that I was this
or nothing. Then commenced a tedious fencing . . . HoAvever, it
MT. 36.] TRIALS WITH THE ' EATTLER.' 287
ended in all parties being written to, and told that they wex-e to follow
ray directions, and that I was to proceed to give such instructions
as should enable a full experiment to be made of all screws generally.
I then requested that this time I might have my instructions in
writing.
In a few days Mr. Brunei received an official intimation
that tlie ' Rattler ' vras to be adapted for the screw, under
his directions.
The ^Eattler ' was a vessel of 888 tons burden, 176 feet
6 inches between the perpendiculars, and 32 feet 8| inches
beam.^ She had been commenced for a paddle-wheel
steamer shortly before, and was of nearly the same ton-
nage and midship section as the * Polyphemus,' but she
had not the fine lines afb which were so important for the
use of the screw.
She was not launched until April 13, 1843, just two
years after Mr. Brunei's first interview with Lord Minto ;
and she was then delivered to Messrs. Maudslay in the
roughest possible state.
Except during the time that Mr. Brunei was prevented
from attending to business by the half-sovereign accident,
he was in constant communication with the dockyard
authorities on matters relating to the construction of the
ship, with Messrs. Maudslay as to the multiply ing-gear
and engines, and with Mr. F. P. Smith as to the forms of
the various screws to be tried.
The engines and screw were fitted in the ship, after
considerable delay ; and, on October 24, 1843, Mr. Brunei
reported on them in their completed state. On the 30th,
the experiments were commenced.
More than twenty trials were made between that date
and the following October, when the ' Rattler ' went to sea,
and Mr. Brunei could not of course any longer personally
' Bourne, on the Screw Propeller, ed. 1867, p. 263.
288 INTKODUCTION OF THE SCREW PROPELLER. [a.d. 1843.
superintend the experiments ; but, except on one or two
occasions when his place was supplied by an assistant, all
the trials that were made during the first year were con-
ducted in his presence, and he transmitted the results
from time to time to the Admiralty.^
The performance of the 'Rattler' was found to be satis-
factory ; and the position of the engines and screw being
below the water line was so pre-eminent an advantage, that
in 1845 the Lords of the Admiralty ordered more than
twenty vessels to be fitted with the screw ;^ and since
that time it has gradually superseded the paddlewheel for
ships of war.
The services which Mr. Brunei rendered to the country
during the whole of these proceedings were given entirely
without pecuniary recompense, and in the face of oppo-
sition and discouragement ; but he had the satisfaction of
knowing that he had been mainly instrumental, not only
in introducing the screw propeller into the mercantile
navy, but also in securing its adoption in Her Majesty's
fleet.
' The records of these trials, found at p. 284 of his work on the Screw
among Mr. Brunei's papers, show re- Fropeller, ed. 1867.
suits which coincide in all material * Bourne, Appendix, p. xxxiii.
points with those given by Mr. Bourne
289
CHAPTER XI.
STEAM NAVIGATION — THE 'GREAT EASTERN' STEAM-SHIP,
FROM THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE UNDERTAKING TO
THE LAUNCH.
A.D. 1851—1857. JETATis 46—52.
IKTRODTJCTOEY OBSERVATIONS — THE AUSTRALIAN STEAM NAVIGATION COM-
PANY— STATEMENT OF MR. BRUNEL's PROJECT OF A LINE OF LARGE SHIPS
(jUNE 10, 1852) ADOPTION OF HIS PLANS BY THE EASTERN STEAM NAVIGA-
TION COMPANY — EXTRACT FROM A LETTER DESCRIBING THE SCHEME (jULY
1, 1852) LETTER TO J. SCOTT RUSSELL, ESQ., ON THE FORM AND DIMENSIONS
OF THE GREAT SHIP (jULY 13, 1852) REPORT ON MODE OF PROCEEDING (jULY
21, 1852)— REPORT ON ENQUIRIES RELATING TO THE DRAUGHT AND FORM
OF THE VESSEL (OCTOBER 6, 1852) REPORT ON THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE
COMMITTEE APPOINTED TO CONSIDER MR. BRUNEl's PLANS (mARCH 21, 1863)
TENDERS INVITED FOR THE SHIP AND ENGINES — REPORT ON TENDERS (mAY
18, 1853)— PREPARATION OF THE CONTRACTS AND SPECIFICATIONS EXTRACTS
FROM MR. BRUNEl's MEMORANDA (A. D. 1852, 1853, 1854)— LETTER ON HIS
POSITION AND DUTIES AS ENGINEER OF THE COMPANY (AUGUST 16, 1854)
LETTER ON AN ARTICLE IN A NEWSPAPER (nOVEMBEE 16, 1854) — REPORT
ON THE U-NDERTAKING (FEBRUARY 5, 1855) ARRANGEMENTS PROPOSED FOR
OBTAINING ASTRONOMICAL OBSERVATIONS — LETTER TO G. B. AIRY, ESQ.,
ASTRONOMER ROYAL (OCTOBER 6, 1852) APPOINTMENT OF ME. WILLIAM
HARBISON TO THE COMMAND OF THE SHIP MEMORANDUM ON THE MAN-
AGEMENT OF THE GRF-AT SHIP (OCTOBER, 1855) — LETTER ON THE DUTIES
OF THE CHIEF ENGINEER (MARCH 19, 1857) — SUSPENSION AND RESUMPTION
OF THE WORKS.
Mr. Beunel's earlier labours in connection with, the pro-
gress of Ocean Steam Navigation have been described in
the chapters on the ' Great Western ' and ' Great Britain '
steam-ships.^ The ' Great Eastern ' is but the result of
the application, under different circumstances, of the same
principles which had guided him in his previous under-
■ ThelettertoMr.Guppy of August upon iron shipbuilding, subsequent to
1843 (given above, p. 259) contains a the date of the design of the 'Great
reference to some of Mr. Brunei's ideas ' Britain.'
290 THE 'GEEAT EASTERN' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1851.
takings, the practical working out of tlie * idea which he
* had frequently entertained, that, to make long voyages
* economically and speedily by steam, required the vessels
' to be large enough to carry the coal for the entire voyage
* at least outwards ; and, unless the facility for obtaining
* coal was very great at the out port, then for the return
* voyage also ; and that vessels much larger than had been
' previously built could be navigated with great advantage
* from the mere effect of size.' ^
In 1851, four years after the release of the * Great
' Britain ' from Dundrum Bay, Mr. Brunei became again
connected with the construction of steam-ships. In that
year he was consulted by the Directors of the Australian
Mail Company upon the class of vessels which it would
be advantageous for them to purchase, in order to carry
out their contract for the conveyance of the mails to Aus-
tralia. He advised them to have ships of from 5,000 to
6,000 tons burden, in order that they might only have
to touch for coal at the Cape.
Some of the Directors would not hear of so startling:
a proposition ; but they nevertheless asked Mr. Brunei
to become their Engineer ; and he retained the post till
February 1853. Two ships were built under his direc-
tion by Mr. J. Scott Eussell— the 'Victoria' and the
* Adelaide.'
It was, no doubt, his connection with the Australian
Mail Company that led Mr. Brunei to work out into
practical shape the idea of ' a great ship ' for the Indian
or Australian service, which had so long occupied his
mind ; and it appears that in the latter part of 1851 and
the beginning of 1852 he devoted much time and thought
to the subject. He collected facts relating to the trade
with India and Australia which demonstrated the advan-
' Extract from a memorandum by Mr. Brunei (dated Febniary 25, 1854) on
the early history of the great ship.
JET. 46.] ORIGIN OF THE PROJECT. 291
tages to be gained by a rapid and direct communication
for the conveyance of passengers and troops, as well as
of merchandise. It was with, these enlarged views that
Mr. Brunei entered upon the construction of the ' Great
* Eastern.' He writes in February 1854, ' In February
' and March 1852 I matured my ideas of the large ship
* with nearly all my present details, and in March I
' made my first sketch of one with paddles and screw.
* The size I then proposed was 600 x 70, and in June and
' July I determined on the mode of construction now
' adopted of cellular bottom ; intending then to make the
' outer skin of wood for the sake of coppering.'
In the spring of 1852 he communicated the results at
which he had arrived to Mr. John Scott Russell, Captain
Claxton, and other scientific friends, and also to several
Directors of the Eastern Steam Navigation Company.
This Company had been formed in January 1851 for the
purpose of establishing an additional line of steam commu-
nication by the overland route, for the conveyance of mails,
passengers, &c., between England, India, and China, with
a branch to Australia. However, in March 1852 the
Government determined to grant the contract for the
whole service to the Peninsular and Oriental Company.
The Directors of the Eastern Steam Company were there-
fore obliged to report to their shareholders that the object
for which the Company had been incorporated could not
be carried out.
At about this time Mr. Brunei's scheme was brought
before the Directors, and he submitted to them a detailed
statement of his project.
After describing the size and capacities of the vessels
then used on the route between England and the East,
and the amount and cost of the coals they consumed, he
continued : —
TJ 2
292 THE ' GEE AT EASTERN ' STEAM-SHIP. [a.b. 1852.
June 10, 1852.
The same amount of capital and the same expenditure in money
for fuel now required for a line of ships of the present dimensions
would build and work ships to carry in the year double the number
of passengers, with far superior accommodation, and in about half the-
time, and two or three times the amount of cargo ; the whole dif-
ference being produced simply by making the vessel large enough to
carry its own coal, exactly as when the ' Great Western ' was projected
for the New York line, the passage had been considered an im-
possible one for steamboats, or, if possible, only at a total sacrifice
of all return for the cost. Certainly, no steamboat then built could
get across except by a chance fair weather passage, and then only by
being completely filled with coals and leaving no room for passengers
or cargo. Simply by building a ship of the size necessary to take
the coal, over and above the accommodation required for a due
number of passengers and a reasonable quantity of cargo, the
passage was rendered perfectly easy and certain, and has since
become a mere matter of course, and an ordinary and profitable
trading voyage.
The increased size, instead of being a disadvantage, was found,
as predicted by the projectors, to be a great benefit, and gave in-
creased speed, even beyond that proportionate to the power ; and
this steamboat, built in 1836, is still as good as any of her size afloat.
Nothing more novel is proposed now, but again to build a vessel
of the size required to carry her own coals for the voyage. The use
of iron, which has since 1836 become common, removes all difficulty
in the construction, and the experience of several years has proved,
what was believed before by most unprejudiced persons, that size
in a ship is an element of speed, and of strength, and of safety, and
of great relative economy, instead of a disadvantage ; and that it is
limited only by the extent of demand for freight, and by the circum-
stances of the ports to be frequented.
A Committee was appointed to confer with Mr. Brunei
and with Mr. Scott Russell, 'who was fully acquainted
' with all Mr. Brunei's plans, and had ably assisted him
* in maturing them.' *
The Committee reported to the Directors that thej had
met on the day after their appointment, when, Mr. Brunei
' So Mr. Brunei wrote to the secretary when excusing his own absence
from the meeting on account of illness.
JET, 47.] STATEMENT OF THK SCHEME, 293
being unavoidably absent, Mr. Eussell bad attended and
entered into a very full explanation of Mr. Brunei's plans,
and tbat a long investigation of his proposition bad taken
place ; tbat a few days later they had met again, when Mr.
Brunei attended, and that after a further and most satisfac-
tory investigation, they had come to an unanimous decision
in favour of the scheme. This resolution was adopted,
and Mr. Brunei was appointed Engineer to the Company.
The following extracts from his reports and corre-
spondence carry on the narrative till the date of the next
meeting of the shareholders (December 1, 1852), when
the details of the project were laid before them : —
Extract from a Letter describing the Scheme.
July 1, 18.52.
The principle is, as I explained to you, a very simple one — that of
building ships to carry their own coals, instead of incurring large
expenses and great delay in coaling at numerous intermediate
stations ; and the result is a large vessel certainly, but one which, at
the same cost of fuel as is now required for small ones, has, besides
that room, for 4,000 or even 5,000 tons (measurement) of cargo,
and as many passengers as offer. Thus the capital embarked in the
one vessel is not so great in proportion to the tonnage space for
cargo as the capital embarked in several smaller vessels carrying the
same amount ; while the current expenses are greatly less, and the
speed, and economy of time by that speed and by avoiding tedious
stoppages, greatly in favour of the large one. Practical men concur
with me, not merely in the practicability of constructing the vessel,
but in the great advantage as regards speed, seaworthiness, and
safety resulting merely from the increased size ; while all the mer-
cantile men concur in the opinion that if goods can be carried direct
in thirty to thirty-five days, the certainty of freight ensiu:es a return
far beyond all present proportion of return to cost. . , . On these
points, of covu"se, I quote only the opinions of the Directors. On the
mechanical part I offer my own opinion, and may quote tliose of the
first practical men of the day — Messrs, Maudslay, Messrs. Watt and
Co., and J. Scott Russell, all of whom have assisted me in the pro-
ject, and are prepared to join in it.
:VERS!TY OF i Or:ON'T-
294 THE ' GEEAT EASTEKN ' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1852.
Letter to J. Scott Russell, Esq., on the Form and
Dimensions of the Great Ship.
July 13, 1852.
The adoption of this plan being now determined upon, we must
proceed to determine the details, and the first step unquestionably
is the determination of the size and form of the ship. Now, in pre-
paring the general design, I think the following conditions should be
strictly complied with. If any of them appear to involve any great
sacrifice in cost, or to involve any other peculiar difificulties, these
difficulties can be considered afterwards ; but the wisest and safest
plan in striking out a new path is to go straight in the direction
which we believe to be right, disregarding the small impediments
which may appear to be in our way — to design everything in the
first instance for the best possible results strictly according to the
principles which theory, so far as it is supported by practice, teaches
us, and without yielding in the least to any prejudices now existing
unsupported by theory and practice, or any fear of the consequences ;
we can then afterwards weigh and balance deliberately the advan-
tages of adhering to or giving up this or that particular part, or
modifying dimensions, either from motives of economy, or as yield-
ing to public opinion from motives of policy.
In determining the lines of the ship, for instance, I should adopt
that which we have reason to believe the best possible without any
concession, or any compromise or regard to any assumed difficulties
of construction, or regard to assumed opinions ; these difficulties will
very likely vanish afterwards if disregarded in the first instance, as
in the case of the continuous curve, in which my fresh ideas had the
advantage even of your much greater knowledge, hampered by a
little preconceived idea. With respect to the size, to arrive at it by
constructive -calculations from the fixed conditions that we can lay
down is perhaps possible, but rather difficult, and I think we know
sufficiently nearly now what the minimum size must be to work
upon ; that, and a trifling alteration afterwards in the scale, will
suffice to bring it to the exact required capacity.
The positive conditions, then, are a maximum draught of water of
24 feet, when leaving the Hooghly with the coals for the voyage
home ; and the capacity must be at least 21,000 tons of displacement
at this draught of 24 feet.
I think you will find that to effect this comfortably you mu.st
give fi length of 650 feet at least, and an extreme breadth of 80 feet.
,i;t. 47.] LETTEE ON DIMENSIONS OF THE SHIP. 295
but this beam of 80 feet requiring no fuller entrance than you would
make with a beam of 70 feet, the 80 feet being obtained entirely by
continuing a gentle curvature throughout the whole length, instead
of having any parallel lines.
If the experiments upon the friction of surfaces turn out as I hope,
and give us reason to expect a very much less resistance from
a copper surface than that now created by painted iron, I suspect we
may be led rather to increase our length and diminish the proportion
of beam ; but this is a very serious question, not entirely dependent
on the consideration of the form of least resistance including friction,
but also materially affected by the consideration of the advantages
of the extreme steadiness of motion which length seems to give. It
is a subject which must be Avell discussed and well considered, with
the assistance of all those whose opinions and experience are likely
to be of use to us. My own impressions, I confess, derived from
considering the cases which we have, even after the striking result
of the ' Ocean Queen,' are that positive length, independently of
relative length, has much to do with it. When I see that the
* Great Britain,' although with a beam of about one-sixth of her
length at the water line, and a midship section favourable to rolling,
is nevertheless steady, I must conclude that positive length may
compensate very greatly for a relatively wide beam. Now, we shall
unquestionably have abundance of positive length. We must then be
careful not to sacrifice much to keep a small beam, without being
veiy sure that there are very great advantages ; and, except for the
assumed advantages of the long parallel or equal bearings, the
form of least resistance, including friction, with a draught limited to
24 feet, and a required displacement of 21,000 tons, would, I appre-
hend, give us a beam nearer 90 feet than 70 feet. I should like to
know exactly what the proportion would be without regard to the
theory of the long narrow parallel forms ; and then let us consider
how much, if anything, should be sacrificed to attain the advantage
assumed to be attained by relative length.
Let us therefore have at once the draft of a vessel of 21,000 tons
displacement at the 24 feet water line, and of such form as will in
your opinion give the greatest speed in smooth water, without seeking
to make it narrow.
We must, of course, also bear in mind the comparative weakness
of form caused by length, and the consequent increased thickness of
material required, besides an actual increase of surface, involving a
very considerably greater quantity and weight of material in the
eihip, which last consideration is very greatly in favour of breadth of
296 THE ' GEEAT EASTEKN ' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1852.
beam ; for I think you will find that the quantity of iron in two
ships of 600 and 700 feet in length respectively, with the same dis-
placement and the same ultimate strength to resist strains, will be
fully in the ratio of their length.
Report to the Directors on Mode of Proceeding.
July 21, 1852.
Since the adoption by the general meeting of the plan recom-
mended by the Directors, I have been engaged very constantly in
maturing the details of that plan, and considering the course which
it would be necessary to follow in order to carry them out in the
surest, safest, and most efficient manner.
The steps which are about to be taken are unquestionably in the
right direction, but they are considerable ones, and must be taken
with deliberation and certainty, and without leaving anything
doubtful ; and, when determined upon, they must be followed up
with decision.
Although you will probably determine upon constructing not less
than two vessels in the first instance, yet they must both be pro-
ceeded with at once, and must in fact be exact duplicates of each
other. The success of the two, therefore, depends upon that of
each ; there can be no average struck in such a case, but the two
ships must be designed and executed on such principles and with
such perfection that no doubt can exist of the result.
By well considering all that has been done, by selecting all that
has been most successful, and by a judicious application of such
results to the peculiar circumstances of our case, all this certainly
can, I think, be assured, but it can be assured only by proceeding
with the caution and the decision which the circumstances demand.
In the fir.st place, as to the designing of the whole, the principle
being determined upon, much may be ascertained by mere calcula-
tion, but for these calculations data are required, which nothing but
experience can furnish. I have, therefore, avaHed'TnyBHifoT'the
assistanceo?TFToSETHrJSt competent to afford the required information.
I have called in to my assistance the gentlemen whom I had already
named to you as best able to give strength to our position by the
value of their opinions, and best able to execute the various parts of
the work with that experience and perfection which are essential to
our success.
With respect to the form and construction of the vessel itself,
JET. 47.] REPOKT ON MODE OF PEOCEEDING. 297
nobody can, in my opinion, bring more scientific and practical
knowledge to bear than Mr. Scott Russell. As to the proportion of
power to be adopted, the form and construction of the engines,
screw, and paddles, besides Mr. Scott Eussell, I have had the
benefit of the deliberate consideration and advice of Mr. Field, of the
firm of Maudslay and Field, and of Mr. Blake, of the firm of Watt
and Co, I have written also to my friend Mr. F. P. Smith, to whom
the public are indebted for the success of the screw, for his advice on
the subject. With such assistance I think we may rely upon the
certainty of being able to design and to execute all that is best in
the mechanical and ship-building department. In the naval depart-
ment I have had the opportunity also of consulting two gentlemen.
Captain Claxton and Captain Robert Ford, who possess special
knowledge and experience on the subject. I have had several con-
ferences with all these gentlemen, I have explained fully my views,
and, with their assistance, settled preliminarily some of the principal
points of detail. What I should propose to the Directors now is,
that with that assistance I should proceed to prepare in detail the
design of the ship, and the exact dimensions and form of the
engines ; that, in the meantime, I should obtain information upon
certain points which will govern you as to the mode of contracting
for the construction of the ships, and also that I should be au-
thorised to adopt some means of determining one or two most im-
portant points which must govern some of the principal dimensions.*
Report to the Directors on Enquiries relating to the
Draught and Form of the Vessel.
October 6, 1852.
Since the date of my last letter to you, recommending that certain
enquiries and investigations should be set on foot to determine
several points which would materially influence the plans I should
have to submit to you, many circumstances have occurred to delay
these investigations. Not having sent any competent person ex-
pressly to Calcutta to ascertain with certainty the draught of water
that might be adopted, I have endeavoured to obtain as much in-
formation as possible upon this point from persons capable of
affording it, who might be in England.
' Mr. Brunei concludes this report ship and engines, and suggests that an
by indicating the best mode of con- examination should be made of the
tracting for the construction of the river Hooghly.
298 THE ' GREAT EASTERN ' STEAM-SHIR [a.d. 1852.
Several very competent men, captains of long experience in that
particular navigation, and even local pilots of the first standing,
happened to be within reach, and I have had personal communi-
cation with these gentlemen. Notwithstanding, however, these for-
tunate opportunities of obtaining information from the best existing
authorities, we are left in pretty nearly the same state of doubt as to
the maximum depth as we should be by a mere inspection of the
charts, the opinion of very competent men varying so much as to
fix this maximum as low as 21 and as high as 23^ and even 24 feet.
They all concur, however, in fixing Diamond Harbour as the point
in the Hooghly which may easily be reached, but beyond which it
would be almost impossible to go.
A question as to the extent of swell which in so large a ship
might be given to the sides, increasing the capacity without mate-
rially increasing the resistance, involved one of the experiments to
which I referred in my former letter ; these experiments have been
made, and the result, such as it was, of the enquiries before referred
to as to the navigation of the Hooghly, led me to direct the prepa-
ration of draughts of three different models of ships, and upon further
consideration of these three, and under the circumstances, I have
come to the conclusion of recommending one which will have the
following dimensions : — namely, 670 feet in length, 85 feet beam,
and a deep water draught of 30 feet.
Such a vessel would be able to carry her own coal for the voyage
home out of the Hooghly with about 23 feet draught; but if
between now .and the period when the exact arrangement must be
determined, it is found expedient not to attempt so great a draught in
the Hooghly, the same vessel will, by coaling at Trincomalee on the
return voyage, be exactly adapted to work out of the Hooghly with a
good cargo of goods and coals for Trincomalee with only 20 to 21
feet draught.
I have been in communication with the eminent engine builders
whose names I have mentioned on a former occasion, and with
Mr. F. P. Smith, the inventor of the screw propeller. Some trials and
investigations are still in progress to determine the relative advan-
tages of a copper and iron bottom, on which question may depend
the arrangements which may be requisite to provide for docking or
rather laying up for cleaning, and when these points are determined
I shall be prepared to lay before you a complete design of ship and
engines for your consideration.
Efforts were made to induce tlie public to assist in
XT. 47.] REPOET ON MODE OF PROCEEDING. 299
carrying out the project. In February 1853, the Chair-
man (the late Mr. Henry Thomas Hope) and several
of his colleagues formed themselves into a committee
for the purpose of communicating with Mr. Brunei on the
subject of his plans, and reporting to the Board thereon.
The results of this conference were embodied in the
following report which Mr. Brunei addressed to the
Directors : —
Bej)ort on the Proceedings of the Committee.
March 21, 1853.
To enable the Committee to arrive at a correct conclusion on this
difficult question, I had gone through rather lengthy calculations of
the minimum dimensions and the comparative estimated cost of the
ships which Avould in each case answer the purpose under the
several different circumstances which might be assumed ; and the
results of these calculations were laid before the Committee, and the
relative advantages and disadvantages of each assumed case dis-
cussed.' . .
After much discussion, and comparing the probable receipts with
the estimated expenditure, and allowing fully for interest of capital
embarked, I think it appeared to the Committee that as a mere
mercantile transaction, and with reference only to the Australian
trade, the larger vessel would be the most economical, showing not
merely the means of securing the largest return, but involving an
actual diminution of annual expenditure. . . .
The Committee were unanimously of opinion that the largest size
of the first class would be the best, and would in every way answer
the objects of the Company.
The dimensions arrived at by calculation for this ship would be
in round numbers, 670 feet long, 80 feet beam.
This sized vessel would combine most of the advantages which
we seek to obtain. It would carry coal to Diamond Harbour and
back to Trincomalee ; it would afford room for about 800 separate
cabins larger than those now fitted up in packet ships, with large
saloons, capable of accommodating 1,000 or 1,500 first and second-
' From the great length of this report it has been necessary to omit the less
important paragraphs.
300 THE 'GEEAT EASTEEN" STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1853.
class passengers ; and would carry 3,000 tons weight of cargo, with-
out making any allowance for that increase of speed proportionate
to the mere increase of size of which we see every day fresh proofs ;
the average speed of the ship, with the proposed power of engine
and calculated consumption of coal, would be 14 knots at the average,
making the passage out in 34^ days, say 36 ; but with that increased
speed which has been shown to take place with increased dimen-
sions, we may speculate upon the voyage being performed in 30
days.
This same vessel, fitted up for the Australian voyage, and loaded
deeper, would carry coals to Australia and back, would take out
3,000 passengers easily, and a small amount of cargo only, but
could bring back any amount that could be conveniently collected,
or if provision were made for taking in 3,000 or 4,000 tons of coal
in Australia, that additional amount of cargo might be taken in the
passage out. The passage out to Port Philip should be made easily
in 36 days, and home by Cape Horn in the same time.
The Committee having come to the conclusion that this class ot
vessel would best fulfil the several conditions which the circum-
stances imposed, I have been engaged in determining the several
details consequent upon this selection of size, and have put in hand
drawings of the ship, which will enable me to arrive more
correctly at the cost, and will enable us to obtain tenders for the
construction. These details involve a great deal of study and con-
sideration, and the making of the drawings alone requires some con-
siderable time, so that I do not think much advance can be made
under three weeks from the present date, but I will endeavour to
expedite the work as much as possible.
Mr. Brunei was authorized to continue his commu-
nications -with engine-makers and ship-builders, and to
invite tenders.
After very detailed and careful calculations of the
smallest capacity that would secure the attainment of the
objects sought for, the dimensions of the vessel and the
power of the engines were finally determined ; tenders were
received from Mr. Scott Eussell, Messrs. Watt and Co.,
and Messrs. Humphrys and Co. for both sets of engines,
and from Mr. Russell for the construction of the hull
.■>f the ship and for placing her afloat.
iET. 47.] INVITATION OF TENDERS. 301
A meeting of the Directors was held on May 18, when
Mr. Brunei submitted the various tenders he had received.
The Board agreed to adopt his recommendations, and to
accept the tenders of Mr. Scott Russell for the ship and
paddle engines, and that of Messrs. James Watt and Co.
for the screw engines.
The following report, which Mr. Brunei placed before
the Directors, gives a detailed account of the steps he had
taken to procure the tenders, and the grounds on which
he had formed his judgment of them : —
Report on Tenders.^
May 18, 1853,
According to yotir instructions, I applied to the several parties
with whom I had previously been in communication on the subject
of the engines and ship, for tenders for their supply. As regards the
engines, I drew up a short specification, defining generally what was
reqiiired, and leaving the parties to make their own designs and
propose to me the form of engine they would adopt.
With respect to the ship, where no such variation could be per-
mitted, I have had very detailed drawings and specifications pre-
pared.
Copies of the specifications are annexed.
In defining the power of the engines and boilers, I have, in con-
formity with my own views and of those of several of the Directors,
who have expressed themselves strongly on the subject, required a
very full amount of power, without naming the nominal horse-power,
which is a very vague mode of defining anything but the cost which
by custom is made dependent upon that nominal power ; but I have
defined dimensions of parts and surface of boilers which will ensure
the means of exerting a very large amount ©f power.
As regards the ship, I have not spared strength of materials, and
have required the best workmanship.
The result of this application for designs and tenders is, upon the
whole, very satisfactory, although two of the parties from whom I
' The passages which are omitted refer to the relative cost and merits of the
different tenders.
302 THE 'GKEAT EASTERN' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1853.
had hoped to have received proposals have not been able to send
any. . . .
Mr. Blake, of the firm ofWatt and Co., and Mr. J. S. Eussell and
Mr. Humphrys, have, as I had before reported, devoted much atten-
tion to the subject : from these gentlemen I have received distinct
well-considered designs of the screw and paddle-engines.
I have been in frequent communication with these gentlemen, and
have seen their plans while in progress, and have made my sugges-
tions upon them, and assisted more or less in maturing them, and at
all events in preventing the adoption of any principle or arrangement
that I should afterwards object to. Notwithstanding this, the three
designs, particularly for the screw engines, are totally dissimilar, and
I am placed in the difficulty of having to choose between three
totally different plans, each designed by skilful and experienced men,
and each possessing many known and acknowledged advantages.
I should also observe that, although I have known the general
arrangement which each would adopt, I did not receive the plans or
the tenders which I now forward until last evening, and that of Mr.
Humphrys as late as 10 o'clock this morning, and that I have not
therefore had time to draw up any very detailed report upon them.
The following are, however, the principal considerations which
influence me in the selection which I am disposed to recommend.
It must be borne in mind that the screw engines will be the largest
engines that have yet been made. The principal part of the pro-
pelling power of the ship will be thro^vn upon the screw ; and upon
these engines therefore will mainly depend the performance of the
ship, and particularly upon their constant never-failing working, pro-
bably for thirty or forty days and nights, must depend the certainty
of the ship's performance. * Under all these circumstances, the com-
pactness and stiffness of framing, the greatest possible simplicity of
construction, and the fewest possible number of parts, and, finally, the
absence of any novelty, however promising, that can introduce any
unforeseen difficulties, are conditions which would outweigh in my
mind many advantages that might, and I think would, be attained by
several arrangements which have been suggested.
All the designs now submitted comply with these conditions to a
very considerable extent . . . but the extreme simplicity of
Mr. Blake's engine leads me to prefer it.
As regards the paddle engine, I unhesitatingly give the preference
to that proposed by Mr. Eussell. I believe it to be as simple an
' Two years later Mr. Brunei spoke ' a most grave question upon which
of the success of the screw engines as ' hangs I fear to think how much.'
JET. 48.] EEPORT ON TENDEES. 303
arrangement as can be adopted for engines with such a slow motion
and so long a stroke as these must have, and the single crank in the
centre I consider a great advantage. . . .
As regards a contract for the ship, I have found it more difficult
to proceed in the ordinary course. The conditions which we must
ensure of quality of workmanship and execution, under close inspec-
tion and within reach of one's own supervision, are not easily
attained ; and, though as a matter of course readily promised and
undertaken by all ship- builders, they are rarely secured. It is
essential also that the ship should be built where the engines can be
readily fixed on board before launching, and in a yard which can
be devoted to the purposes of the ship, and whence the launching
can be effected with the engines and boilers on board.
All these are conditions not easily secured. I have been in com-
munication with one or two parties, and the result is a tender from Mr.
J. Scott Russell, which I enclose, and which has in fact been framed
upon my calculations. Owing to the recent rise in iron it is some-
what, but not materially, above the amount at which I had originally
estimated the vessels ; but the tender, founded upon the supposition
of two such vessels being ultimately ordered, is as nearly as may be
the same as my original estimate, and upon the whole I consider
the tenders both for engines and ships very satisfactory and con-
firming fully our previous calculations.
These tenders do not include, in the case of the engines, either
the screw itself or the paddle wheels, nor, in the case of the vessel,
the cabin fittings, masts, and rigging, boats, or stores. I should
estimate these roughly at 50,000/. more, — at least such an allowance
ought to be ample ; but these details will require a great deal of
consideration, and could not be included in the original contracts ;
while at the same time they can mostly be better and more eco-
nomically supplied by competition or by arrangement with the special
makers of the respective articles. . .
During the next six months Mr. Brunei was engaged in
preparing the formal contracts and specifications. These
documents were settled with much care, and after frequent
communications with the contractors, who consented to
the insertion of clauses which gave the full control and
supervision over every part of the work to the Engineer,
with very large powers of interpretation. They required,
304 THE 'GREAT EASTERN' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1853.
however, that, should Mr. Briinel cease to act as Engineer,
any disputed point should be settled bj arbitration, and
not by his successor.
Besides the delay occasioned by the magnitude and
novelty of the undertaking, there were other difficulties
which helped to postpone the commencement of the
works. The Directors were unable, under their charter,
to enter into any contracts until a certain amount of
their capital was actually paid up ; and, as several
shareholders had retired when the change of plans was
determined upon, it was no easy work to get the shares
taken. That this was eventually accomplished was due
mainly to the exertions of Mr. Brunei and Mr. Charles
Geach, one of the Directors.^ 'Could I have foreseen,'
Mr. Brunei writes, ' the work I have had to go through,
* I would never have entered upon it ; but I never flinch
* when I have once begun, and do it we will.'
Several times they nearly broke down, but at length the
contracts were signed, and on the same day, December 22,
Mr. Brunei gave the formal notice to the contractors
to proceed with the works. ' After two years' exertions
(he wrote), ' we are set going, the contracts entered into,
' and the work commenced.'
Extracts from Mr. Brunei's Memoranda, a.d. 1852 — 1853.
July 11, 1852. — The dimensions I commenced with in March
last, of 650 X 70 X 30 appear after all to be not far wrong, according
to present views. I make them now 700 x 70 x 24 about ; but
much depends upon the last dimension, the draught. If another foot
or two can be safely taken it will be of great advantage. . . .
With this size of vessel, having a midship section of about 1,800, and
a length of 700, I assume a nominal horse-power of about 2,500.
' Mr. Geach wa^ one of the most commencement of the work, was the
zealous friends of the great ship. first of her many misfortunes.
His death, within a year after the
;kt. 4 8. J COlilMENCEMENT OF THE WORKS. 305
The first question of importance is, in what proportion shall this
' be divided between the screw and paddles ? . . . My present
impression is to halve the power between the two.
In both the engines every known means must be adopted to
secure efficiency : — 1. An excess of boiler power; 2, expansion
permanently, say at ^ ; 3, steam of not less pressure than 20 lbs.,
and I sliould prefer 25 lbs. ; 4, that cylinders, particularly top
and bottom, slide chest, and steam pipes, be all jacketed, and
the jacket supplied with steam from an auxiliary boiler of at least
10 lbs, more pressure than that of main boilers ; and it would be very
desirable to make some experiments to determine whether it is not
worth having a heating apparatus to heat the steam immediately
before it enters the cylinders.^
July 17. — After a long conference with Mr. Field, I continue
of the opinion that it would be well to apply about three-fifths
of the power to the screw and two-fifths to the paddles, and pro-
bably, as the vessel gets light, diminishing a little the expen-
diture of power on the paddles, and keeping up the full power
on the screw. Mr. Field is not in favour of increasing the pressure
of steam beyond 12 lbs. or 15 lbs., on the ground that all the mecha-
nical diflSculties increase rapidly without a corresponding advantage,
particularly where size and weight are not so important. There
seems much truth in this. . . . The possible advantages of a
slight increase are not suflicient to justiiy the risk of the possible
new difficulties in a work on so large a scale. Nothing uncertain
must be risked. These arguments do not apply to the jacketing
and heating, which Mr. Field also deprecated, or rather discouraged,
simply on the ground of the trouble and difficulty of effecting it,
but he admitted that all experience went to show the advantages of
it ; and as to the difficulties, which I could not see, they involve no
other risk than that of being useless : they cannot do mischief. The
heating of the top and bottom of the cylinders, I think, must be
particularly important in a short-stroked engine working expansively.
In a cylinder of 80 inches diameter and 40 inches stroke, having
regard to the time of contact, the area of the bottom will be nearly
equal in effect to the surface of the cylinder.
July 19. — After much consideration, I think I feel satisfied that
the best construction will be to have strong bulkheads every 30
A
' Stringent conditions as to jacket- by Mr. Bnineli in deference to the
ing were introduced into the con- strong objections urged by the makeis.
tracts ; but they were not enforced He much regretted this concession.
306 THE • GREAT EASTERN ' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 18»3.
feet or thereabouts, this distance being dependent on what is re-
quired for one set of boilers and its stock of coals ; these bulkheads
being carried right up wherever practicable — I think every alter-
nate one may be — and then place the main ribs of the ship, and
even at least two main deck beams, longitudinal instead of ^ransyerse.
February 2, 1853. — Several drafts of ships have been made and
much consideration given to the subject, and frequent discussions
with various parties. The result of all is that my present views are
as follows : —
The ship, all iron, double bottom, and sides up to water line,
with ribs longitudinal like the Britannia tube. I have not been
able to devise any good mode of determining the relative amount
of friction of a copper and an iron surface ; and, although I believe in
copper, it would not do to act on mere belief I therefore at present
settle iron, the surface being carefully made smooth. Doubtd have
come across me also as to whether with a very long surface the differ-
ence between the smoothness will so much affect the total resistance.
Is not a film of water, after a certain distance, carried with the body ?
and, if so, its greater or less roughness, if not producing currents, is
almost unimportant. Would there be any difference in the resist-
ance of a jSne file or a rough one drawn through tallow, if they both
covered themselves with grease ? Is there any similarity ? As to
size, if we are to go round the world,^ I do not think we can do with
less than — length, 730 ; beam, 85 ; draught deep, 34 ; and I assume a
nominal horse-power of engines equal to 1|- of the sectional area at 30
feet ; but, taking consumption as a better measure, and assuming that
every possible economy is practised, and every refinement introduced
that can produce economy, I shall assvime 7-g lbs, per hour per nomi-
nal horse-power, or say 0'08 ton per day per horse-power ; and as
I assume the horse-poAver to be 1^ sectional area, it makes the con-
sumption =0"1 ton per day per foot of sectional area. And this is
a very large allowance and ought to ensure a very high speed. In
order to effect the utmost economy, I should work up to 20 lbs.
steam (calling it 16 lbs.), cutting off certainly at ^ the stroke, and
adopting every precaution to keep the steam hot and the condenser
cool. The latter depends, I believe, solely upon the perfect disper-
sion of the injection water, so that the condensation of the steam
may take place suddenly, otherwise the same amount of Avater
may condense the steam in time, the same amount of heat be given
off, the same quantity of injection Avater used, and yet the condenser
' The destination of the ship as proposed at this time was Australia.
h.
48.] EXTRACTS FEOM ME. BRUNEL'S MEMORANDA. 307
be always full of steam at a good pressure. It might be well
worth the experiment to try the effect of a large injection at the
moment of the exhaust port being opened ; but above all things
I believe the heating of the steam to be important ; and for this pur-
pose I should jacket the steam pipes and cylinders top and bottom,
and heat with high pressure steam, say at GO lbs. — I have increased
this pressure the more I think of it ; 60 lbs. would be above 300
degrees, and 20 lbs. not quite 260 degrees ; therefore there would be
a full 40 degrees of surplus to ensure the temperature. I have a
great tendency to believe in the advantage of further heating even,
which might be done by a Perkins' arrangement of hot water ; but
possibly the new conditions, as regards oiling, &c., might involve
difficulties not desirable to introduce in this case. In the boilers it
will also be necessary to adopt every refinement which has been
found really to answer, although not always adopted ; above all, every
means of keeping them clean — scum pans, and Field's exchanging
apparatus. But what would be even more elFectual would be some
easy means of removing a whole bundle of tubes and replacing them
by clean ones ; and surely this would not be difficult, the tubes being
large and with plenty of space, so that a man could pass his arm
between. A rather important addition to boilers would also be a
means of blowing off without noise. Several modes would seem to
be possible, but whatever plan is adopted, it should be one which is
completely self-acting, and perfectly effectual when used suddenly
and without any preparation, and at a moment of confusion and
alarm. Blowing through a wire gauze pipe would probably be as
likely a way as any.'
The more consideration I give to the subject the more disposed I
am to adopt oscillating engines for both screw and paddles. The ex-
treme simplicity and small number of parts, and compactness, and the
direct action of every resistance to the force which it is wanted to
resist, seem to leave nothing to be desired, and would seem to make
it a better and more mechanical arrangement of a cylinder and crank
than any other, quite independently of the object for which it was
originally designed, which was simply ' stumpiness.'
February 21. — The original line (to Calcutta) seems likely, after
all, aa usual with most original ideas, to be the best ; at all events,
' The power of blowing off the engines of a ship are stopped for fear
steam without noise is of great im- of an impending collision or other
portance, and Mr. Brunei made many accident, is so great, that it is almost
experiments on the point. The noise impossible to hear any orders that
of the steam blowing off, when the may be given.
X 2
808 THE ' GREAT EASTERN ' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1853.
SO good that the vessel must be btiilt to be able to go there. The
dimensions best fitted for this would seem to be — length, 700 feet;
beam, 85 feet; depth of hold, 58 feet; screw, 24 feet; paddle 60 feet.
If arranged for Calcutta, we must arrive there on an even keel, and
therefore, to maintain the most equal level for the paddles, they must
be kept well forward, and the change principally at the stem.
Engines indicated horse-power 8,000; steam at 25 lbs.; auxiliary
steam at 60 lbs.
The ship to be lighted with gas, to be thoroughly ventilated by
mechanical means, having large air trunks, with small pipes and
valves to each cabin, with the means of warming this air in cold
latitudes and seasons, and cooling it in the more frequent cases of
hot climates. The ship must be steered from the forecastle, whence
a perfect look-out must be kept with fixed telescope, &c., and speaking
pipes and bells to the engine rooms.
March 14. — At a meeting of the Committee, held this evening
here, the several costs and qualities of four different sizes of ships, of
which all the calculations had been made by me, namely : — •
No.
Length
Breadth
Mid. Sec.
Draught
1
663
79-9
1,646
24
2
634
76-39
1,640
25
3
609
73-5
1,639
26
4
730
87
2,090
28
were discussed, and the No. 1 determined upon as the best under
all the circumstances. I should propose, therefore, to make the
dimensions of No. 1 : — length, 680 feet; beam, 81 feet, to be swelled
to 83 feet; extreme draught, 30 feet; mean, 24 feet; daily consumption,
say 200 tons.
This ship can carry her coal to Calcutta, and arrive and leave with
only 21 feet 6 inches draught, having 9 days' coal and 3,000 tons cargo;
or she could first go to Australia and back, without or with very
little cargo out, and consequently would take out as much cargo as
you might choose to send coal for her to Australia. . . .
These dimensions are worked out in the design No. 5 (April 9,
1853), but they would be better for a slight increase, if the 83 feet
were made 85 feet, and the 680 feet were made 700. We should
have an increase in capacity of 83 x 680=56,440 to 85 x 700=59,500,
or 6 per cent, of displacement. This would bring the displacement
at 32 feet draught up to 31,250 tons.
March 22. — Settled the various dimensions of scantlings with
S. Russell to enable him to direct drawings of all details to be got out,
April 28. — We are now seeking tenders for engines and ship
JBT. 48.] EXTRACTS FROM MR. BRUNEL'S MEMORANDA. 309
of the following dimensions : — Length, 680 feet ; beam, 83 feet ;
mean draught, about 25 feet ; screw engine, indicated horse-power
4,000 ; nominal hor.se-power, 1,600 ; paddle, indicated horse-power,
2,600 ; nominal horse-power, 1,000 ; to work with steam 15 lbs. to
25 lbs. ; speed of screw, 45 to 55 revolutions; paddle, 10 to 12.
Among the details of improvements still to be considered are the
receiving through measures the coal from the bunkers, and running
it on tramways and waggons to the front of the fires, thus at the same
time measuring out accurately the hourly consumption, and saving
labour ; but a still more important object, the use of clean water —
1 that is, using the same water over again — is well worth considering ;
and it is well worth the experiment, whether cooling down the water
of condensation to use again is not in fact the easiest way. With
an unlimited supply of cooling water this ought to be easy.
August 7. — Memoranda for engines. — Very sensitive governors
to be applied to both engines to prevent running away.
November 18. — It is curious that the above should be the last
memorandum, as I now open the book to make the same in con-
sequence of the accident to the * Agamemnon.' ^
There can be no reason why a sensitive governor should not act
in less than one revolution of the crank, and act upon a tumbler
which should shut off instantly the expansion valve. There should
be two such governors, one to each end of the crank shaft, and
they should work direct from a spur wheel from the shaft without
any intermediate shafting, to give elasticity, or to risk breaking.
(Query, hydraulic governors?)
The auxiliary engine and boiler to be at least 20 feet from bottom,
and, better still, above load water line, or so boxed as to be out of
reach of water ; so that if the ship grounded and filled, this engine
would remain serviceable for pumping or anything else.
The history of the * Great Eastern ' has now been
traced up to the date of the contracts for the construction
of the ship and her engines.
The following selections from Mr. Brunei's memoranda
illustrate the progress of the design during the early-
months of the year 1 854 : —
' The screw propeller of the that, from not having efficient gover-
* Agamemnon ' was broken in a trial nors, the engines flew round at an
trip outside Plymouth Sound, on No- alarming speed,
vembor 9, 1853; and the result was
310 THE 'GEEAT EASTERN' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1854.
February 25, 1854. — The details of construction, both of engines
and ship, involve an immense amount of thought and labour, I
have devoted a great deal of time to it already, and yet even the
preliminary details either of engines or ship are far from being satis-
factorily settled. I have no record of the many consultations hitherto
held on the subject, but shall hope to keep one hereafter. On the
6th inst, some of the drawings of the ship and of parts of the
engines, having been several times revised and altered, being ready,
I spent the greater part of the day at Millwall ^ in going again into
them, and settled some parts, such as the dimensions, &c., of cranks,
and bearings, general form of engine frame, and some of the general
principles of framing and plating of the ship. Some other consul-
tations have been held, and again to-day (February 26) I have
spent some hours at Millwall. . . Discussed the details of a midship
section, the drawings of which were in a forward state ; directed
that the cabins should positively be made 6 feet 6 inches each in
the clear, and the bulkheads made subordinate to this ; found that it
could be done without difficulty, and without causing any me-
chanical objections in construction. I am anxious to have some
approximate estimates of weights.
It is evident that large weights may most easily be wasted or
saved by a careless or close consideration of the best application of
iron in every single detail. I found, for instance, an unnecessary
introduction of a filling piece or strip, such as is frequently used in
ship-building to avoid bending to angle irons ; made a slight altera-
tion in the disposition of the plates that rendered this unnecessary ;
found that we thus saved 40 tons weight of iron, or say 1,200/. of
money in first cost, and 40 tons of cargo freight — at least 3,000/. a
year. The principle of construction of the ship is in fact entirely
new, if merely from the rule which I have laid down, and shall
rigidly preserve, that no materials shall be employed on any part
except at the place, and in the direction, and in the proportion, in
which it is required, and can be usefully employed for the strength
of the ship, and none merely for the purpose of facilitating the
framing and first construction.
In the present construction of iron ships the plates are not propor-
tioned to the strength required at different parts, and nearly 20 per
Went, of the total weight is expended in angle irons or frames,
which may be useful or convenient in the mere putting together of
' Mr. Eusselfs works. The ship was built in a yard immediately ad-
joining them.
jiT. 48.] EXTEACTS FEOM MR. BEUNEL'S MEMOEANDA. 311
the whole as a great box, but is almost useless, or very much mis-
applied, in affecting the strength of the structure as a ship.
All this misconstruction I forbid, and the consequence is that
every part has to be considered and designed as if an iron ship had
never before been built ; indeed I believe we should get on much
quicker if we had no previous habits and prejudices on the subject.
March 3. — Mr. Blake [of the Jinn of Messrs. James Watt and
Co.], called, and went fully into the general drawings which he
brought. On the necessity of large surfaces he quite concurred with
me. The extent to which such a general principle should be car-
ried is of course very difficult to determine ; my idea is that it has
never yet been approached. . .
March 10. — Engaged all the afternoon at Millwall. . . Settled
and signed the drawings of crank and piston rods. Went into many
details of ship.
The extracts from Mr. Brunei's correspondence which,
follow, have been selected as containing a definition in
his own words of the position he held as Engineer to the
Company by which the great ship was built.
Letter to the Secretary of the Eastern Steam Navigation
Company.
[This letter was written in consequence of a resolution of the
Directors, asking Mr. Brunei to recommend them a resident en-
gineer, in order that constant supervision might be exercised over
the works, and frequent reports made to the Board.
The Directors rescinded their resolution ; but this letter is
inserted as showing, in clear and forcible language, Mr. Brunei's
view of the nature of his duties and responsibilities, and as
laying down what in his opinion ought to be the relations between
the Directors of a Company and their Engineer.]
August 16, 1854.
. . . It surely cannot be necessary to remind the Directors that
the very xanusual stake which as a professional man I have been
willing, perhaps imprudently, to risk on the success of this project
—I mean stake of professional character, not mere pecuniary risk —
must secure a much greater amount of attention to any step, and
supervision of any detail on my part, than any ordinary professional
engagement would obtain; the heavy responsibility of having in-
312 THE ' GREAT EASTERN ' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 18o4.
duced more than half of the present Directors of the Company to
join,, and the equally heavy responsibility towards the holders of
nearly half of the capital, must ensure on my part an amount of
anxious and constant attention to the whole business of the Com-
pany which is rarely given by a professional man to any one
subject, and, as it seems to me, ought to command a proportionate
degree of confidence, or rather command entire confidence, in me,
if any at all, for in such a case there can hardly be any medium.
The fact is, that I never embarked in any one thing to which I have
so entirely devoted myself, and to which I have devoted so much
time, thought, and labour, on the success of which I have staked
so much reputation, and to which I have so largely committed
myself and those who were disposed to place faith in me ; nor was
I ever engaged in a work which from its nature required for its con-
duct and success that it should be entrusted so entirely to my
individual management and control. . . .
The Directors have a right to expect, and will ever receive, from
me the fullest information and the most unreserved communication
upon all points as they arise, as from one who feels the responsibility
of being their sole professional adviser in a very important and
serious business, in which we are all embarked, and all deeply inter-
ested ; but I cannot act under any supervision, or form part of any
system which recognises any other adviser than myself, or any other
source of information than mine, on any question connected with
the construction or mode of carrying out practically this great pro-
ject, on which I have staked my character ; nor could I continue to
act if it could be assumed for a moment that the work required to
be looked after by a Director, or by anybody but myself or those
employed directly by me and for me personally for that purpose.
If any doubt ever arises on these points I must cease to be
responsible, and cease to act.
Letter to the Secretary of the Eastern Steam Navigation
Company.
[In explanation of the following letter it need only be stated that
an elaborate article on the great ship appeared in one of the Lon-
don newspapers of November 1854. Mr. Brunei's name was only
once mentioned throughout the whole of it, and in these words :
* Mr. Brunei, the Engineer of the Eastern Steam Navigation Com-
* pany, approved of the project, and Mr. Scott Eussell undertook to
* carry out the design.']
JET. 49.] LliTTER ON POSITION AS ENaiNEER. 313
November 16, 1854.
Since I wrote to you I have taken the trouble to read through
the long article in the , and am much annoyed by it. I
have always made it a rule, which I have found by some years'
experience a safe and profitable one, to have nothing to do with
newspaper articles ; but then, if on the one hand the works I have
been connected with have rarely been puffed (never by me), they
have also been rarely affected by misstatements ; as such notices,
when not inserted by interested parties, are always slight and
unauthentic, and drop without producing any effect. This article
in the , however, bears rather evidently a stamp of au-
thority, or at least it professes to give an amount of detail which
could only be obtained from ourselves ; and if, as I think is the case,
copies of it have been circulated by us, it may acquire the character
of being an authorized statement ; and, as such, I am individually
much annoyed by a great deal that is in it, and by the omission of
much that might with propriety have been introduced.
What is constantly repeated or implied, and remains uncontradicted,
is at last received almost unconsciously as fact even by those who
have the means of knowing it to be incorrect, if they thought about
it ; and, although from system I have never interfered with newspaper
statements, it has not been from any affected or real indifference to
public opinion, perhaps it was more from pride than modesty, and
therefore I am by no means indifferent to a statement which would
lead the public, and perhaps by degrees our own friends, to forget
the origin of our present scheme, and to believe that I, happening at
the time to be the consulting Engineer of this Company, which I
was not, and having had no peculiar connection with previous
successful improvements in steam navigation, allowed them to adopt
some plan suggested by others, who I suspect, if even such were the
case, would never appear to share with me the responsibility if any
failure should result. Of this certainly I have no fear, but at the
same time I am desirovis of something more than mere immunity
from blame.
I not only read this article once, but I was so struck by the
marked care shown in depreciating those efforts which I had
successfully made in advancing steam navigation, and mainly on the
strength of which no doubt I originally obtained the confidence of
the Directors, which induced them to enter upon our present bold
undertaking, that I read the paper a second time, and for the very
reason that I have for so many years shunned public writings,
namely, to escape misstatements, I feel compelled on the present
314 THE ' GEEAT EASTEEN ' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1864,
occasion to take some steps publicly to correct those erroneous
impressions, which must be created by a document having the
appearance of emanating from ourselves. . . .
The objectionable points that I refer to evidently did not strike
you, and that is a strong proof how easily incorrect impressions
insinuate themselves unawares ; but I feel strongly that a judicious
friend would not have failed to do justice to the spirited merchants
of Bristol, who, in spite of the strongest condemnation of the
plan by the highest authorities, and the ridicule of others, perse-
vered in building and starting the first transatlantic steamer. The
circumstances as regards the ' Sirius ' are coloured so as to be quite
incorrect ; and the same friendly hand would not have thrown
ridicule, and that by a positive false statement, upon that which he
at the same time admits to have been the means of almost intro-
ducing two of the greatest improvements in steam navigation. A
writer wishing success to our enterprise would not have omitted to
mention that I had a claim to public confidence on this occasion, for
the reason that I was at least the principal adviser in those previously
successful attempts.
And lastly, I cannot allow it to be stated, apparently on authority,
while I have the whole heavy responsibility of its success resting on
my shoulders, that I am a mere passive approver of the project of
another, which in fact originated solely with me, and has been worked
out by me at great cost of labour and thought devoted to it now for
not less than three years. . . .
The works liad been commenced in the spring of the
year 1854, and the progress of the ship towards com-
pletion was eagerly watched, both by scientific men and by
the general public.
The newspapers and periodicals of the day frequently
contained descriptions of the work, and statements of the
anticipated performances of the ship, often very much ex-
aggerated. The writers seem to have been quite at a loss
how to convey to their readers any idea of her size, and
they generally attempted to do so by comparing her
dimensions with those of some of the weU-known streets
and squares in London. ^
' See, for example, an article in entitled 'The Triton and the Min-
the Quarterly BeviiW of March 1856, ' news.'
JET 49.] PROGEESS OF THE WORKS. 315
In the beginning of the year 1855, the longitudinal
and transverse bulkheads, which formed the main frame-
work of the ship, were completed for nearly 400 feet of
the centre portion, and the plating was being fixed in place.
As the general design was now settled, it was thought
that the time had arrived when it would be desirable
for Mr. Brunei to describe at some length the nature of
the undertaking, and the manner in which it was being
carried out.
Rejport to the Directors of the Eastern Steam Navigation
Company.
[This Report was published at the time and excited much atten-
tion.' The paragraphs which describe the arrangements proposed
for launching the ship have been omitted, as they will more con-
veniently be inserted in the following chapter.]
February 5, 1855.
Although the simple description of the present state of the works
of the ship and engines, and of what has been done during the last
six months, may be summed up in a few words, I shall, in compli-
ance with the request of the Directors, embody in thi^ the substance
of the several other reports which I have from time to time made
to the Court of Directors during this half year, and take this oppor-
tunity of laying before the proprietors the fullest information upon
our plans and proceedings. In doing this it may be difficult to avoid
some appearance of repetition of statements previously made ; but I
have thought it better, even at the risk of this, to refer to the objects
we have had in view, and explain fully the nature of the works we
have undertaken, and the manner in which we are carrying them out.
The construction of the vessel is the portion of our work which,
without being actually novel, involved in all its details the greatest
amount of special consideration and contrivance.
The unusual dimensions, the general form and the mode of con-
struction of all the parts involved by these dimensions, the necessity
' It must be remembered that this report describes the ship as she was at
that time designed by Mr. Brunei.
316 THE ' GEE AT EASTEEN ' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. ISoo.
of studying each part in detail, so as to obtain, by judicious mode
of construction alone, the greatest amount of strength with the
minimum amount of material ; all these circumstances, and particu-
larly the last, have rendered necessary a very large, though unseen,
amount of labour in the preliminary plans and stages of the work ;
and, although I had for nearly two years before the contracts were
entered into, devoted a great deal of time and thought to the subject,
yet of course until the exact size of the vessel, and the general plans
of the Company, had been finally determined upon none of these
matters could be entered into in detail. Much time has conse-
quently been required to mature and prepare these plans ; and as I
have made it a rule from the first that no part of the work should
be commenced until it had been specially considered and determined
upon, and working drawings in full detail prepared, and, after due
deliberation, formally settled and signed, the work did not make at
the onset that display of progress which might have been made, if
less regard had been paid to establishing a good system which would
prevent delays hereafter, and ensure a more perfect and satisfactory
result. I am not prepared to say that the work is in that state of
progress which will ensure its completion within the period fixed in
the contract ; but I am quite certain that if we had proceeded with
less system we should have considerably delayed the final completion.
I shall now refer to a few of the principal peculiarities in the con-
struction of the ship.
In the preparation of the detailed plans, I have carried out fully
those principles which I originally described as leading features of
the construction.
The whole of the vessel is divided transversely into ten separate
perfectly water-tight compartments by bulkheads carried up to the
upper-deck, and consequently far above the deepest water lines, even
if the ship were water-logged, so far as such a ship could be ; and
these are not nominal divisions, but complete substantial bulkheads,
water-tight, and of strength sufficient to bear the pressure of the
water, should a compartment be even filled with water ; so that if
the ship were supposed to be cut in two, the separate portions would
float ; and no damage, however great, to the ship's bottom, in one or
even two of these compartments would endanger the floating of the
whole, or even damage the cargo in the rest of the ship, or above
the main-decks of the compartment in question, and all damageable
cargo would be stowed above that deck. Besides these principal
bulkheads there is in each compartment a second intermediate bulk-
head, forming a coal bunker, and carried up to the main-deck,
;et. 49.] REPOKT DESCRIBING THE SHIP. 317
which can, on on emergency, also be closed. There are no openings
Tinder the deep-water line through the principal bulkheads, except
one continuous gallery or pipe near the water line, through which
the steam pipes pass, and which will be so constructed as to remain
closed, the opening being the exception, and the closing again being
easy, and the height being such that, under the most improbable
circumstances of damage to the ship, ample time would be aiforded
to close it leisurely, and to make it perfectly water-tight. I have
also adopted the system, to be followed rigidly and without excep-
tion, of making no openings whatever — even by pipes and cocks —
through the ship's bottom, or through the inner skin below the
load water line, and I attach much importance to this system.
In the majority of cases in which steamboats are compelled to put
into port from failure of bilge-pumps and other really trifling defects,
no such serious consequence would have resulted, but from the
difficulty and almost impossibility of remedying at sea any defects
in the numerous pipes and openings now carried through the ship's
bottom, wherever convenient, and without much regard to the
danger of doing so.
I have foimd no great difficulty in carrying out this system com-
pletely, and the advantages, both as regards safety and the facility
of remedying defects without delaying the ship on her voyage, must
be obvious.
Independently of the security attained by the perfect division of
the ship into really water-tight compartments of a sufficient number,
so that the entire filling of one or even two of them will not endanger
the buoyancy of the whole, the chances of any such damage as can
cause the filling of one of them are greatly diminished by the mode
adopted in the construction of the ship's bottom. The whole of the
vessel (except the extreme stem and stern, the whole buoyancy of
which is comparatively unimportant from the fineness of the lines),
up to a height considerably above the deepest water line, is formed
with a double skin, with an intervening space of about three feet.
This arrangement resulted originally from the system of construction
I adopted, in which the bulkheads, placed at intervals of twenty
feet, form the main transverse frames or ribs of the ship, and in the
intermediate space the material is disposed longitudinally in webs
connecting the two skins, giving to the whole much greater strength
•with the same amount of material ; i)ut one of the most important
results has been the great increased security attained, as the outer
skin may be torn or rent against a rock without causing the ship to
leak.
318 THE 'GREAT EASTERN' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1855.
The space between these two skins is thus divided, by the longi-
tudinal beams or webs and the principal bulkheads, into some fifty
sepai"ate water-tight compartments, any one or more of which may
be allowed to fill without materially affecting the immersion of the
ship.
Besides the main transverse bulkheads, at about 60 feet intervals,
there are two longitudinal bulkheads of iron running fore and aft, at
about 40 feet in width, adding greatly to the strength of the whole,
and forming, with the transverse bulkheads, being all carried up to
the upper deck, fire-proof party walls, cutting up the whole into
so many separate parts, that any danger from fire may be almost
entirely prevented.
The transverse bulkheads being perfect, there being only one
door — and that of iron — in each, at one of the upper decks, all
currents of air or means of communicating fire may be completely
cut off; and with an additional precaution, which I will refer to
afterwards, besides the most ample means of supplying water, I
believe that all possibility of danger from fire may be completely
prevented.
All these principles of construction being kept in view, the details
of construction — that is, the arrangement and due apportionment of
the strength and size.s of all the plates, and the mode of fastening
them — having been determined separately, the plates have been
made at once of the required dimensions, and the work has proceeded
systematically. This system is the most important, as securing not
only good work, but affecting, to a much greater extent than might
at first be supposed, the total weight of the ship ; which, although the
terms of the contract protect the Company against any excess of
expenditure beyond a certain fixed sum, is yet of the greatest
importance, as will be easily understood when I mention the fact
that several merely trifling alterations in the modes of arranging
the plates and other details have caused an economy of 20 to 50
tons each, and that the vessel may thus be made capable of carrying
200 to 300 tons more of coal, cargo, or provisions ; or iron to the
same amount may be usefully applied to strengthen other parts or
effect useful additions.
The details of the engines have all been settled; and the principal
parts, as already stated, are in an advanced state of completion.
In considering the plans of those engines, the largest that have
yet been manufactured, I have endeavoured to ascertain what may
be termed the weak points of the best engines hitherto constructed
by the same or by other makers — those points in which experience
MT. 40.] KEPORT DESCRIBING THE SHIP. 319
has pointed out deficiencies — and to provide fully against similar
defects in our case.
Before commencing the boilers, I have taken every means in my
power of profiting by the experience of others, and have collected
all the evidence and opinions as to the precise form and proportions
which have been found most efficient ; and particularly such as have
been found best suited to the combustion of anthracite coal. A
very great difference is found to exist in the useful and economical
results of boilers, even of good manufacture. Some are noted for
the power of producing rapidly abundance of steam, at the cost of
great consumption of fuel ; others have the opposite qualities, and
some combine successfully both those qualities which are desirable.
It might have been supposed that all points of such a simple subject
would have been long since settled, and that no boiler would be made
inferior to the best. Such is not, however, the case ; and although
the differences of construction are in themselves sUght, the difference
of result is often considerable.
I have taken some pains to satisfy myself on these points, and
have endeavoured to select and to copy the most successful boilers ;
and in order to remove all doubts as to their fitness for the use of
anthracite, I have made an experimental boiler, and, after numerous
trials, determined upon the form and dimensions to be adopted.
In the consideration of these details, as indeed on all other points
affecting the success of this undertaking, I have not hesitated to con-
sult everybody whose opinions I considered valuable, and to bring
the result of their opinions in aid of my own and the manufacturer's
experience.
I have only to add, that after giving much consideration to the
question of the diameter of the paddle-wheels and screw, I have
determined them sufficiently for fixing the position of the shafts, and
am now engaged in considering the best form and construction of
the propeller itself, and also the construction of the stern-frame and
rudder of the ship.
The position of the paddle-shaft, and the diameter of the paddles,
have been questions of some difficulty. It being necessary to pro-
vide for a considerable variation in the draught of water, though not
proportionably so great as Avith many existing large steamers, and to
balance well the relative advantages of securing the highest average
speed, at all the various draughts, or thehighest speed at a lightdraught,
and to combine as far as possible the two, so that the vessel may be
as well adapted to perform comparatively short and very quick pas-
sages to ports not affording a great draught of water, as long voyages,
320 THE ' GREAT EASTEEN ' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1855.
heavily laden, at a more moderate maximum, but still a large average
rate of speed. Although the full advantage of the great capacity of
the vessel for carrying coal for long voyages would not be felt in a
voyage, for instance, to New York, or in other short voyages, yet,
unquestionably, she would exceed all other vessels in speed and
extent of accommodation ; and if it should be found desirable to make
such voyages, your vessels ought to be able to command almost a
monopoly by their superior capabilities, and I have therefore endea-
voured so to place the paddle-shaft, and so to construct the wheels,
that they may be adapted to the convenient application of the full
power of the engine at a light draught of Avater and at very high speed.
As regards the screw, the same points have to be considered,
and a choice made amongst the various forms and proportions more
or less successfully adopted at the present time. I have always
found the reports made upon the results of various forms of screws
and propellers, and the performance of diiFerent vessels, so little to be
depended upon, even when apparently made in good faith, and the
results obtained from good authority, that I have been long since
compelled to adopt no conclusion, unless from results witnessed by
myself or by persons observing for me. I have for some time past
availed myself of every opportunity that offered of observing and
obtaining something like accurate results upon the various points
affecting immersion of paddles or screw, and I am engaged in con-
sidering those results.
I have referred to the subject of protection from fire ; it is one of
considerable importance, and I have some hopes that a process, which
has been recently patented by Lieutenant Jackson, may be success-
fully applied to rendering wood uninflammable. Some door panels
have been already experimented upon with results which have in-
duced me to pursue the experiments, and I am about to try the
comparative inflammability of various qualities of wood, both pre-
pared and unprepared ; and if we can succeed in preventing the
wood producing a flame, and thus communicating the fire ; with the
numerous metallic subdivisions we shall have in the ship, the
spreading of fire, even from cargo or furniture, would become impos-
sible. I am also engaged in determining the character and extent
of mast and sail to be carried, as provision must now be made in the
construction of the ship for receiving the masts.
The Directors are aware that I have been in communication with
Professor Airy as to the instruments which may be used in such a
ship, to ensure more accurate and frequent observations, and as to
the nature of these observations ; an enquiry into which he has
JET. 49.J REPOET DESCEIBING THE SHIP. 321
entered with that liberahty and desire to assist all improvements, in
navigation especially, for which he is so well known. Several new
instriunenta are now making for trials.
Sir W. Snow Harris has promised to turn his attention to the
subject of the lightning conductors ; and as soon as the iron work is
a little more advanced, and while the form and position of all the
principal masses are visible, the subject of local attraction and the
adjustment of the compasses will be considered by those most com-
petent to advise; and I am not without hope that the means of
cori'ection may be rendered much more certain and perfect than
usual. I mention these, as some of the numerous points which re-
quire and are receiving attention.
In tlie last paragraph but one of this report Mr. Brunei
mentions that he proposed to adopt a system for obtain-
ing continuous observations in order to determine the
position of the ship.^
His first letter to the Astronomer Royal, which is dated
as early as October 1852, explains the object with which
he began his investigations : —
October 5, 1852.
You may possibly have heard of a project in which I am engaged,
of building some vay large steamboats. , . . Among the
several requirements, which it appears to me are involved in such a
large project, is one in which I hope for your advice and assistance,
and I trust you will consider the subject worthy of your attention.
In such a voyage, where so much depends upon perfect navigation,
and with such a capital at stake, no means can be too perfect and no
expense or trouble must be spared to ensure the constant determina-
tion, with the greatest attainable accuracy, of the ship's position and
course. The determination of her speed, the effect of winds and
currents, and the variation ef her compasses, together with meteoro-
logical observations, are all involved in this ; and I propose to have
' Extract from memoranda of Oc- ' carried, &c.
tober 5, 1 855 : — ' Temperature and peculiarities of
' By constant observation, to lay ' sea water,
' down position and course of ship, ' As the result of these observations,
' and correct compasses. ' to plot down hour by hour the
' To record speed of ship through ' position of the ship, to compute
' water by logs. ' the speed, variations of compass,
' Revolution of engines. ' the direction and force of current,
' Force and direction of wind. 'and true direction and force of the
' Draught and trim of ship, sails ' wind.'
322 THE ' GEEAT EASTERN ' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1855.
ail observatory and establishment of observers, whose duty it "will be
to be constantly engaged, day and night, at any moment when any-
thing can be visible in the heavens, in taking such obsei'vations as
will determine more or less accurately, according to the nature of
the observations that the state of the weather or other circumstances
may admit of, the several points to be ascertained. Now, the questions
to be determined are, what is the nature of the various observations
that can best be made under all the. different, and the favourable
and unfavourable circumstances that may daily arise ? what the
instruments required, and what the character and extent of the staff
of observers required ; and even whether any, and if any what, new
tables might be useful for such a purpo.se ? The primary object
being to be constantly determining either correctly or approximately
the ship's true position, and in like manner constantly checking the
compasses and giving her true course. I will not unnecessarily
expose my ignorance in such matters by stating what I haA^e assumed
to be practicable. I will only remind you that experience proves
that in a vessel of such size there will be great steadiness of motion,
and therefore unusual facilities for accurate observation.
Mr. Airy entered very warmly into the subject, as did
also Professor Piazzi Smyth, the Astronomer Eoyal for
Scotland ; and a long and interesting correspondence passed
between them and Mr. Brunei. Experiments were con-
ducted, principally with the view of obtaining a stand for
astronomical instruments by means of the contrivance
known as the gyroscope, the principle of which had been
already adopted by Mr. Brunei in a level designed by
him in 1829.
In connection with the observers' department, Mr.
Brunei paid much attention to designs of sounding ap-
paratus and means for accurately measuring the speed
of the ship. He also intended to have a stream of surface
water constantly pumped up through the observers' cabin,
which should, by its change of temperature, immediately
indicate the presence of icebergs, instead of the plan of an
occasional bucketful being hauled up on to the deck ac-
cording to the humour of the officer of the watch.
^T. 49.] > OBSERVERS' DEPARTMENT. 323
Mr. Brunei made a very curious contrivance for enabling
the man on the look-out to keep his eyes open in a gale of
wind. This consisted of two sets of vertical plates of tin
placed one behind another, diverging from the direction
of the wind, with a clear wide passage between the two
sets of plates. The wind, entering at the end of the
apparatus, became separated by the first two inclined
plates, and the residue that passed on in the direct line
was again subdivided, so that at the end of the last set
of plates there was no rush of air between them, and a
man looking through the aperture, with his face to the
wind, was in a perfect calm. This was a useful arrange-
ment, the look-out man's eyes being as well protected as
though behind a glass. A glass would not answer the
purpose, as it would become obscured with spray.
The unfortunate circumstances which attended the com-
pletion of the ship prevented the introduction of these and
many other arrangements which Mr. Brunei had originally
proposed.'
In November 1855, the Directors proceeded to appoint
a commander to the ship ; and their choice fell upon Mr,
William Harrison, one of the most distinguished of the
captains of the Cunard Company's steamers.
This appointment gave Mr. Brunei great satisfaction ;
he found in Captain Harrison a warm and faithful friend,
and an able adviser on all matters connected with the
completion and equipment of the ship."
' Mr. Brunei also proposed to have ' drawn and engraved of the sea (that
charts prepared for the route of the ' is, the lines of latitude and longitude,
great ship to Australia and Cal- ' and the bearings of the compass, and
cutta, similar in character to some ' the coast and soundings) on a cylin-
which were made under his diiec- ' drical projection of a great circle from
tions for the route of the 'Great ' Bristol to Now York; and we found it
* Western * to New York, which he ' very useful for the captain to see his
described as follows : — ' great circle sailing, and to see how
• When we started the " Great West- ' much he was deviating from it.'
' " em " to New York, I had a chart * Captain Harrison's command of
T 2
324 THE ' GREAT EASTERN ' STEAM-SHIP. [a.p. 1865
Before they came to a decision, tlie Directors asked Mr.
Brunei to communicate to them his views on the considera-
tions which ought to influence them in their choice.
The memorandum he drew up on the management of
the great ship, and a letter on the duties of the chief
engineer, are inserted at length, as forming a complete
record of the principles which, in his opinion, should be
followed ' in the use of this new machine,' while em-
ployed on the voyages which she was specially designed
to make.
Memorandum on the Management of the Great Ship.
October, 1855.
The question of the principles to be followed in the use of this
new machine, for such it must be considered, and the character and
the qualifications of the man to whom it is to be entrusted, and the
points to which his attention must be particularly devoted, have long
been subjects of deep and serious consideration with me.^
the ' Great Eastern ' after she left the ' doubts of his ability, could have no
river was unhappily of but short dura- ' such feeling (if he is a sensible man
tion, as he was drowned by the acci- ' and fit for the position) if bis atten-
dental upsetting of his boat in South- ' tion had been drawn to these views
ampton "Water on January 21, 1860, 'before his appointment, and if he
four months after Mr. Brunei's death. ' accepts the trust reposed in him on
' With this paper Mr. Brunei en- ' the understanding that he is expected
closed a letter, in which he points out ' to pay attention to these opinions,
with great earnestness the responsi- ' and if, as I shall urge upon the Di-
bility of his own position. ' rectors to ascertain, he entertains no
After calling the Directors' atten- ' objection to the adoption of them,
tion to the important step they were ' and agi-ees to follow the principles of
about to take, he proceeds : — ' action which I hope to induce the
' I am not pointing out a danger ' Directors to adopt as rules in the
' vdthout being prepared to propose ' naA-igation of the ship.
' a remedy. The same man who, after ' I propose therefore to lay before
' he has been selected and appointed ' the Directors the result of my anx-
' on account of his previous character ' ious consideration of this subject,
' as a sailor, and as an experienced ' to urge upon them the adoption of
' naval man, would probably feel dis- ' my views, and, if they adopt them,
'posed to reject advice coming from 'to urge that they should make it a
' those who do not profess to be ' condition in the selection and ap-
' sailors, and to resist directions which ' pointment of a commander that such
' might appear to him as ti-enching ' views are approved of and adopted
'upon his authority, or as implying ' by him.
JET. 50.] REPORT ON MANAGEMENT OF SHIP. 325
And the difBculties are complicated by the consideration that
public opinion, and those established and universally received
opinions which, being the result of experience, cannot be called pre-
judices, have to be considered, and must be yielded to to a great
extent, even when somewhat opposed to sound reasoning, or to con-
clusions deliberately formed upon a due consideration of the novel
circumstances under which we have to act ; but, while conceding
much to past experience, and to preconceived opinions, the real
requirements of the case must have the first consideration.
Thus, as it is a ship that we have to navigate, public opinion, if
nothing else, requires that we should have a sailor of undoubted
experience and skill to command her ; but although seamanship may
be one of the essential conditions or qualifications for the commander,
I think we shall find, upon examination, that the work we have to do,
and the duties to be performed, and the qualifications we conse-
quently require in the man who is to conduct this work, are so pecu-
liar that mere seamanship, in the ordinary sense of the term, if it
were to be solely relied upon, would be even a disadvantage rather
than otherwise, and that we require much that is not necessarily
found in the most perfect specimen of a seaman, and much that is
far more diflScult to find than the ordinary qualifications.
I wish pju-ticularly to impress this upon you : the subject has
occupied long, frequent, and serious deliberations. I have come to
' This is a strong and plainly stated ' me in the credit of our success ;
' request, but not more strongly put ' yet there is no doubt that I should
' than I feel that the occasion re- ' have to bear solely and very heavily
♦quires. 'the blame of a failure. On this
' I have an immense stake in the ' ground alone, therefore, the Direc-
' success of this enterprise. I do not ' tors, I am sure, will willingly allow
' refer merely to my pecuniary invest- ' me to urge my views strongly, and
♦ ment ; but, as affecting my profes- ' will excuse the length at which I do
« sional reputation, my stake is much ' so. But I shall rely upon satisfying
' deeper ; as, although I was accident- ' them that my views and opinion
' ally led by circumstances into pro- ' should command their concurrence
'posing the plan we have adopted, ' on their own merits; and with this
' and the Company was not originally • preface, which has already reached
' formed to carry it out, and although ' an undue length, I will lay before
' the plan when proposed was well ' them a paper on the subject, most of
' weighed and considered by men ' which has been written for some
' competent to judge, at all events, ' time in anticipation of the present
' upon the prospects as a commercial ' circumstances, and having been thug
' speculation, and although it was * written at different periods is, I fear,
' adopted by them, and therefore they ' somewhat disjointed, and wanting in
' must share iu the responsibility, ' arrangement, and therefore much
' and although many may share with ' longer than it might have been.'
326 THE ' GEEAT EASTEKN ' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1855.
the conclusion which you will no doubt readily acquiesce in, that
our first practical mechanical success, upon which so much of our
financial success hangs (although others might reap the benefit even
of our failure in the first instance), will depend mainly upon the
skilful management in our earliest voyages of the machine we are
about to set afloat ; but I have also come to the conclusion, the
correctness of which may not be so immediately apparent to you,
that this machine, though nominally a ship, not only admits of, but
requires, a totally diflferent management from that which may have
successfully navigated ordinary ships, and that most of the habits,
feelings, and sensations, amounting to instinct, possessed by a good
sailor, and the peculiar power of skilful adaptation of expedients to
emergencies, which constitute the merits of a first-rate sailor, have to
be put aside for a time rather than applied in the first instance to
make a successful commander of the vessel.
In navigating a small vessel, a man has to study the appearance
of the weather, the direction of the wind, and that of the seas ; to
consider the probabilities of change ; to vary his course more or less
with reference to any of these causes, and according not only to the
then state of all these operating causes, but also with reference to
the probabilities of change ; and with their consideration his mind
is principally occupied, and it is in the exercise of judgment and
foresight in these points that he shows his skill.
Steam navigation, and the gradual increase in the size of vessels,
have no doubt materially modified this, but much still remains to
occupy the mind of the commander of a steamer, with which not
only we shall have nothing to do, but too much attention to which,
from previous habits, would divert his attention from that which,
under the different circumstances, will become much more important.
In the same manner, in manoeuvring such a vessel in harbour, the
ordinary modes would be totally inapplicable ; whereas, by entirely
discarding all previous practices, and keeping in his mind and
making use of the peculiar powers which are at command in this
vessel, and judiciously attending to the immense effect of the vis
inertice, or momentum of such a mass, so far beyond that of anything
now afloat that it becomes a totally new influence, this machine
may be managed by a skilful man with a facility which is not
attainable with small craft ; while such a mass would be destruc-
tion to itself or to anything that comes in contact with it, if treated
at all in the same manner as even the largest steamers are now
handled.
Another peculiarity to be attended to in the management c _ .his
JET. 50.] EEPOET ON MANAGEMENT OF SHIP. 827
mighty mass is that by no possibility must she be allowed to touch ,
the ground.
Our ship will be found, I believe, if tried, to possess unusual
strength : no combination of circumstances within the range of
ordinary probabilities can cause such damage to her as to sink her,
even if she were to be run on sharp rocks with deep water around ;
and 1 believe she might remain for months aground, exposed to the
heaviest seas without serious damage. The lives of the passengers,
and even the cargo generally, will be safe, almost perfectly safe, and
so far she will be very different from and very superior to any
vessel now afloat ; but there will also be another great difference,
although she may remain safely aground, she will probably remain
so for a long time.
If she were to ground at high water or where there is a little tide,
and when she happens to be rather light of coal, and should take in
any water so as to deepen her, no ordinary appliances in the power
of the crew will get her off, or, at all events, not without great loss of
time, and at very heavy sacrifices. Such an event in tlie first year of
her career would probably ruin our Company, as the grounding of
the * Great Britain ' did the Great Western Steam-Ship Company,
although it proved the good qualities of that ship, and thus advanced
iron ship-building. A sailor will no doubt receive with disgust and
as an insult the suggestion of the possibility of his running his ship
ashore. We cannot afford, however, to rest contented with this
expression of feeling, natural and praiseworthy as it may be : our
circumstances are totally different ; and that which is considered cer-
tainly as a serious evil, but still only an evil more or less serious,
would be to us fatal ; it is no longer a question of degree of injury —
it is death. I have had some costly experience ; I have had to do
with many steamers — several remarkable for their size and their value,
according to the ideas of the time, and two of them each in their
day considered Leviathans, more wondered at than even ours, and
exciting much more anxiety on the part of their promoters, and there
was as much care taken in the selection of commanders as I ask you
to take now ; nevertheless both of these, to the ruin of the Company
in one case, and almost every other steamer I have had anything to
do with, has not merely touched, but been aground. Not a season
hardly passes without a case of even a Queen's ship going ashore,
although navigated by men educated for the purpose, with the ad-
vantage of every appliance hitherto thought necessary and sufficient,
and with fearful responsibility attached to them. All these are
published cases known to the world ; and if the log books of all
828 THE ' GREAT EASTERN ' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1855.
the steamers were searched, I believe the result would be a list ia
which the ships that had not been aground would form the excep-
tions, and, in the majority of cases, the blunder is so gross, that the
most far-fetched excuses of errors of compass and unknown currents,
although in well-known channels, are obliged to be invented.
The real explanation is a simple one. Ships are navigated with
far too reckless a confidence in the mere personal instinct and skill of
those in command, and in their ability to get out of a scrape in time.
Methodical systems and mechanical means of ensuring accuracy
are far too much neglected, or rather have not kept pace at all with
the great improvements in speed and the power of locomotion which
science has introduced, whether in the construction of steam vessels
or even of sailing ships, and which the advance of the day now calls
for. There are no means at present used of taking soundings worth
having while a ship is going fast through the water, or in time to be
of any use if the soundings shoal rapidly ; the trouble is so great and.
the operation so slow that it is not resorted to sufficiently often. The
steering by compass is so rough and so coarse, that no real accuracy
is attained. Good observations to determine position are taken at too
long intervals of distance run, and consequently are subject to be
interrupted for too long a period by what is called and supposed to
be continual bad weather ; although it would rarely happen, if persons
were continually on the watch, who had nothing else to do or to think
of, that twenty-four hoTirs would pass without some glimpses of a star
or of the sun. Thus with a speed of ten or fifteen knots, and cloudy
weather, and, above all, with that xmfortunate confidence of seamen to
which I have referred, there is never any certainty just at the time
when it is really required. No doubt, skilful seamen do generally
arrive at an astonishing approximation in their estimates, and the
results on the average are most successful, and remarkable proofs of
the skill brought into action. But the instrumental means of
attaining accuracy are lamentably in rear of the improvements that
have been made in the means of locomotion, and have not at all kept
pace with the vast increase of capital embarked in each individual
case.
All these deficiencies are, however, easily remedied ; the means do
exist, or can be devised, and might be applied if Ave insisted on their
application. We have seen numerous instances where the difficulties
are admitted and grappled with systematically, and with what
patience and skill a fleet has been piloted up unknown ri -^irs full of
shoals in China, and through intricate channels with covered rocks
in the Baltic. In our case, the object to be attained is a vital one to
JET. 50.] .EEPOET ON MANAGEMENT OF SHIP. 329
us ; and what I most dread is the confidence of our commander
resulting from his previous experience preventing his appreciating
the peculiarities of the case, and applying that greatly increased
amount of method and system which is essential to change that,
which is now rendered only highly probable by the skill of man,
into mechanical certainty. The man who takes charge of such a
machine, in which is embarked so large a capital, must have a mind
capable of setting aside, without forgetting, all his previous experience
and habits, and must be prepared to commence as an observer
of new facts, and seize rapidly the results. A man of sense and
observation, with a good mechanical head, and with decision and
courage, would succeed without much previous nautical knowledge ;
but, unquestionably, a man. familiar with all that is going on around
would be much more competent, provided he does not allow his
habits derived from former experience to induce him to neglect any
of the new means of information in his power, to all which his
former knowledge should be made subservient.
If much has to be unlearnt, or rather carefully set aside for the
time, as generally inapplicable in its present shape, there is also much
to be learnt in the navigation of such a vessel ; and one of the most
essential qualifications of the commander would be a belief in his
want of experience, and a readiness to see the novelty of his position,
and a cautious and sound but quick perception of the new and
powerful influences and new effects of those same causes with which
he may have been familiar under very different circumstances.
The great mass and size of this vessel must necessarily render it
so much less affected by the ordinary disturbing causes of wind and
sea, that, practically, little attention ought to be paid to these, at
least not as expecting the ordinary results ; but other effects may be
produced which must be carefully studied and learnt in the early
voyages, so that they may be met and counteracted as they have
been by experienced men under the present system. Thus, as an
example of this class of effects to which I would refer, there is
reason to believe that this vessel, although apparently unaffected by
a wind on the beam, or a cross sea, which would be very noticeable
even with the largest of the present steamers, would nevertheless
have a steady and rather strong tendency to come up to the wind.
A certain direction of a cross sea is not unlikely to produce a
contrary efi'ect. It is quite possible also that the apparent lee-
way, or the deviation of the axis (or keel) of the ship from the
line of the course, will be greater with the wind on the beam
than with smaller vessels, although the actual drift or lee-way
330 THE ' GEEAT EASTEKN ' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1855.
may be less ; and all these effects will result from her great length
(unless counteracted by causes I do not now foresee), and will pro-
bably be totally different in degree from any similar effects now
felt. These effects must be carefully studied, and with a mind pre-
pared to consider them as new, for they will be new and distinct
I'rom anything now experienced. In the same manner, and to a
much greater degree, the effects of the speed which we must hope to
attain will upset all the usual methods of determining accurately the
position and the course of the vessel, and still more the precautions
to be taken in approaching land. A 24 hours' run, at 20 miles per
hour, without a good observation, and with a possible error of esti-
mate, or a doubt, at all events, of the exact effect of the set of cuiTents
or of the speed of the ship through the water, or of the precise
amount of lee- way, may easily make an error of 20 or 30 miles in
position at the end of the day's run.
On the other hand, by almost abandoning the present modes, and
adopting measures which I shall point out presently, adapted to the
new circumstances, a much greater degree of certainty and accuracy
may be attained than is now even sought for. I have had the best
advice on these points, both astronomical and nautical : the Astro-
nomer Eoyal, Mr. Airy, who both as a man of science and a practical
man, and by his official position, is the first authority on such
matters, and Professor Smyth, of the Edinburgh Observatory,
Captain Beecher of the Admiralty, and several other scientific naval
men, have assisted me ; and, under their advice, instruments are
being constructed, and a system devised, which will admit of con-
tinuous observations being made with great accuracy at all times of
the day, and particularly at night, and by means of which also a
continuous correction of the ship's compasses with the most minute
accuracy can be kept up, and her position be ascertained with almost
the same accuracy as a point on land ; and I have their authority
for saying that such improved means are desirable, and are attainable.
The importance and advantage of continuous observation through-
out the twenty-four hours, whenever a glimpse can be obtained of
any object which will answer the purpose, and even Avhen the horizon
is invisible, may not at first be evident, but it cannot be over-
estimated. An exact knowledge of the ship's movements wiU be
soon acquired that would almost replace observation, and the average
of numerous observations secures an accuracy which cannot be ap-
proached by any other method.
By a careful and continuous comparison of the exact distances
run, with accurate records of the sjjeed of the engine and of the
JET. 50.J EEPOET ON MANAGEMENT OF SHIP. 331
ship tlirough the water, registered by good instruments (the per-
formance of which has been tested, and which are being made), and
having proper reference to the varying draught of water of the vessel,
the most precise measure of the speed of the vessel through the
water can be learnt ; and by careful observation of the force and
direction of the wind, the effect of any given wind, and an accurate
measure of her drift or lee-way, may be obtained ; and then, by ad-
hering strictly, without regard to wind or weather, to a course pre-
viously laid down on good charts, having upon them the sets of
ciurrents, as already observed, the true position of the ship may be
determined at any moment, and there need never be the slightest
hesitation, or any time or distance lost by doubts.
In addition to the instruments above named, I hope to be able to
provide the means of sounding at moderate depths while the ship is
going her full speed.
Having the means, then, of determining the ship's course and
position with much greater accuracy than is now practised, we must
seek to make that course, or the distance to be run, the shortest
possible, that is to say, the course which will occupy the least time.
The exact coiu-se to be taken by such a vessel must be determined
upon and laid down upon the charts after a due consideration of all
the circumstances which can posisibly affect the time occupied in the
voyage between any two points, and particularly by examining and
considering well all the information which scientific observers have
collected and recorded as to the ciu'rents, probabilities of fogs, or of
ice, and other impediments, the chances of meeting vessels, which
must be avoided as much as possible, the average direction of prevail-
ing winds, varying such course, perhaps, in certain latitudes with
the season of the year, but certainly not with the temporary direction
or force of the winds or state of weather at the moment ; for the
speed which we shall attain renders these causes of secondary con-
sideration, and would interfere with all ordinary calculations derived
from present experience of the probable state of the wind in the new
position which the ship would attain after a few hours' run. The
business of the commander would be, therefore, to adhere rigidly
to the exact course previously deliberately determined upon, and
not to be tempted to deviate except slightly, and even then only
according to rules which he shall have previously laid down for
himself.
The importance of adhering strictly to this rule cannot be over-
estimated. The period occupied in a voyage will be materially
influenced by the exact course followed, and as such course must be
332 THE 'GREAT EASTERN' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1855.
-determined upon only by a calm and somewhat laborions study of
documents, it cannot be safely determined upon except in the closet,
that is, before the voyage, and uninfluenced by the excitement of
hopes or by disappointments caused by difficulties.
The safety of the ship and of the enterprise may also mainly
depend upon the rigid adherence to this rule.
With the means at his disposal for checking that coui'se, and with
the method and regularity involved by a rigid adherence to it, and
a correction at once of any departure from it, a degree of certainty
will be attained as to the ship's position which will almost preclude
the possibility of an accident, and which I consider practically in-
valuable as affecting the safety of our vessel. This rigid adherence
to an exactly prescribed course will prevent any risk of that which
is the cause of the greater number of losses. No inducement of fine
weather, or a happy state of mind and body of the captain, or a
desire to save time, or to show the beauties of a coast, or any other
temporary cause, will lead to a nearer approach to dangerous points
than had been previously determined upon as safe. The shortest
and best route, the safest from all dangers, and giving the widest
berth to all shores or shoals, having been laid down, must be kept
to against all temptations.
Economy of fuel is another consideration of the highest impor-
tance. The engines are of power sufficient, if fidly worked, to con-
sume considerably more than the cargo provided. Large as may be
the supply which the ship is capable of carrying, it is no more than
that which is calculated as necessary for the voyage intended, with a
moderate allowance for contingencies ; and it must be borne in mind
that the ordinary means of making up any deficiencies would be
totally inapplicable in our case, since no supply capable of being
drawn in an emergency from other sources woidd be sufficient.
The precise quantity calculated and provided must be made suffi-
cient, or the conseqxiences would be serious. The usual practice,
therefore, of going ahead as fast as the engines will take the ship
must be entirely abandoned. Careful observations, systematically
pursued, will show the speed which, under different states of immer-
sion, can be attained without a disj)roportionate expenditure of
power, and to this speed the engines must be limited. A little expe-
rience will probably show that, under certain circumstances of
immersion of the ship, or of the state of the sea, it may be economical
to force the screw or the paddle engine, the one more than the
other. This can only be determined by somewhat delicate and very
precise au,d accurate obsei^vations. These must be made. It is not
;et. 50.] REPORT ON MANAGEMENT OF SHIP, 333
merely a question of degree, but our whole success depends upon
the application, not of one, but of all these refinements.
A close study of the relative speed of the ship, as ascertained by
the self-registering logs, and by continuous astronomical observations,
compared with the expenditure of power in the engines as indicated
by the number of revolutions constantly registered, and the power
expended as measured and recorded by the chief engineer, will be
necessary for some time to come, and until indeed the management
of such large ships becomes as much a matter of rule as it is now, or
perhaps ought to be more than it is, with smaller ones.
As to the use of the sails, while the engines are nevertheless in full
action, it must be entirely a matter of experiment, and an experi-
ment in which, again, all previous habits and prejudices must be set
aside.
"Whether a sail steadies such a ship usefully or not can be, and
must therefore be, positively determined by measurement with
proper instruments, and not by the sensations ; and the result upon
the speed of the vessel as compared Avith the power expended must,
in like manner, be ascertained by positive observations and mea-
surements. No past experience can do other than mislead. It is
quite possible that the same means which improve the rate of the
present large steamers may be prejudicial to our performance.
The commander must appreciate the necessity of all this study
and attention to what is rather mechanical than nautical, or our
voyage will be a failure. The difference between the peculiar
qualities of such a floating mass as compared with those of the
largest steamer now afloat, is likely to be as great as between the
last and a 100-ton cutter ; and the most prejudiced believer in the
acquired skill of an old sailor who had learnt to manage the small
vessel in the most perfect and masterly manner, would not expect
him to be able to handle one of the present large steamers, still less
to elicit the best performance out of her. In the same degree the
man who takes the command of our ship must, if he is to succeed,
enter upon his duties with a belief that he has nearly all to learn, at
the same time that this feeling is perfectly consistent with a proper
confidence in his own powers to master the new circumstances, and
to succeed with this as he may have done with other vessels.
Finally, the commander's attention must be devoted exclusively
to the general management of the whole system under his control,
and his attention must not be diverted by frivolous pursuits and
unimportant occupations. I believe that even in the present large
steamers much advantage would result from relieving the captain
University of Toronto \
Department of Civil Engineering I
334 THE ' GREAT EASTERN ' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1855.
from all care of the passengers and cargo ; but in our case, where we
may have to provide for thousands instead of hundreds, and
arranged in different classes, and living in completely separate
j/saloons and compartments, the present system of a captain dining
I at the table and associating with the passengers would be impracti-
^ cable, even if it were desirable. But for much more important rea-
I sons, and on general grounds, I think that while the commander is of
course supreme over every department, he should not be embarrassed
by undertaking any one, still less should he have his mind occupied
with the troublesome and frivolous concerns of a vast hotel, nor
should he be hampered by the necessity of attending to the hours
and the forms of a large society. Moreover, I consider it essential that
he should by his presence and control keep up the position and the
sense of responsibility of the chief officers under him, by living and
messing with them ; the commander and those acting immediately
under him must occupy a more dignified position than they now do.
The result of all these general views is, that the command of this
ship must be considered to consist mainly in the superintending
and keeping up in a high state of order the perfect working of a
highly methodical pre-arranged system, by means of which the ship
is to be made to go like a piece of verj' accurate machinery, pre-
cisely in the course which has been pre-arranged, and precisely at
the speed, and with the consumption of power, which has been
ascertained to be the highest attainable with the requisite economy ;
and there must be a proper establishment of assistants, competent
to control each department of this system. As regards the constitu-
tion of this establishment, I consider the commander should have a
staff of chief officers or captains. I believe three will be necessary,
with a fourth performing general duties and ready to take the place
of any one of the three ; that one of them should always be in com-
mand of the ship (under the commander) ; that, besides these chief
officers, there should be a master, corresponding to a master in a
Queen's ship, who would have assistants and calculators or clerks,
whose duties would be to keep the ship's reckoning, to keep up
perfect and continvious observations, to calculate with precision and
set from hour to hour the exact course by compass which has to be
followed, to keep in the coixrse determined upon by the captain, to
keep a series of accurate observations and records of all matters
that can affect the ship's movements — duties involving an amount of
science and practical astronomical and mathematical knowledge
which requires a superior education, and which is found only in
this class of men. The duty of the master would be therefore to
XT. 50.] EEPORT ON MANAGEMENT OF SHIP. 835
supply the science necessary for the conduct of the ship, and to be
the commander's cyclopsedia and book of reference, to be able
at any moment to report to the commander the exact position
of the ship and her course, and the variation of her compasses,
and take the soundings, if any, to note the fact of a change in
the temperature of the water, indicating approach of ice, and any
other symptom or fact which can affect the ship's movements — all
which should be determined by continuous observations methodi-
cally and mechanically made, and not be dependent upon the chance
of the commander's anxiety or greater or less forethought. The
chief engineer should also be a superior man, selected more for
his general qualifications as a good director of men and machinery,
than as a mere marine engineer. These should form a staff, and
be of a standing to live and mess with the commander ; so that each
dejiartment should thus be furnished with a chief competent for the
special duties of his department, and reporting to and acting under
the general control of the commander.
That the principles thus laid down as to following exactly a
prescribed and predetermined course, and as to regulating exactly
the consumption of power and consequently of fuel, and the keeping
up a system of what may be termed scientific observation for the
purpose of ensuring this regularity, I submit should be rigidly
enforced; and the commander should be required to adopt these
principles as the guide of his conduct, and to use the measures that
are placed at his disposal for working this machine in the manner and
with the precision pointed out.
Letter on the Duties of the Chief Engineer.
March 19, 1857.
The duties which I apprehend will devolve upon the chief
engineer of our ship will be, firstly, the supreme direction and
management of both the principal engines, and all the auxiliary
engines and machinery worked by them in the ship ; and as the con-
struction of such a ship, and of many of its adjuncts, such as the iron
masts and yards, steering apparatus, and other parts, are strictly of
an engineering character, and such as in the event of repairs, par-
ticularly at sea or in foreign ports, would require a mechanical
engineer rather than a shipwright, I think it must be made part of
your duty, as the most competent officer, to make yourself tho-
roughly acquainted with the construction of the ship and all its parts,
336 THE ' GEEAT EASTERN ' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1857.
and all mechanism within it, so as to be prepared to take such share
of responsibility as to the state of the structure of the ship as
it may be found desirable to throw iipon you as chief engineer, and
at all events to be prepared to be the captain's chief authority and
responsible adviser on all matters of mechanical engineering.
The principal duty, however, will of course be the management
of the engines, including the care of the paddle, screw, and otlier
machinery immediately connected with the engines, or worked by
them ; and as the success of the ship as a steamboat will depend
entirely upon the amount of power developed by the engines, in pro-
portion to the fuel consumed, there is no limit to the degree of
attention, of judgment, and of skill, that not only may be usefully
applied, but that must be applied to ensure success.
I have no wish to alarm you as to the amount of work or respon-
sibility that will devolve upon you; my object is rather to show you
the opportunity afforded of displaying judgment, skill, and assiduous
attention, and thus, as 1 hope, to excite your ambition, when I seek
to draw your attention very strongly to the peculiarities of this
case.
In ordinary steam navigation, whatever perfection has as yet been
sought for or attained, the business of the engineer has been mainly
to keep the engines in perfect order, and to develope the greatest
amount of power possible, and, secondly, to effect as great economy
as possible in the consumption of fuel ; but the latter has been
merely a question of economy in a pecuniary point of view, and not
of necessity, and has been entirely secondary to the first condition,
so much so that the most successful ships have not been by any
means the most economical, on the contrary, they have been rather
extravagant consumers.
In the present case, the circumstances are totally different, and it
will be essential that you should change altogether your accustomed
views on this subject.
This ship is built to go rotmd the world with a defined and limited
amount of fuel, Avhich you have no power to exceed, or rather, if you
exceed it, at any part of the voyage, the whole is a failure. The
circTxmstances are therefore reversed, with this additional condition,
that there is no medium or partial success. In the ordinary cases
you have a limited power of engine and an excess of fuel, in which
it is desirable but not essential that you should effect economy ; in
the present case you have a limited and defined quantity of fuel to
consume, with an excess of engine power, and the art will be to
obtain the largest total amount of power from this fuel, expending it
> r. 51.] LETTEE ON DUTIES OF CHIEF ENGINEEE. 337
] irogressively, and in such a manner as to reach a given point. To
effect this, and obtain the best possible results, will require of course
that the engines should be kept in the best possible order ; but this,
although a preliminary condition, is an ordinary one, requiring no
peculiar duties or exercise of judgment, and must be assumed, as on
all occasions, a matter of course. The peculiar duties in our case
will be the continuous study in every trifling detail that can effect
the result of the means of obtaining the largest amount of steam
from the defined expenditure of fuel and the use of this steam, so as
to obtain the largest amount of power, and the largest amount of
result.
The mere study of this question must necessarily occupy some
time, and for several voyages it will be a siibject of experiment ;
but the more rapidly positive information can be obtained, the
more prompt and certain will be our success. To attain success
will require a degree of attention to every minute detail, which
it has never yet been necessary or profitable to devote to this
branch.
The continuous weighing out of coals and measure of the products
of each boiler (for which means will be provided), the continual
observation of the extent to which blowing-ofF is desirable, the con-
tinuous measure by indicator of the performance of the engines under
different pressures and degrees of expansion, so that you can at all
times furnish the captain with the exact performances of the two
engines, and the cost of fuel required to produce given results in each ;
so that he may have the means of comparing your expenditure with
the results he obtained in the speed of the ship, and of learning the
relative beneficial effects of employing more or less the paddle or the
screw in different states of weather, or different immersions of the
ship, will be required ; and every method of increasing the performance
of each gang of stokers, and of stimulating their skill and care, and
every refinement in each separate branch of the work, to effect
economy of fuel, or rather, development of power with a given
amount of fuel, will be necessary. We all know full well how, if
every effort is continuously made and every possible care is con-
tinuously bestowed in each department, 4 or 5 per cent, can be saved
or gained in many points, and at many times in the 24 hours,
between the drawing of the coals from the bunkers and the develop-
ment of power at the paddle board or the screw blades ; and if only
1 per cent, can be thus gained jn a few points, the aggregate will
soon amount to 10 per cent., which with us may make the difference
between success and failure. All these things will require judgment,
z
il
338 THE • GEEAT EASTERN ' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1857.
thought and attention, rather than labour, and, above all, close watching
and method, and good management of men.
Besides these more than ordinary duties during the voyage, the
only peculiarity in the service will be that, with' such a costly
machine, the mere interest of money and fixed expenditure upon
which will not be short of 2001. a day, and the perfect state of which
is so essential, you will be required to give more attention to the
machinery when in port than is usually required.
I trust that this strong but not exaggerated statement of what
would be expected of the chief engineer, will excite your desire to
undertake the duties, rather than deter you from seeking the post;
and that, if the Directors should accept the offer of your services,
you will enter upon the duties with confidence, though with a sense
of their serious importance. In the event of your appointment, it
will be a necessary condition that you should be able to commence
at once the supervision of the erection of the engines. This work is
already much farther advanced than I should have wislied it to bo
before the chief engineer had taken charge of it. I attach great
importance to his having that familiar knowledge of all the parts
and their condition, which no study of drawings can give so well as
actual inspection during erection, and I wish also that he should
satisfy himself of the perfect truth of every adjustment.
It will be seen from the documents which have been
printed in this chapter how 'deeply and seriously'
Mr. Brunei had considered all the conditions which were,
in his opinion, necessary for the economical construction,
and the successful employment, of the great ship ; but it
is hardly possible, by means of extracts from his corre-
spondence, to convey an adequate impression of the
amount of labour he expended — from the year 1852
to the last days of his life — on the supervision of every
detail of the work. ' The fact is,' he said, ' I never
* embarked in any one thing to which I have so entirely
* devoted myself, and to which I have devoted so much
* time, thought, and labour, and on the success of which
* I have staked so much reputation.'
Heavy as Mr. Brunei's duties were in October 1854,
-T. 51.] PROGRESS TO SEPTEMBER 1857. 339
when lie wrote these words, a far greater amount of
labour was subsequently imposed upon him.
During the year 1855 financial difficulties arose which
interfered with the progress of the ship; and at last,
in February 1856, although Mr. Brunei had done every-
thing in his power to prevent the necessity of such a
step, the works were suspended; and they were not
resumed till the end of May, after which date they were
carried on by the Company under the supervision of the
existing staff. It was greatly against Mr. Brunei's wishes
that this was attempted, except as a temporary measure,
as he considered it impossible for a company to carry on
such a work efficiently and economically.
Notwithstanding all these difficulties, that which seemed
at first only a confused mass of iron assumed by slow
degrees the graceful proportions of a ' great ship ' ; and
the hull of the vessel was completed by the end of the
summer of 1857, so far as it was desirable to proceed
before the commencement of the launching operations.
z 2
340 [a.d. 1857.
CHAPTER XII.
STEAM NAVIGATION— THE 'GREAT EASTERN' STEAM-SHIP.
THE LAUNCH.
A.D. 1857—1858. JETATis 62.
REASONS FOB DETERMINATION THAT THE SHIP SHOULD BE LAUNCHED
BROADSIDE TO THE RIVER AND THAT THE LAUNCH SHOULD BE SLOW
EXTRACTS FROM MR. BRUNEl's REPORT OF FEBRUARY 1855 REASONS FOR
THE ADOPTION OF IRON SLIDING-SURFACES DESCRIPTION OF THE 'WATS
AND CRADLES — AND OF THE MOTIVE POWER PROVIDED FOR LAUNCHING
THE SHIP MEMORANDUM ON PROPOSED ARRANGEMENTS FOR THE LAUNCH
(SEPTEMBER 26, 1857) LETTER TO CAPTAIN HARRISON ON RIVER TACKLE
(SEPTEMBER 30, 1857) LETTER ON THE NATURE OF THE OPERATIONS
(OCTOBER 23, 1857) — MEMORANDUM ON GENERAL ARRANGEMENTS AND IN-
TENDED MODE OF PROCEEDING (OCTOBER 30, 1857) HISTORY OF THE LAUNCH,
NOVEMBER 3, 1857-JANUARY 31, 1858 LETTER TO THE DIRECTORS, NOVEM-
BER 26, 1857 REPORT AND MEMORANDUM ON THE LAUNCHING OPERATIONS
(DECEMBER 17, 1857) — FLOATING THE SHIP NOTE A: EXPERIMENTS AND
OBSERVATIONS ON FRICTION. NOTED: LETTER TO W. FROUDB, ESQ.
(FEBRUARY 2, 1868).
The mode in which the great ship was to be launched had
necessarily to be determined before she was commenced.
In May 1853, when the contract for her construction was
entered into, the question was left open, and the contractor
was either to launch her, or to build her in a dock * if it
* be found preferable.' With Mr. Brunei's full concurrence,
Mr. Russell determined to build the ship on the river-bank,
broadside to the river.
The reasons which led to this determination were fully
described by Mr. Brunei in his report of February 5, 1855.
This report has, with the exception of the parts relating
to the launching operations, been printed above, p. 315.
The passages there omitted are as follows : —
E
52.] REPORT ON PLAN OF LAUNCHING. 341
One of the first points to be decided was the mode of launching
the vessel, which of course would determine the position in which it
was to be built ; and I wish to take this opportunity of explaining my
reason for adopting the plan I have decided upon, which, being
unusual, might be supposed to be unnecessary.
Vessels are generally built above the level of high water, and then
allowed to slide down an inclined plane into the water ; occasionally,
as in the case of the ' Great Britain,' they are built in a dry dock,
into which the water is afterwards admitted, and they are floated
out.
Both plans Avere well considered in the present case ; but the size
of the dock required, the difficulty of finding a proper site for such
a dock, the depth required for floating a ship with her engines and
boilers, which it was most desirable to introduce while building the
hull, and the depth of channel required to communicate between
such a dock and the deep water of the river, all combined to render
the dock plan a very expensive, and, considering the nature of the
soil in which it would have to be formed, a somewhat hazardous
proceeding. Launching seems to offer the fewest difficulties and the
greatest certainty ; but the dimensions of the vessel required some
modifications of the usual modes of proceeding.
Launching is generally effected by building the ship on an inclined
plane, which experience has determined should be at an inclination
of about 1 in 12, to 1 in 15, the keel of the ship being laid at that
angle, and the head consequently raised above the stern, say one
fifteenth of the whole length of the ship. In the present case this
would have involved raising the fore part of the keel, or the forefoot,
about 40 feet in the air, and the forecastle would have been nearly
100 feet from the ground ; the whole vessel would have been on an
average 22 feet higher than if built on an even keel.
The inconvenience and cost of building at such a great height
above ground may be easily imagined ; but another difficulty pre-
sented itself which almost amounted to an impossibility, and which
has been sensibly felt with the larger vessels hitherto launched, and
will probably, ere long, prevent launching longitudinally vessels of
great length. The angle required for the inclined plane to ensure
the vessel moving by gravity being, say 1 in 14, or even if diminished
by improved construction in ways to 1 in 25, is such that the end
first immersed would become water-borne, or would require a very
great depth of water before the forepart of the ship would even reach
the water's edge. Vessels of 450 or 500 feet in length would be
difficult to lavmch in the Thames unless kept as light as possible ;
342 LAUNCH OF THE ' GKEAT EASTERN.' [a.d. 1857.
but our ship could not be so launched, the heel of the sternpost being
required to be, as I before said, about 40 feet below the level of the
fore-foot. Some mitigation of the difficulty might be obtained by an
improved construction of the ways; but the great length of ways to
be carried out into the river would, under any circumstances, be a
serious difficulty.
These considerations led me to examine into the practicability of
launching or lowering the vessel sideways ; and I found that sucli a
mode would be attended with every advantage, and, so far as I can
see, it involves no countervailing disadvantages. This plaa has been
accordingly determined upon, and the vessel is building parallel to
the river, and in such a position as to ^dmit of the easy construction
of an inclined plane at the proper angle down to low- water mark.
In constructing the foundation of the floor on which the ship is
being built, provision is made at two points to ensure sufficient
.strength to bear the whole weight of the ship Avhen completed. At
these two points, when the laimching has to be effected, two cradles
will be introduced, and the whole will probably be lowered down
gradually to low- water mark ; whence, on the ensuing tide, the vessel
will be floated off. The operation may thus be performed as slowly
as may be found convenient ; or, if upon further consideration more
rapid launching should be thought preferable, it may be adopted.
I have entered at some length into an explanation of all the reasons
which led to the adoption of this plan ; as I am anxious that they
should be knoAvn, and particularly that it should be well understood
by the proprietors and those interested in our success, that I am not
adopting any novelties ; unless, so far as those modifications of the
more usual practices which experience points out as necessary to
meet the peculiarities of a particular case may be deemed such.
I should add that the necessity, arising from the same causes, of
launching transversely has been felt with long vessels of another
description, namely, pontoons, or floating piers ; one of 300 feet in
length, which I have built at Plymouth, was so launched, and pre-
viously to this, one of 400 feet in length by Mr. Fowler on the
Humber.^
' Shortly after the publication of lakes wore launched. In the course
this report, Mr. Brunei received a of a correspondence which ensued,
letter from Mr. Gr. W. Bull, of Buifalo, Mr. Bull gave much information as to
U.S.A., encouraging him to adopt the manner in which these launches
the plan of launching sidewaj's, as were effected. He advocated a frco
that was the way in which the launch for the ' Great Eastern.'
large steamboats of the American
;et. 52.] EEPOKT ON PLAN OF LAUNCHING. 343
I hope to be able to arrange that the machinery, which is to be
provided by the contractor, for lowering the vessel down the ways
will be also fitted to form a ' patent slip ' arrangement for hauling
the ship up for repairs ; so that, if it should be found desirable to do
so, such apparatus may be purchased for that purpose, and fitted up
at the port which the ship will frequent. With the view of facili-
tating such an operation, or the grounding of the ship on a gridiron
for examination at low water, a sufficient extent of the floor of the
ship is formed perfectly flat, and is so strengthened as to allow the
ship when loaded to be grounded without being unduly strained.
After it was determinea that the ship should be built
on the river-bank instead of in a dock, and parallel to
the river instead of at right angles to it, the next point
for consideration was, whether the ship should be lowered
gradually to low- water mark, or whether a free launch
should be attempted.
In a free launch the ship is allowed by the action of the
force of gravity to run down the ways at a considerable
velocity. In the case of the * Great Eastern ' there were
insurmountable objections to this plan. Some of them
might have been overcome by mechanical appliances ; but
these would have introduced complication and additional
elements of risk.
In accordance with the opinion which he had from the
first entertained, Mr. Brunei determined to move the ship
slowly down the wa.ys.
Subsequently to his determination to launch slowly, Mr.
Brunei decided to employ sliding-surfaces of iron instead
of greased wood.
In ordinary launches the ways are thickly greased, so
that there is between the ways and the cradles a thick
stratum of grease, which renders the friction verj' small.
The conditions, however, do not remain the same through-
out the passage of a ship down the ways ; for, when she
344 LAUNCH OF THE ' GREAT EASTERN.' [a.d. 1857-
has moved some distance, the cradle has been rubbing-
away and squeezing out the grease ; and therefore the
part of the cradle which supports the middle and bows
of the ship meets with increasing resistance from friction.
Another and more serious cause of the destruction of the
lubrication arises from unevenness in the ways.
The result of the action of the friction between the
wooden surfaces after the destruction of the grease is
sometimes so great that they become mutually imbedded,
the fibres of the wood being rolled up together to such
an extent that it has been found difl&cult afterwards to
separate the timbers. The increased friction due to the
deterioration of the sliding- surfaces of grease does not
often produce failure in ordinary ship launches, because
the vessel, while still on the fresh grease, acquires a mo-
mentum sufficient to carry it over the lower part of the
ways, notwithstanding the retardation resulting from in-
creased friction.
It was from a legitimate fear of the development of a
retarding force due to the destruction of the grease, that
Mr. Brunei hesitated to employ wooden sliding-surfaces.
The ground was far from solid ; and the use of piles as a
foundation for the ways would not have prevented the
possibility of excessive local pressure being brought on
parts of the surfaces. The heat produced by undue pres-
sure at any point under the great area covered by the
cradles would tend to spread and aggravate the evil ; and,
had any considerable portion of the sliding-surfaces become
wood-bound, the difficulty would have been far less remedi-
able than in the case of an ordinary launch, where the
cradles and ways are throughout accessible. But in the
case of the * Great Eastern ' the space between the ship
and the ways, over a considerable portion of the area
covered by the cradles, was very confined, and it would
*T. 52.] ADOPTION OF IKON SLIDING-SURFACES. 345
have been a most tedious, if not a hopeless, task to get
at the injured part so as to repair it properly.
At the end of the year 1856, when the construction of
the ways had to be commenced, Mr. Brunei acted upon his
views as to the dangers attendant on the use of wooden
sliding- surfaces, and adopted iron. By this step, although
there might be some fresh difficulties to be encountered, the
disastrous consequences were avoided which might have
followed from employing wooden surfaces.
Under two places in the length of the ship the ground
had been prepared for the reception of the launching ways.
These ways or inclined planes were two in number, and
reached to low-water mark. They were placed at such
positions as best to carry the weight of the ship without
straining her. The ways, as originally designed by Mr.
Brunei, were each 80 feet wide ; but, with the desire of
spreading the weight of the ship over a still larger area,
he decided to add 20 feet to each side of each way, thus
increasing their breadth to 120 feet. The ship's head
pointed down the river; 180 feet of the bow projected
beyond the forward way, 110 feet were unsupported be-
tween the two ways, and 150 feet of the stem projected
beyond the after way. The distance from the starboard
side, the side next to the river, down to low-water mark,
was about 240 feet ; and the actual length of the ways,
including the portion under the ship, was about 330 feet.
At the same time that he decided to use iron as the
sliding-surface, Mr. Brunei adopted means for ensuring,
as far as possible, the even distribution of the weight upon
the ways. With this object he did not attempt to make
them unyielding, but allowed them to yield slightly, so that,
like a cushion, they might adapt themselves to the under
surface of all parts of the cradles with a sufficient upward
346 LAUNCH OF THE ' GKEAT EASTERN.' [a.d. 1857.
pressure. Tlie ways rested on the river-bank, and piles
were used to prevent the earth under the edges of the
ways from swelling out at the sides, and yielding more
than the ground under the middle portion.
The ground having been prepared to the slope of 1 in
12, a layer of concrete of about two feet in thickness was
laid over the area of the ways. On the concrete were
placed timbers running at right angles to the ship. These
timbers, which were imbedded in the concrete, were 1 foot
square, with a space of 2 feet 6 inches between them.
Across these timbers, and parallel to the ship, were placed
other timbers, with intervals of 2 feet between them ; and
upon these again were laid rails 18 inches apart, parallel
to the ways, and at right angles to the ship. The rails
were of the ordinary kind used on the Great Western
Railway.
Thus the ways consisted of a network of timber resting
on a thin bed of concrete ; and on the top of the timber
network were placed the rails which formed the actual
sliding-surface.
The under side of the cradles consisted of iron bars,
which were laid parallel to the ship, and therefore across the
rails of the ways. These bars were each 1 inch thick and
7 inches broad, with an interval of 11 inches between
the bars. Upon these bars was fixed 6 inches of hard wood
planking (see fig. 15, a), and on this again came the
framing of the cradles. Tapered timbers (6) were driven
in, so as to fill up the wedge-shaped space between the
hard wood over the bars and the flat bottom of the ship.
On the side next the river, between these timbers and the
rounded part of the under side of the ship, were driven in
separate wedge-shaped pieces (c), which were secured to
the timbers below by long bolts, arranged so as to allow
iET. 52.] WAYS AND CRADLES, 347
the removal of the wedge-pieces when required. The
means of unbolting the wedge-pieces was an essential
provision for floating off the ship, as they had to be re-
moved before she could move sideways off the cradles.
Fig. 16. Transverse Section of Ship, showing Ways and Cradles.
^n^ y I 5» ip a/t f 0 *p «o gy ay
Scale of feet.
Resting on the lower timbers of the cradle were stout
props {d), which pressed against the ship's side higher up
than the wedge-pieces, and took part of the weight, and
spread it over the outer part of the cradle. There were
similar props (e) on the landward side of the cradles.
There were 80 rails on each of the ways, and nearly
GO transverse bars under each cradle ; so that there were
9,000 intersections of the bars and rails. As the ship
and the cradles weighed 12,000 tons, each intersection
carried on the average a weight of 1^ tons.
After the construction of the ways was settled, the
amount of power required to move the ship down had to
be determined.
348 LAUNCH 'OF THE ' GEEAT EASTEEN.' [a.o. 1857.
The motive power was not simply tlie chains, tackle,
presses, &c. ; but there was also the action of gravity.
One motive power, then, was not only available, but was
inevitably present ; and, as the ways were at an inclination
of 1 in 12, the motive power of gravity upon the weight
of 12,000 tons was 1,000 tons. The question to be de-
cided was, whether the 1,000 tons of motive force was
sufl&cient to overcome the friction ; and, if not, then what
additional force would be required to do so.
In January 1857, immediately upon the adoption of iron
sliding-surfaces, an experiment was arranged on a con-
siderable scale, in order to form some idea on this
important point. Two rails were laid at an inclination of
1 in 12, and upon them an experimental cradle was placed,
weighing some 8 tons, and representing a small portion of
the actual cradle.
The effect of the friction of iron sliding-surfaces may
be summed up very simply. It appeared that the motive
power need not, at most, be more than would have
been given by placing the ways at an inclination of 1
in 8, and that restraining power could not have been
safely dispensed with if the ways had been placed at a
greater inclination than 1 in 16; as it was observed that,
contrary to received notions, the friction became less as
the velocity increased, and that, in case any considerable
velocity were attained, a great force would be required
merely to overcome the motive power of gravity down the
incline, independently of that required to destroy the
velocity.^
The task of getting the ship from the place where she
was built to her moorings in the river divided itself
' For an account of this and other tion, see note A at the end of this
experiments and observations on fric- chapter.
JET. 52.] MOTIVE POWER 349
naturally into two parts — the moving of the ship down
the ways, and the floating her from off her cradles.
This subdivision of the whole undertaking of the launch
into two almost distinct operations is of great importance
in considering the manner in which Mr. Brunei conducted
them ; especially when it is borne in mind that one, the
moving down the ways, was capable of being, by careful
precautions, rendered almost safe; whereas the other,
the floating the ship off, was dependent on the successful
issue of various minor operations, in the management of
which the fallible human element had a greater share, and
where small accidents, though, in their primary effects,
productive only of delay, might cause irretrievable disaster.
In the operation of lowering the ship, there had to be
provided both power to move her and power to check her
motion. In floating, but one force was necessary, namely,
that required to pull the ship off if she got jammed on
the cradles.
With a desire to provide for the possibility of an
extreme amomit of resistance on the ways, Mr. Brunei
designed a complete hydraulic apparatus, which would
have been sufficiently powerful to move the ship down
without inteiTuption or delay. It is much to be regretted
that he did not persist in carrying out his original intention.
In the operation of floating, chains and tackle were the
best means of supplying the tractive force that might be
required; and Mr. Brunei decided to have a very large
amount of available power. If the weather were fine,
and the tide at its calculated height, if no part of the
cradles got disarranged, if the calculations as to the ship's
draught of water were correct — if everything went right,
there would be no necessity for any great hauling power ;
a few tug-boats would suffice to take the ship to her
350 LAUNCH OF THE ' GREAT EASTERN.' [a.d. 1857.
moorings. But Mr. Brunei determined that in this
critical operation of floating he would not trust to good
fortune, when the absence of it might produce grave
injury. The power which he thought it desirable to
provide in chain purchases for the floating was very-
considerable, being equal to a pull of 500 tons.
As it seemed probable that the ship would not require
much force to move her down the ways, it seemed also
probable that the river tackle (as the chains and appli-
ances for hauling the ship off were called) would be suffi-
cient for both purposes. This being the case, it at the
time appeared right, in the embarrassed state of the Com-
pany's finances, to dispense with the more powerful and
costly apparatus which Mr. Brunei had proposed for
moving the ship down ; there being no fatal consequences
to be apprehended from a defect of power.
Influenced by these considerations, Mr. Brunei resolved
to trust to the river tackle alone.
He referred to this decision in a letter to the Secretary of
the Company written during the launch : —
November 26, 1857.
My original intention, the right one, was to fit up properly such
an hydraulic apparatus as should be fitted to move the ship the
whole length of the ways, and to depend upon the whole river tackle
only in the event of her moving very easily, and for getting her off
the ways at the end. From an xmwise attempt to economise I
determined to dispense with the immediate costly apparatus for
pushing, and by suflScient power merely to move the ship at
starting or in the event of sticking,^ and to depend upon the same
river tackle to keep her moving down the ways.
The experiments made with the trial cradle had shown
the necessity of providing a certain amount of restraining
' The power mentioned here as adhesion at the first start. The river
applied for starting the ship was tackle was relied on to overcome the
two hydraulic presses, to overcome friction.
iET. 52.] CHECKING GEAR. 351
force. As will be seen in the description of the launch,
it was only used once, but it must not therefore be sup-
posed that there was no necessity for providing it.^
The arrangement of the checking gear was the same at
each of the ways. Attached to the land side of the cradle,
by means of bolts, was a strong iron framework which
held two large horizontal wheels or sheaves. At the
upper end of the ways another sheave was fixed in a
strong timber framing; and opposite the middle of the
upper end of the ways was placed a large windlass or
drum.
This drum was a cylinder, about 20 feet long and 6^
feet in diameter, of solid timbers, strongly bolted together,
and secured at each end in a broad cast-iron disc, 12 feet
in diameter.
To a point in the framing was attached one end of a
2|-inch chain cable ; this chain was passed round one of
the sheaves attached to the cradle, then round the sheave
attached to the upper end of the ways, then round the
second sheave attached to the cradle ; and its end was
coiled round the drum. Thus, as one end of the chain
was secm'ed, it was necessary, before the ship could move
down the ways, that the drum should revolve, and slacken
the end of the chain coiled round it.
Round the discs of the drum were wrought-iron straps ;
these, when tightened by levers, formed brakes by "which the
revolution of the drum could be retarded. Gearing was
provided with a train of toothed wheels, so that the
dram could be turned round by handles, and the chain
wound on to it.
The following paragraph is from the commencement
of a memorandum 'by Mr. Brunei on the launching
arrangements, written about five weeks before the launch
began : —
' See below, note A, p. 389.
352 LAUNCH OF THE ' GREAT EASTERN.' [a.d. 1857,
September 26, 1857.
It is expected that, with the present construction of the wayp, tlie
friction and the tendency to descend by gravity will be about balanced ;
so that when once in motion no very great amount of power (at least,
in proportion to the mass to be moved) will be required to keep the
vessel in motion, or to check it if disposed to move too quick, or
quicker at one end than at the other ; still the forces which may be
required either to help it on or to check it, though relatively small
as compared with the mass to be operated upon, will be very large
as compared with forces usually obtained by the ordinary means of
rope or chain purchases, and at the first start, or after any accidental
or intentional stoppage, a still larger power may be required.
The apparatus which. Mr. Brunei prepared for performing
the double duty of moving the ship down the ways and
hauling her off the cradles was as follows : — At each end of
the ship was a powerful chain tackle. One end of a chain
cable was secured to a mooring in the river, and it was
passed round a large sheave attached to the ship, then
round a sheave fixed on a barge about 300 feet from the
ship, and the end brought on shore, where it was hauled on
by a chain tackle worked by a steam crab. The sheave
attached to the ship at the bow was slung by chains about
80 feet from the stem. The sheave at the stern was fixed
on the end of the screw shaft. These purchases were
intended to be good for 80 and 100 tons respectively, and
were to be able to follow up the ship quickly if she moved.
In addition to these purchases, Mr. Brunei desired to
have * the means of bringing a considerable strain to bear
* in the event of the ship sticking at starting, or at any
* subsequent time, and particularly at the last ; ' and he
considered that ' nothing under 250 or 300 tons would be
' of any use for the purpose.' This power he desired to
apply to the centre of the ship between the two cradles
by means of double crabs and treble purchase blocks on
four barges.
One of the double crabs was mounted on each of the
52.] RIVER TACKLE. 353
four centre barges, and was placed on a platform, elevated
so that tlie blocks of the chain tackle could pass under-
neath it. This tackle was made fast to a chain attached
to the ship ; and the mooring chain extending across the
river was hauled on by the tackle.
Each of these four crabs and tackle was to be capable of
working up to a strain of 80 tons. The strain which
Mr. Brunei intended to be able to put on the ship by the
river tackle, in the form of a good continuous pull, was
in all 500 tons.
Two hydraulic presses were also provided, one at each
of the cradles, to overcome adhesion in first moving the
ship. Each of these presses should have been able to exert
a strain of 300 tons. Therefore, including the force of
gravitation, the power which Mr. Brunei hoped to have
to start the ship was 2,100 tons, or more than one-sixth
of the weight to be moved ; and for a continuous steady
pull to keep her moving, 1,500 tons, or one-eighth of the
weight.
It was at one time thought possible that the launch
might be effected in October. But it was found that
it would be impossible to be ready before the spring-
tides at the beginning of November; and even then,
when the time came, there was considerable hurry, and
important matters were, as will be seen, insufficiently
attended to.
The cradles were put together and wedged up under
the ship, and every effort was made at low water to
extend the ways as far as possible; so that, by moving
her farther down the slope, a greater margin might
be obtained, to allow for any falling off in the expected
level of the tide, or for any miscalculation in the ship's
draught.
A A
354. LAUNCH OF THE ' GREAT EASTERN.' [a.d. 1857
In the memorandum already referred to on the launching
arrangements Mr. Brunei instructed Captain Harrison to
superintend the moorings for the river tackle, and to
satisfy himself of their sufl&ciency. A few days afterwards
he wrote to Captain Harrison on the subject : —
September 30, 1857.
I fancy (I may be wrong) that you hardly estimate sufficiently
highly the forces that we may require to get the ship down if she
sticks at all, or to drag the cradle from under her, or to force her off'
the cradle at the last. She may move down pretty easily, and the
cradles may possibly not stick ; but if she does stick at all, it is as
likely to require a dead pull of 500 tons as not, and we must not
shut our eyes to the real exact amount of strain which may and will
come upon purchases and moorings, e^c, if this force is required
and is exerted ; but we must provide for it. The several moorings
must really be good for the 80 and 100 tons respectively mentioned
in the memorandum — and we must not rest satisfied with the feeling
that the moorings are stronger than any generally sold or than
common tackle will effect, but must apply purchases that will
produce the strain, and if necessary we must strain them to it ; and
our moorings ought to be beyond a doubt.
We are going to move 11,000 tons, a far greater weight than ever
was moved before, and we must not hesitate at providing a clear
pull of 500 tons ; but bear in mind that 500 tons clear pull is some-
thing much beyond what one is accustomed to. The power usually
brought to bear with purchases, chain cables, &c., is never
measured, but is very small ; and we must take care and not be
misled by comparison with them. 80 tons is a heavy pull, and
nothing under 2 or 1\ chain will be safe. . . .
These are great strains we have to deal with, but they must be
had, and therefore we must meet them boldly.
Frequent enquiries were now made relative to the time
of launching; and the number of applications which
poured in for admission to the yard led Mr. Brunei to
write the following letter to the Directors of the Company,
and it was published by them in the newspapers. In it
he not only removed current misapprehensions as to the
.T.T. 52.] LETTER ON NATUEE OF OPERATIONS. 355
nature of the proposed operations, but he also took the
opportunity of pointing out that there would be no risk to
the ship in the mode of launching adopted, and that,
although it might at first be unsuccessful, further power
could be applied, and the ship safelj launched.
October 23, 1857.
The difficulty of replying to the numerous enquiries made re-
specting the period at which the ship will be launched seems to
render it desirable that some means should be taken of giving the
information generally, that it may be uncertain, up to the end of
next week, whether the ship will be launched on the 3rd proximo
or the 2nd of December, and also of correcting the eiToneous
impressions which exist as to the nature of the operation, which can
only lead to the disappointment of those who are erroneously
anticipating a display, on an unusually large scale, of that which is a
beautiful spectacle with ships of ordinary dimensions.
As regards the period of the launch I have, for some time past,
calculated upon being ready by the first tides of next month, and by
the unwearied exertions of those on whose assistance I have de-
pended, with the advantage of unusually fine weather, the principal
works required are so far advanced that there seems every prospect of
success; but a change in theweather is tlireatening,the time remaining
is short, and comparatively small causes may create such delay as to
render it more prudent, if not unavoidable, to postpone the operation
until the following available tide, namely, that of December 2.
As no mere desire to launch on the day supposed to have been fixed
will induce me to hurry an operation of such importance, or to emit
the precaution of a careful and deliberate examination of all the
parts of the arrangements after all the principal works of preparation
shall have been completed, should such postponement prove ne-
cessary or be adopted from prudence, everything having been now
prepared, the launch would be on December 2.
As regards the nature of the operation, it has frequently been
stated, but it seems neces.sary to repeat it, that the ship will not be
* launched,' in the ordinary sense of the term, but merely lowered or
drawn down to low-water mark, to be thence floated off by a slow
and laborious operation, requiring two and possibly three tides, and
very probably effected partly in the night, and at no one time
offering any particularly interesting spectacle, or even the excite-
ment of risk ; as I am happy to feel that, even assuming accidents to
A A 2
356 LAUNCH OF THE ' GREAT EASTERN.' [a.d. 1857.
occur or miscalculations to have been made, rendering the operation
unsuccessful— the ship may stop halfway or not move at all, more
power or other remedies may have to be applied — but no injury to
the ship can result from any failure in the course of proceeding in
this mode of launching..
Throughout October an immense amount of work had
to be done, and the multiplicity of matters to be attended
to pressed heavily on Mr. Brunei and his assistants.
With the check tackle he had reason to be content.
The chains, which were the ship's cables, had been very
carefully made ; and, in addition to the usual tests, pieces
had been taken at hazard, and were found to bear a
good breaking-strain.
The river tackle was not so satisfactory. In operations
that have to be conducted afloat unexpected delays arise,
and all the work may be suspended by bad weather, and
it is moreover frequently dependent on tides. In the pre-
sent case the work to be done was not easy. Heavy chain
cables had to be laid out, and moorings picked up and
connected to the tackles ; one work having often to wait
for the completion of another.
Mr. Brunei had determined that each purchase should
be tested by being strained to the utmost stress for which
it was intended; but, owing to the delays which had
occurred in preparing the river tackle, this was not done.
A few days before the launch Mr. Brunei addressed the
following memorandum to all who were to take part in
the operation : —
General Arrangements and intended Mode of Proceeding.
October 30, 1857.
It is desirable that all engaged in directing any part of the work
should understand the general course of proceeding which it is in-
tended to pursue, so far as may be found practicable; circumstances
may modify these pre-arranged plans, and may compel a total de-
JET. 52.] MEMOEANDUM ON AKRANGEMENTS. 357
parture from them, but every endeavour will be made to adhere to
them.
General Course of Proceeding.
I propose to commence operations about two hours before high
water, or about noon, and to endeavour to get the ship To atart
' ' 1-1 about noon
down as quickly as I can into the Avater, and down to of Tuesday.
within about 36 feet of the bottom of the ways.
My object in starting at this particular time of tide would be to get
the ship into the water, and waterborne to some extent as soon as I
could.
I propose to stop short of the end, in order to avoid the necessity
of having to knock away all the shores, and clear the stop short
cradle at the evening tide, when it would be dark, and to ways,
float on the morning tide, when it would be also dark.
I should propose then to stop about 36 feet short of the end.*
At low water, although dark, I shall endeavour to knock Evening.
' ,, ^ 1 Clear away
away the shores of the 20-feet cradles, or as many of them shores of tue
as possible, and clear all from these cradles except the cradles.
unbolting of the filling-pieces.
If the operations have proceeded easily, and the ways under fa-
have not sxmk much, I shall also knock away all the long liZivia-
shores on the inshore or port side of the ship, so as to away^aiso'^'^
leave less to do on the following day. «^' ^^J^^ '^"^
I shall then prepare at leisure to place the barges to get side.
one pull of 36 feet, or as much more as I can (asj shall ^^f^frther""^
not hesitate to pull the cradles 20 feet off the ways") after p^ih a* tiie
* . •' ' night's high
high water of that night. water.
Soon after the high water of that night, and when the water has
fallen sufficiently to prevent any risk of floating, but while the ship
is still waterborne, probably about 4 or half-past 4 Last move
A.M., I shall make the last pull ; and although it will be in *'' * ^-^'•
the dark, yet having only one pull to make, and plenty of time to
prepare, and no expedition required in the operation, I think it may
be easily done.
The ship will then be left till low water, when we shall pioat on
clear away everything we can fi-om the cradles, and get wSdn^y
all ready for floating at high water on the afternoon of afternoon.
Wednesday.
Provided the mechanical arrangements should prove efficient, the
' The reason for stopping was lest the ship.shqHW-loat la^ Uighrv^ter fiuyingv
the night. |
OEPA
358 LAUNCH OF THE ' GREAT EASTERN.' [a.d. 1857.
success of the operation will depend entirely upon the perfect regu-
larity and absence of all haste or confusion in each stage of the pro-
ceeding and in every department, and to attain this nothing is more
essential than perfect silence. I would earnestly request, therefore, that
the most positive orders be given to the men not to speak a word,
and that every endeavour should be made to prevent a sound being
heard, except the simple orders quietly and deliberately given by
those few who will direct.
In a memorandum of ' Particular Instructions,' dated
the next day, October 31, there is the following passage : —
Starting. — A strain being brought upon all the purchases, and
the holding-back purchase being slack, if the ship does not move,
the two presses will then be worked ; if she does not then move, or
if, when moved, she stops and each time requires the presses, the
att('mf)t will be postponed, and more moving power applied for the
next time.
If, after being started by the presses, the river purchases are
found sufficient to move her, the operations will proceed.
In another part of these * Instructions ' Mr. Brunei
again shows that he was not, as has sometimes been
supposed, under the impression that the friction would he
so small that the only important thing to be thought of
was to check the ship from rushing too fast.
On the contrary, he foresaw the possibility of her not
moving at all, even with the presses, that is to say, with
a force of 1,100 tons over and above the action of gravity.
If after moving she stopped, and then required the presses
again to move her, this would show that the operation
could not be properly carried out, and that the work must
be suspended till more motive power was applied. If,
again, the river tackle were sufficient to move her, then
the work was to proceed, but the friction might even
then be so great as to render it desirable to remove all
retarding force. He says, in another passage in his ' In-
' structions : ' —
JET. 52.] FINAL PREPAEATIONS. 359
It is very likely that no checking whatever at the drums will be
found necessary, but that, on the contrary, it will be found desirable
to get rid of any resistance by overhauling the heavy chains through
the sheaves.
The best day on which to begin the launch was
Tuesday, November 3, as it left two or three days of the
high full moon spring-tides for the operations, should
they be prolonged.
On Monday, November 2, the chief work remaining
to be done was stowing kentledge or iron ballast on the
cradles, to prevent the timbers floating when the ship
should be moved off them. All the appliances were ready,
and, except the river tackle, had been carefully examined.
This, as has been already said, had not been tested.
It was now for Mr. Brunei to consider whether, in con-
sequence of the river tackle not having been properly tested,
he should postpone the launch till the following month.
It was most important for the Company that the
ship should be afloat as soon as possible; and, as any
defects which might exist in the river tackle would almost
certainly declare themselves in the earlier part of the
operation, when nothing worse than delay could be ap-
prehended, Mr. Brunei, after a careful review of all the
circumstances, determined to attempt the launch.
On the morning of November 3, the work of putting
kentledge on to the cradles was completed by firelight,
and the rails were rubbed over with a mixture of oil and
black-lead. All the shores a-nd props which supported the
weight of the ship had been removed, and she was now
resting entirely on the cradles.
Later on in the morning the brakes of the drums were
tightened down, and the dogshores were removed from
the ways in front of the cradles. Mr. Brunei, who had
been engaged from an early hour in exainining all the
360 LAUNCH OF THE ' GREAT EASTERN.' [a.d. 1857.
preparations, superintended this operation, and, having
satisfied himself that all was clear and ready, returned
to the upper part of the yard.
By this time it was crowded with people. The Direc-
tors, contrary to Mr. Brunei's expressed wish, and without
informing him of their intention, had issued a large
number of tickets of admission. A few days before, Mr.
Brunei had suggested that four policenien should be ob-
tained, thinking that all they would have to do would be
to contend with trespassers. The police force actually
present were ignorant of the portions of the yard to be
kept clear, and Mr. Brunei had himself to go and assist
in ordering visitors away from the neighbourhood of the
path prepared for the tackle of the stern hauling gear.
The crowd soon became so great that it was almost
impossible for the men in charge of the hauling-engine
at the stern to see the signals given from the middle of
the yard, or for those in the middle of the yard to see
what was happening at the stern.
At about half-past 12 o'clock the fastenings of the ship
at the bow and stern were let go, and Mr. Brunei ordered
a small amount of slack to be given off from each drum.
This was done by men turning the handles of the gearing
which had been provided for winding the chain on to the
drums. The order was then given to haul on the bow
and stern tackle, and to pump at the hydraulic presses.
It is doubtful what amount of strain was put on by the
tackle and the presses, but it was probably not very great.
Presently a shout from the forward cradle announced
that it was moving, and almost immediately the stern
cradle also started with what appeared to be a consider-
able speed. The men who had been engaged in turning
the handles of the gearing had remained leaning against
them. As soon as the ship had moved a few inches, she
3ii. 52.] COMMENCEMENT OF LAUNCH, NOVEMBER 3, 1857. 861
took up all the slact chain. This made the drum revolve,
and the handles of the gearing spun round very rapidly,
striking the men, and throwing them into the air. The
men who were at the brake-handle next to the gearing
ran away. Mr. Brunei, who was standing near the drum
when the accident happened, shouted to the men to
hold on to the brakes, and ran to the spot. The men
who had remained at the other brake-handle hauled it
down with the tackle. A great restraining force was
thereby brought upon the ship, and her progress ceased;
the forward cradle having moved 8 feet, and the after
cradle 4 feet 3 inches.
Five men were injured. On the death of one of them
it was stated at the inquest, by the foreman of the drum,
that, after the slack had been paid out, he had ordered
the men to stand clear. Be this as it may, it cannot be
denied that the handles should not have been used after
the securing chains had been let go; and indeed Mr.
Brunei said at the inquest, * I may blame myself, for I did
* not anticipate that the handles would have revolved so
* rapidly.'
After this accident, Mr. Brunei determined to wait
till high water before recommencing the operations. In
the meantime the gearing was removed from both drums.
A more important change was also made in the arrange-
ments. When the ship moved, the men on the four
middle barges became frightened, thinking she was about
to overwhelm them; a rush was made, and one man,
jumping into a small boat, shoved off, leaving the rest to
their fate. A report was at once sent to Mr. Brunei that
the men were untrustworthy, and that they would not
remain; and that, as the barges would be of no use
without the men, the chains had better be dropped and
the barges removed. To this Mr. Brunei consented.
362 LAUNCH OF THE ' GEEAT EASTERN.' [a.u. 1857.
It would, however, have been sufficient to take the
men off, leaving a tug-boat and a few steady men to keep
the barges out of the way of the ship ; they would then
have been available if required. Mr. Brunei, a short time
after he had given the order, ran round the bow with
Captain Harrison to countermand it ; but it was too late,
as it had been already acted upon. As events turned out
no harm was done, as the centre barges alone would not
have been sufficient to go on with, after the rest of the
tackle failed.
The result of these changes was that when the opera-
tions were recommenced, the only hauling gear was the
bow and stern purchases ; the hydraulic presses were also
available to start the ship.
At a little after 2 o'clock the signal was given to haul
on the bow and stem tackle, the presses being at the same
time pumped up. The brakes of the drums were slackened,
but kept all ready for tightening.
Not long after the strain had been brought on the
tackle, several of the teeth of one of the wheels of the
bow steam crab gave way, and the chief anchor at the
stem began to drag, so that no efficient strain could be
obtained. On this being reported, the operations were
discontinued ; and, as there was no possibility of getting
things ready by the next day, the launching operations
were postponed till December 2, the next full moon spring-
tides.
As soon as this was known the visitors rushed in on
the works, crowding about the cradles and ways ; and
Mr. Brunei had to postpone those investigations which
he wished to make at once.' The whole yard was thrown
• It remained a doubtful point experience favoured the opinion that
whether or not the bow cradle was it had stopped of itself,
stopped by the brakes. Subsequent
^. 52.] FAILUKE OF FIRST ATTEMPT. 363
into confusion by a struggling mob, and there was nothing
to be done but to see that the ship was properly secured,
and to wait till the following morningJ
The next day was devoted to an examination of what
had gone wrong, and to the consideration of what should
be altered before another attempt was made.
At the stem mooring the anchor was bedded into the
ground on the further side of the river.
The difficulty with regard to the four centre barges
was got over by placing the four crabs with their tackles
in the yard, on the landward side of the ship. The four
chains attached to the ship, which had before been hauled
on directly from the barges, were now passed round
sheaves on the barges, and brought back under the
ship's bottom to the tackles in the yard.
The chief alteration, however, was in the arrangement
of the hydraulic presses. On November 3, there were, as
has been said, two presses. Two additional presses were
now provided ; each of these consisted of two 7-inch
cylinders, and was equivalent to a 10-inch press.
With the object of being able to employ the presses
continuously during the descent of the ship, they were
arranged to point down the ways at an inclination of 1
in 12. The four presses were placed one on either side
' The ship had always been fastidious person suggested that the
spoken of as the ' Great Eastern,' and name was objectionable, as consisting
this name was specially agreeable to of two adjectives. A list of names
Mr. Brunei. It was not a point on was prepared and submitted to Mr.
which he set much store, but his views Brunei on the day of the launch
were pretty well known ; and, as the at the moment when he was busiest,
name hjid not been of his choosing, He said ofF-hand that they might call
but had rather grown out of the name it ' Tom Thumb ' if they liked. The
of the Company, and the natural as- Directors, however, selected the name
Bociation of ideas with his first ship, 'Leviathan,' and so the ship was
the ' Great Western,' it might rea- christened. The new name never
sonably have been supposed that it stuck to the ship, and she was regis-
would have been adopted. But some tered as the ' Great Eastern^'
364 LAUNCH OF THE ' GREAT EASTERN.' [a.d. 1857.
of the check tackle at the two ways, and were supported
by abutments of timber-work. These abutments each
consisted of four rows of piles, one behind the other at
intervals of about 8 feet. The press abutted against the
row of piles nearest to the ship, which were connected
by wooden struts to the piles behind them. Long balks
of timber of various lengths were prepared to transmit
the pressure to the cradles.'
The four presses might be considered equivalent, at
their full power, to a force of 800 tons ; this was so much
in excess of the small force that had moved the ship on
November 3, that, even making every allowance for the
advantage of the fresh lubrication in the first instance,
it seemed reasonable to suppose that with this force the
ship could be moved down easily.
As the process of moving the ship with the presses would
naturally be a slow one, Mr. Brunei determined to pro-
ceed with the operations as soon as everything was ready.
On November 19 the work was commenced.^ The bow
tackle was hauled upon first, as the forward cradle was
more than a foot behind the after one, and the men
at the forward presses were set to work. After a short
time the timber backing of the presses began to crack
and * cry out ' ; and, without much stress on them, the
abutments were forced back some 3 or 4 inches. The
* The action of an hydraulic press in another length of timher was
is limited to the length of stroke called ' fleeting ' the press, a term
of the ram. Hence, as soon as the used in many mechanical operations
ship moved a distance equal to the when the motive arrangements are
length of the stroke, it became neces- reinstated in their primary position
sary to relieve the water pressure in ready for a further advance in the
the cylinder, to pull back the ram into work.
it, and to insert between the ram of ' On this occasion Mr. Brunei had
the press and the cradle an. additional his way, and there were not a dozen
length of timber. This operation spectators in the yard,
of pulling back the ram and putting
XT. 52.] SECOND ATTEMPT, NOVEMBER 19, 1857. 365
mooring chain of the bow tackle also gave way, althougli
there was not any excessive strain on it. On examining
the abutments, Mr. Brunei saw the cause of their failure,
and ordered the strain to be taken oflF. The number of
piles was sufficient, but the way in which the strain was
communicated to them did not enable them to exert the
proper amount of resisting power.
This defect was cured by tying the heads of the rear-
ward piles with bolts to the foremost piles. The ship
being secured, each press was tested to a full strain, and
the adequacy of its abutments ascertained.
It was different, however, with the river tackle. The
chain which had parted was an old river mooring-chain
of great size. Much delay in replacing it was caused
by dense fogs, which made it almost impossible to work
on the river. Moreover, there seemed a fatality about
every attempt to get a regular trial of any part of the
tackle. Wlien, at last, a trial took place, and a strain was
put on, a mooring-chain gave way; then this had to be
fished up from the bottom of the river, and pieced to-
gether, the accident being 'ascribed to a defective link in
the chain. The trials were, therefore, so few that it was
only proved by degrees that all the regular moorings were
worthless ; although they had large chains which ought
to have been good for three times the strain put on
them.
The stubbornness of the ship on November 19 gave
Mr. Brunei great anxiety ; not from any fear of being
unable to apply sufficient power to move her, but be-
cause, on continued consideration of the subject, he appre-
hended that a serious difficulty might arise, if there should
be a prolonged delay at a particular part of the ship's
progress.
366 LAUNCH OF THE ' GKEAT EASTERN.' [a.d. 1857.
It has been explained that Mr. Brunei, with a view of
obtaining uniformity of bearing over the surface of the
ways, had not attempted to support them rigidly on piles,
but had rested them on the river-bank. As, however,
the foundation of the building slip was comparatively
rigid, he feared lest an unequal subsidence might cause
injury to the ship, if she were stopped for any length of
time before she had completely left the ground on which
she was built. He thought that if the ways sank at
this point they would assume a slightly convex form,
and tend to force upwards the flat bottom of the
ship. The main part of the ship's bottom, between the
longitudinal bulkheads, could bend in slightly under a
heavy upward pressure; but this action could not take
place at the transverse bulkheads, as they would not
yield without injury. Mr. Brunei shrank from proceeding
with the launch without having in reserve such an ampli-
tude of power as would prevent the ship's being stopped
at this critical point. This consideration, together with
the continued failure of the river tackle under such tests
as were applied to it, led him to address the following
communication to the Directors : —
November 26, 1857.
We proved two of the presses yesterday afteraoon up to the full
pressure. A third, the largest, Avas proved partially ; it required some
additions, vjrhich are nearly completed, and will be in a few hours.
The fourth may, I think, also be relied on to the same extent,
nevertheless, after a careful examination of the effects of these strains
and other circumstances, I have, after a night's consideration, come
to the conclusion that our means are too imperfect to justify my
moving the ship with them in their present form. The presses
would start the ship, but it is evident that if required to be used
constantly, that is repeatedly, the piles would become loosened so as
to draw and rise; this again might be remedied by loading, but
clumsily, and with other contingencies, which I will report, combine
to render it hazardous to depend upon them. My original intention,
.>:t. 52.] REPORT ON OPERATIONS. 3C7
the right one, was to fit up properly such an hydraulic apparatus as
should be fitted to move the ship the whole length of the ways, and
to depend upon the whole river tackle only in the event of her
moving very easily and for getting her off the ways at the end.
From an unwise attempt to economise I determined to dispense
with the immediate costly apparatus for pushing, and by sufficient
power merely to move the ship at starting or in the event of sticking,
and to depend upon the same river tackle to keep her moving down
the ways. The power originally calculated upon for the river tackle
has gradually, step by step, failed us ; the moorings supposed to be
sufficient for certain strains have failed us at one-third of those strains,
another has parted since our last attempt, and, instead of full 350
tons of power from this source, we cannot now depend upon 200, and
this, added to the inefficiency of the pushing power, would risk the
sticking of the ship, which might occur exactly at a point which
would involve serious difficulty to remedy. I am assuming a com-
bination of adverse circumstances, perhaps not likely to occur, but
quite possible ; and the conclusion I am compelled to come to is that
our apparatus is too defective, and that the original plan of a proper
and sufficient hydraulic apparatus, arranged in a complete well-con-
structed mechanical manner, to push the sliip continuously down the
ways, ought to have been followed out, and is now the only mode of
doing the work safely, that is, without the risk of being involved in
a difficulty much greater and more costly.
I have only to add that bad as this report of our condition is, it is
at any rate the worst that can be made of it, that nothing whatever
has occurred to show that any new difficulty has arisen or anything
whatever to create any new difficulty. We could move the ship
now if it were wise to do so, but with great doubts whether our
pushing apparatus in its present form, imperfect and unmechanical,
would continue effective if repeatedly used, and the certainty that
our river tackle is far inferior to what is required, and also of doubt-
ful and more than doubtflil permanency for repeated strains, it would
not be right to commence. . . .
Mr. Brunei at the same time determined to obtain, on
a large scale, a measure of the deflection that might be
expected from the weight of the ship coming on the ways.
More than 100 tons of kentledge was piled on a portion of
the ways 10 feet square, in such a manner as to give a
368 LAUNCH OF THE ' GREAT EASTERN.' [a.d. 1857.
pressure thereon of about double that which would be
produced by the weight of the ship.
It was necessary that this test should not be tried
on too small a scale, as a weight resting on an isolated
patch would receive support from the surrounding ground,
which it could not of course do if that ground was equally
loaded. The ways sunk so little under the test as com-
pletely to reassure Mr. Brunei, and to show that no serious
evil need be contemplated in the passage of the ship from
off the place where she was built on to the newly made
ways, even though she might be again stopped for some
time. He therefore determined to go on at once with the
launching operations.
The result of the test was very satisfactory to him,
and it enabled him to carry on the work with the same
confidence as he had at the first felt — *that the ship
* may stop halfway or not move at all ... . but
* no injury to the ship can result from any failure in the
* course of proceeding in this mode of launching.'
Shortly before the second attempt to move the ship,
on November 19, the experimental cradle had been again
put up with a view of obtaining some additional data
as to the hauling strain that might be required. The
deductions made from them were the same as those
obtained in the commencement of the year, and en-
couraged the hope that the motive power required would
not be excessive.*
By Saturday, November 28, the four presses had been
got ready; and the river tackle, though still far from
being beyond reproach, had been got into place, and
partly tested.
The brakes were eased, and a small amount of slack
* See note A at the end of the chapter.
35T. 52.] PROGEESS TO NOVEMBER 28, 18.57. 369
was overhauled on the check-tackle chains by the men
stationed on the ways for that purpose. As on the previous
occasion, the pressure was to be first put on the presses
at the foremost cradle.
Arrangements were made for promptly following up the
ship if she moved freely. A black board was placed on
each cradle for recording the progress of the ship.
Mr. Brunei stood on a low platform in the centre of
the yard, as a convenient position from which to watch
and command the operations. A little before ten he gave
the order to commence pumping, and the men at the
hydraulic presses got to work. When the pressure came
on the timber framing which formed the abutments, there
was considerable noise of creaking and crushing as the
several parts subjected to strain came in to their proper
bearing. The men soon changed from the large plunger
handle to the small one which put on the full pressure ;
the timbers of the abutments kept on crying out, but
it was evident that they were not yielding as they had
done before. Presently, while the noise of the timber-
work was still attracting attention, the man in charge of
the measuring apparatus recorded on his black board a
movement of one inch ; the ship was again in motion.
She moved steadily, but slowly, under the force of
the presses, at a rate of about one inch a minute, and
as soon as the forward cradle had been moved about a foot
in this way, the presses at the after- ways were set to work,
and the river tackle was put into operation, first the bow
and stern tackle, and then the four middle purchases.
All went well with the presses, but the strain had not
been put on long, when the stern mooring-chain and
one of the two chains at the bow broke ; an anchor at
the bow had also begun to drag.
Later in the day part of the moorings of the centre
B B
870 LAUNCH OF THE ' GREAT EASTERN.' [a.d. 1857.
barges also gave way. Captain Harrison set to work
to repair these defects as fast as they occurred ; in no
way dismayed that, as he was at work remedying one
mishap, the news of another was brought to him.
Barges had to be got into place, the broken ends of
cables fished up or under-run and pieced together, and this
often in the dark; for it must be remembered that the
work was going on at the end of November, when the sun
rose, invisible for fog, at half-past seven, and set at half-
past four.
With the exception of the river tackle, all had gone
well ; the presses and their abutments had acted efficiently,
and the ship had been moved easily down the ways, about
14 feet before work was suspended at night.
Though the progress had not been great, there still
seemed a reasonable hope that, by pushing on, the sliii3
might be got down to the bottom of the ways in time for
floating her off at the next spring- tides, namely, on
December 2. Mr. Brunei therefore decided to go on
with the operation on the Sunday. Early in the- morning
the presses and crabs were again set to work. The river
tackle soon gave way ; and, indeed, there was no reason
why it should be superior to that used the day before, as
almost all that could be done in the night was to piece
together the broken chains, and to replace the anchors.
The moorings at the bow and stern began at once to
drag, and two of the mooring-chains amidships parted.
The hydraulic presses were then the only available power ;
and, although the full pressure was put on, the ship did
not move. This was very disheartening ; it was, however,
thought that the resistance was due to some excep-
tional adhesion. Every effort was therefore made to get
together the means of giving the ship a first start.
It was not till the afternoon that a large number of
JKT. 52.] PROGRESS TO NOVEMBER 30, 18.57. 371
screw-jacks and hydraulic jacks which had been procured
were got into place; they were then screwed up hard,
and the hydraulic presses being set to work, the ship
began to move in a manner very similar to that of the
day before. There was not, however, much daylight left ;
and, when night came on, the distance traversed was only
about 8 feet. The comparative facility with which the
ship moved when once started gave hopes that good pro-
gress might be made the next day.
On Monday morning the ship moved without more
difficulty than when she had stopped the evening before,
and the work went on quite satisfactorily. She continued
to move slowly, and by dinner-time had gone about 8^ feet.
Three feet an hour was not much, but still if it could be
kept up it would suffice to get the ship down by the
next spring-tides. Arirangements were therefore com-
menced for lighting up the ways and pumping machinery,
so that the work might be continued through the night.
The repairs of the river tackle were pushed on, the ship's
anchors, which had just been finished and tested, were
laid down for part of the moorings, and some of the
chains were replaced with chains lent by the Government
and by Messrs. Brown and Lenox.
When work was recommenced after dinner the ship
made a short slip of about 7 inches. On pressure being
again applied the 10-inch press at the forward cradle
burst. This put an end to all work for the day, and it
was then determined to replace the broken press and to
add two more presses to each cradle, before proceeding
with the launch.
The preparations for the new presses were pushed on
vigorously, but it was not till the afternoon of Thursday,
December 3, that things wore again ready for a start.
B B 2
372 LAUNCH OF THE ' GEEAT EASTEEN,' [a.d. 1857.
The pumps were set to work and the tackle hauled upon.
The ship made several short slips of a foot or so, and
then moved more than 5 feet at one slide. When dark-
ness set in she had moved about 14 feet, in slips of greater
or less length.'
On Friday, December 4, all was ready early, and during
the morning everything went as well as on the day
before ; but in the afternoon increased difficulty was found
in getting the ship to move, and the 14-inch press at the
after cradle burst, as did also a 7-inch cylinder of one of
the coupled presses.
Notwithstanding the delay due to the bursting of the
presses, the ship was moved some 30 feet ; but there
was no longer any chance of getting her afloat at the
spring-tides, and the increased adhesion gave cause for
the fear that still more power would have to be applied.
On the next day, Saturday, December 5, the ship made
a short slip ; but, although the pressure was kept con-
stantly on, no further advance was made until late in the
afternoon. Mr. Brunei then tried suddenly letting go the
strain on the stern tackle. The sudden relief of the side-
way strain on the end of the ship sent a tremor through
the hull, which served to destroy the adhesion, and she
slid several inches. This operation was several times
repeated, and although there were a number of vexatious
delays from pushing-pieces giving way and other mishaps.
' At this time the friction when the in giving her velocity, and therefore
ship was; in motion was not much she moved by short slips, instead of
greater than it had been on previous by a gradual motion, as had been the
occasions ; but, the adhesion being case previously, when the resistance
greatly increased, a large excess of due to friction and that due to adhe-
power became stored up in the elas- sion had been more nearly equal. For
ticity of the abutments and the chains. observations on the friction, see note
This excess of power, on the ship A at the end of the chapter,
commencing to move, discharged itself
^T. 52.J PROGRESS TO DECEMBER 10, 1857. 373
she was moved by the evening a distance of about 7 feet,
the resistance due to adhesion being very great.
On Sunday some of the presses farthest from the
cradles were moved down the ways nearer to the ship, so
as to avoid the necessity of using long pushing-pieces,
which required much attention to prevent their bulging
sideways. The river tackle now consisted of the bow and
stern steam-engine purchases, and two crabs and tackle,
one at each end of the ship. The moorings opposite the
centre of the ship having proved worthless, it was neces-
sar}'^ to lay down new moorings, and it was found more
convenient to lay them opposite the ends of the ship.
The next day, Monday the 7th, after the commencement
of operations, considerable delay was caused by the failure
of some of the feed pipes of the presses. These defects
were not cured till after dinner-time, when the operations
were resumed, and before dark the ship was moved about
6 feet.
On the following morning several short slips were made,
and the ship had been moved about 4^ feet ; but, at 10
o'clock, a dense fog came on, and rendered it impossible to
proceed. The next day was occupied in re-arranging the
tackle and presses.
These were not ready till the morning of Thursday,
December 10 ; when, on the presses being again set to
work, and one of the chains being as before suddenly
slackened, the ship made one slip of a little over a foot ;
but, on the strain being again applied, two of the anchors
began to drag. As it was now essential to have the river
tackle, in order by shaking the ship to destroy the
adhesion, and by the drag of the catenaries to increase the
length of the slides, Mr. Brunei determined to dispense
374 LAUNCH OF THE ' GREAT EASTERN.* [a.d. 1857.
with the anchors, and to attach the chain cables to piles
connected by framework. These abutments or pulling
points for the chains were now constructed on the other
side of the river, opposite the bow and stern of the ship.
The launching operations last described, namely, from
December 3 to December 10, were full of incident. Nor
was the scene wanting in that animation which agree-
ably interests a bystander, the more so if he is not
thoroughly conversant with the meaning of all he sees
and hears, so that he mistakes a loudly spoken word,
loudly spoken merely that it may be plainly heard, for a
prompt and urgent command.
The labourers at the pumps relieved the monotony of
their work, and shook off the cold, by taking a lively and
talkative interest in the progress of the launch, and
echoed the orders given them to pump with the ' big
' plunger,' or 'little plunger' of the pumps, or to 'fleet' the
press. This and the singing of the gangs, which were con-
stantly at work moving chains for the repair of the
river tackle, or rolling logs of timber on to the ways to
serve as pushing-pieces for the presses, gave plenty of life
to the operations ; and then when the pressure had been
got on the presses, and shouts from the bow and stern of
the ship passed the word that the river tackle was hauled
taut, the order would be given to ' let go ' the chain at
one end of the ship. Immediately the rattling noise
announced that this had been done, and, after a second or
two of anxious watching, the ship slid ojff, the timbers,
abutments, and pushing-pieces creaking and groaning
as the strain was suddenly relieved. While the ship was
in motion, the whole of the ground forming the yard
would perceptibly shake, or rather sway, on the dis-
charge of the power stored up in the presses and their
iET. 52.] PROGRESS TO DECEMBER 15, 1857. 375
abutments. The appearance of the ship moving sideways
in these short slips, when seen from the ways, was very
imposing.
All these somewhat striking surroundings of the opera-
tions were naturally heightened in effect, when the work
was being carried on in the early morning or late in the
afternoon ; and when the timber-framing and the groups
of men at work were illuminated by the glare from the
0]3en fires which were kept burning near the pumps and
presses.
The preparations already described were not completed
till December 15. In the meantime Mr. Brunei had
been joined by his friend Mr. Eobert Stephenson. Mr.
Stephenson had not been aware of many vexatious circum-
stances which had even prevented Mr. Brunei from making
full use of his own staff of assistants. Mr. Stephenson
expressed to a common friend his regret that Mr. Brunei
had not invited him down to the ship, and said that he
should have gone down uninvited, but that he thought
Mr. Brunei had reasons for not wishing it. On the state
of affairs being explained to him, Mr. Stephenson said^
' I'll go down to him at once ; ' he did so, and his arrival
at Mill wall was very welcome to Mr. Brunei.^
Mr. Stephenson agreed with Mr. Brunei as to the
' Mr. Stephenson went with Mr. should cause a large amount of stored-
Brunel into all the facts relative to up power, which might give the ship
the operations and all the experience such a velocity that the force of
gained therefrom, and examined care- gravity might exceed that of the
fully the investigations which had been friction. The brakes had not been
made by means of self-recording ap- hitherto neglected ; but, in conformity
paratus, and which showed that the with Mr. Stephenson's suggestion, it
friction diminished as the velocity was thenceforward made a rule that,
increased. So struck was Mr. Ste- when a moderate amoimt of slack,
phenson at these results that he had been overhauled from the drums,
urged Mr. Brunei on no account to the brakes should be put down, on
neglect having the brakes properly a signal being given that the pressure
attended to ; lest the great adhesion in the presses was rising.
376 LAUNCH OF THE 'GREAT EASTEEN.' [a.b. 1857.
expediency of suspending operations until an ample ex-
cess of power was applied. Fortified by the support of
Mr. Stephenson, Mr. Brunei was prepared to advise the
Directors to adopt this course ; but, as the preparations for
recommencing the work were just completed, it was de-
termined to make a trial on the afternoon of December 15.
The presses were all pumped up, and the river tackle
hauled on ; but, although the force applied was at least
300 or 400 tons greater than that which had last moved
her, the ship did not yield, and the attempt was
abandoned. After a careful consultation on the de-
pressing result of this day's work, it was determined to
make another attempt the next morning, in order to
see if any new form of difficulty had arisen; and that
after this operations should be suspended, and an ample
number of additional presses provided.
The following day, December 16, as soon as Mr.
Brunei and Mr. Stephenson had arrived, the pressure
was again put on the presses, and the river tackle
having been hauled taut, the chains at the bow were
let go, and, to the great satisfaction of all present, the
ship made a short slide. The record of her movement
showed that, although the adhesion was much greater,
the retarding force of friction was about the same as
before, and that therefore there was no reason to assume
the existence of any special obstacle. Another short slip
was made ; but, in getting up the pressure again, a
press was burst, and the work was then stopped.*
' Mr. Brunei received a great many persons who were wishing to do him
suggestions for launching the ship, a service, Mr. Brunei adopted a plan
Puncheons, gas, artillery, and espe- similar to that which he had found use-
cially levers, were among the appli- ful when the 'Great Britain' was on
anees recommended. Witli the desire shore. He had a circular letter printed,
of behaving civilly to well-meaning thanking his correspondents for their
JET. 52.] REPOET ON OPERATIONS, DECEMBER 17, 1857. 377
Mr. Brunei's decision to suspend the launching opera-
tions at this point was approved at a meeting of the
principal shareholders held the next day. His report
to the Directors, and a memorandum of a verbal state-
ment which he made to the meeting, are as follows : —
December 17, 1857.
In my letter of October 23, which was published at the time in,
the daily papers, I referred to the possible contingency of the power
provided to move the vessel down the ways proving insufficient, and
the operation then about to be attempted being so far unsuccessful ;
and, referring to what I considered a countervailing advantage in the
absence of risk, I stated, ' the ship may stop half-way, or may not
* move at all, more power may have to be applied, but no injury to
' the ship can result foni any failure in the course of proceeding in
* this mode of launching.'
The result has been that after moving the vessel nearly half the
distance to low water, it has become necessary to increase very con-
siderably the power which has effected this much, although it had
already been much added to during the operation.
This will unavoidably be attended with some expense and delay,
but not considerable, as the requisite hydraulic presses can be ob-
tained ready made, and their application is simple, and the result
cannot, I apprehend, be doubtful.
I do not mean to imply that I contemplated any such great
increase of resistance as probable, such experiments as could be made
before moving the ship having given me good reason to hope for a
different result ; but the possibility of it was contemplated, and I
refer to this merely as explaining the statement I now make, that the
difficulty is simply one of degree, of more or less poAver being re-
quired, and that nothing whatever has occurred to create any new
class of difficulty. The launching ways, about which anxiety had
suggestions, but saying that the number that their letters had had no better
of such communications had become effect than to be classed with the
so great that it was impossible for him numerous communications which Mr.
to do more than cause the receipt to Brunei said he had received on the
be acknowledged, with thanks for the same subject, which had seemed un-
kind intentions of the parties writing. worthy ofhis notice; and they explained
This plan had, however, the effect that though other people's schemes
of increasing the number of his cor- were, no doubt, worthless, still that
respondents, as several of them wrote their own, if adopted, would launch
a second time to express their regret the ship.
378 LAUNCH OF THE ' GEEAT EASTEEN.' [a.d. 1857.
been expressed, and not unnaturally, have stood perfectly and without
any settlement or any derangement by being passed over. There is
no change of gradient or inclination in the ways capable of producing
any effect, as has been supposed ; the upper part of the ways having
an inclination of 1"025 inches per foot, and the lower part, where the
ship now is, one of 1 '000 per foot, a difference too small to be ap-
preciable, but which possibly by some mistake of figures may have
led to the erroneous impression referred to.
The amount of resistance upon the ways in their present condition
and inclination has now been positively ascertained, and an ample
excess of power being applied, there can be no reason to doubt the
result. I propose to apply that excess by going considerably beyond
the amount which the calculation founded upon the results actually
obtained would give as the maximum, and to double the power
which has last moved the vessel.
Memorandum of a verbal Rejport made to the Directors,
and a small Meeting of the Principal Proprietors.
December 17, 1857.
That after full consideration of all the circumstances, and assisted
by the best advice I could call in to my aid, namely, that of my
friend Mr. Eobert Stephenson, I considered that the only mode of
proceeding, and one which there appeared no reason to doubt would
succeed, was to apply considerably more press power ; that I pro-
posed to double what we had ; that I believed I was able to put my
hands upon the requisite presses ; that the river tackle so far as it
went might now be considered good, but that unfortunately we were
obliged to take up the principal part of the chains, which with great
kindness and liberality Messrs. Brown and Lenox had lent us, and
were now peremptorily called upon to deliver up ; but that with
their assistance I could replace them.
A large number of presses were obtained, tlie owners
for the most part lending them free of charge. Among
these presses was the large one, with a 20-inch cylinder,
which had been used for lifting the tubes of the Britannia
Bridge.
On each of the ways were placed nine presses. The
total sectional area of the cylinders at the forward cradle
was 1,066 circular inches, and that of the cylinders at the
j:t. 52.] PROGRESS TO JANUARY 5, 1858. 879
after cradle was 1,358 circular inches ; but the Britannia
press was not to be worked to its full power, so the total
area of the cylinders may be taken as 2,300 circular inches,
or 1,800 square inches. The presses might be considered
as good for at least 2^ tons on the square inch ; this gave
a power of 4,500 tons, which, with the 1,000 tons due to
gravity, gave 5,500 tons, or equal to nearly half the weight
of the ship. The presses were now coupled together in
groups, in order to ensure that an equal pressure should
be brought on them; and to each of these groups an
accurate pressure gauge was attached.
All the presses having been tested, it was determined
to recommence the actual operation of launching on
Tuesday, January 5.
So much of the water in the pipes had been frozen
that it was eleven o'clock before the order was given to
the men to pump. When at one group after another the
pressure was shown to be one ton on the circular inch, the
j)umps were stopped. As the backing of the presses
continued to yield slightly, a stroke or two of the handles
had to be made from time to time, to keep up the required
strain. For six minutes there was perfect silence, and then
the ship moved, sliding down about 3 inches.
The same process was repeated at the stem cradle once
or twice, and then at both cradles. After this the order
was given that the pumps should be kept going tiU
she moved. This was accordingly done, and when the
pressure amounted to 1^ ton on the circular inch the ship
made a slide of about 4 inches. In this manner she
was moved about 5 feet before work was stopped in the
evening.^
' The number of the presses being the ship not being much greater than
almost doubled, but the resistance of before, the elastic compression of the
380 LAUNCH OF THE ' GREAT EASTERN.' [a.d. 1858.
On January 6, tliere was a singular change in the
behaviour of the ship. During the whole of the forenoon
she moved gradually, yielding to the pressure at a rate of
about an inch in four minutes. In the afternoon, however,
she moved in short slides.
During this and the three following days her progress
was about 10 feet each day. After this the ship, being
^ to a considerable extent waterborne, was moved with
* grea,ter ease, and on Tuesday, January 12, 20 feet was
accomplished in less than four hours.
By Thursday, the 14th, the ship had traversed a distance
of 197 feet at the forward cradle, and 207 feet at the
after cradle. It was thought unwise to advance further
till the coming spring- tides on the 19th of the month
were past, lest an exceptionally high tide might come
unexpectedly, and partially float her. As soon as the
spring-tides had passed, she was moved on cautiously, a
short distance at a time, and the depression of the ways
was carefully observed. This was found to be incon-
siderable, and the cradles were gradually pushed 25 feet
off the ways. As the spring-tides came on, water was run
into the ship, to prevent her from floating prematurely.
The upright struts of the cradle on the side next to
the river were all removed, and the wedge-pieces had
chains fastened to them, with the ends brought on deck ;
so that, if any of the wedge-pieces got jammed and did
not come out when the ship floated, they might be hauled
out by the chains.
The river tackle now consisted of two purchases at
the bow and two at the stern. To keep the ship, when
abutments was less than it had been stored up to give it velocity ; there-
previously, so that when the ship fore the slides were shorter than they
moved there was much less work had been before.
JET. 52.] I>KEPARATIONS FOR FLOATING. 3S1
she floated, from being drifted by the tide or wind, chains
were carried from the bow and stern to moorings, by
which her movement up and down stream might be
regulated. Tour tugs were in attendance to tow the
ship to her berth, and a floating fire-engine was also
ready to pump water into her, should this be necessary
owing to any sudden postponement of the launch.
Nothing now remained but to watch carefully for a
suitable tide.
It was determined that, if the weather were favourable,
the floating should be effected on Saturday, January 30.
The tides had been below the average, and on the Friday
matters did not look promising ; the tides had continued
low, and the weather was bad. A careful watch was kept
on the tide, observations being taken every half hour, and
plotted on a diagram so as to show at a glance the probable
height to which it would rise.
The tides showed signs of improvement, and they
commenced to pump water out of the ship on Friday
night ; but, as time went on, the weather did not mend,
and the wind was blowing from the south-west against
her broadside ; therefore in the early morning Mr. Brunei,
who was in person attending each turn of affairs, ordered
water to be pumped in by the fire-engine. There was
hard rain and strong wind ; and telegrams which, accord-
ing to arrangement, were being frequently sent from
Liverpool and Plymouth, showed similar weather. This
continued throughout the Saturday, and the tide was low;
but, when it began to rise in the evening, it gave
indications of being a very high one. As soon as the tide
reached the Kingston valves, Mr. Brunei had water run
into the ship. Although she rested uneasUy on the
cradles, she remained safely in her position.
382 LAUNCH OF THE ' GREAT EASTERN.' [a.d. 1858.
In the evening tlie rain came down in torrents ; never-
theless, after midnight the weather mended, and the wind
went round to the north-east. As the telegraph gave
the same report from Liverpool, Mr. Brunei, encouraged
by every sign of fine weather, and having the good pro-
mise given by the high tide of the night before, determined
early on the morning of Sunday, January 31, to float the
ship on that day.
The pumps were immediately started to discharge the
water from the ship. The bolts securing the wedge-pieces
of the cradles were unfastened at daybreak, and the ship
was then ready.
The morning broke with great splendour after the
gloom of the previous days, and the tide, as soon as it
had turned, began to rise with unusual rapidity. It had
been arranged that all the men should be at their posts
at the presses and crabs by eleven o'clock ; but the tide
was not only very high, but exceptionally early ; and, al-
though a considerable margin had been allowed, it was
not sufficient. Mr. Brunei and his assistants hurried the
men to their places, the presses were set to work, and the
ship was put in motion down the ways for the last time.
At a little before one o'clock observations taken by
levels showed that the ship had ceased to descend, al-
though she was still being pushed forward. Shortly
afterwards Captain Harrison, who had gone on board, sent
Mr. Brunei word that all the wedge-pieces had floated up
on the outer side of the ship ; and at twenty minutes past
one the stern was seen to be afloat. Mr. Brunei had
been loath to haul out the ship by the river tackle, lest
the wedge-pieces might get jammed ; but, as soon as he
was informed that they had floated up, he sent orders for
a strain to be put on the bow tackle. This was at once
JET. 52.] THE FLOATING. 383
done, and by twenty minutes to two the bow rose from the
cradle.
Mr. Brunei then ordered the checking gear to be
secured, that the ship might be sooner hauled clear of
the cradles, and he went on board. He had scarcely
done so when a serious difificulty arose. It has been
already said, that in order to keep the ship from moving
up or down stream, cables had been carried out to moor-
ings ahead and astern ; and both these chains had been
hauled up tolerably taut, at least the slack had been
taken out of them, so that if required they might be at
once available. Now when Mr. Brunei had given the
order for the bow out-haul tackle to be hauled upon.
Captain Harrison, in order to supplement it, ordered the
tug-boats to haul the bow off. This order was by some
one conceived to have been given with the object of
hauling the ship ahead ; and to facilitate this the stern
mooring-chain was let go.
By this time, though the tide was still running up the
river, its strength was much diminished ; and the drag
of the chain at the bow of the ship was sufficient to pull
her forward against the tide. The paddlewheel on the
shore side then came in contact with the upright timbers
of the forward cradle. Mr. Brunei ran down from the
ship into a boat and examined the place where the wheel
was fouled. He then hurried back on board, where, as
through some blunder the stern outhaul had also been let
go, he had now little but the tug-boats to depend upon.
They were of course of bat small value for a dead pull
as compared with the chain tackle. He had the bow
chain veered out and the tugs all set to work, assisted by
the tide, to haul the ship up the river.
In about twenty minutes time, the paddlewheel was got
clear of the cradle, and this great difficulty was overcome.
384 LAUNCH OF THE ' GEEAT EASTEEN.' [a.d. 1858.]
Fortunately, the tide was an extraordinarily liigli one, and
the time of available high water was long.
The ship had not been moved far towards her berth
when another mishap delayed her progress. The barge of
the bow purchase came foul of the starboard paddlewheel,
and the only way of freeing the ship was to scuttle the
barge. When this was done it sank away clear of the
wheel, and the ship proceeded to her berth on the Deptford
side of the river.^
By. about seven o'clock she was safely moored ; and the
cheers of the men, as Mr. Brunei went down her side,
announced that the launch of the ' Great Eastern ' was at
length accomplished.
* Among the many congratulations all day, but my doctor would not
which Mr. Brunei received on the com- permit me to venture so far away as
pletion of the launch, there was perhaps Mill wall.
none which pleased him more than I do, my good friend, most sin-
the following letter from Mr. Eobert cerely congratulate you on the arrival
Stephenson, who had been prevented of the conclusion of your anxiety,
by illness from being present at the Yours sincerely,
concluding operations, the critical Eobeet Stephenson.
character of which he had fully appre-
ciated : —
February 1, 1858. A letter from Mr. Brunei to his
My DEA.K Brunel, — I slept last friend Mr. Froude, describing the
night like a top, after I received your floating, is given in note B to this
message. I got desperately anxious chapter.
385
NOTE A (pp. 348, 368, 372).
Experiments and Observations on Friction.
In January 1857, Mr. Brunei took steps to form an estimate of
the amount of hauling or of retarding force that would probably be
required in the launch.
Two rails were laid at an inclination of 1 in 12, and upon them
an experimental cradle was placed, with three cross-bars similar to
those which were to form the under surface of the cradles. The
three cross-bars therefore made six intersections on the two rails, and
the small cradle was loaded with about 8 tons, so that the weight
on each intersection was about equal to that which would come on
each of the intersections of the actual cradle. This arrangement
was not therefore a model, but a correct representation of a part of
the cradles, and which might, with an exception to be noted
presently, be taken to exactly represent, by its conduct, the con-
duct of every similar part of the actual cradles. Experiments were
made with one or two kinds of unguents, and, what was a more
correct representation of what was likely to occur, with the rails
and bars clean but not bright, and without lubrication.
The experiments with lubrication were useful rather as com-
paring the various lubricants one with another than as representing,
by a mere process of multipKcation, what would be the behaviour
of the ship on her cradles, because, for the reason already pointed
out in the case of wooden sliding- surfaces, the lubrication would be
more and more rubbed away as more of the cradle passed over it ;
thus the experimental cradle, when tried with lubrication, repre-
sented rather the behaviovu- of the front part of the cradle than that
of the whole. Had the sliip herself been moved uninterruptedly
down the ways, the state of things would have been something
between good lubrication and none at all. As the under sides of
the bars were lubricated, any motion of one end of the ship before
the other would tend to move the bars sideways over the rails,
and so to spread the lubrication, and to pick it up and re-deposit
it. Mr. Brunei thought but little of the black-leading of the ways,
considering that it would be rubbed off by the leading bars of the
cradles ; but a very little lubrication on metal surfaces is sufficient ;
and doubtless, had the ship been moved continuously down the
ways, considerable assistance would have been derived from the
lubrication which was applied.
C C
386 LAUNCH OF THE 'GREAT EASTERN.'
The results of the experiment were curious. The generally-
received notion is, that friction between rubbing surfaces is inde-
pendent of the velocity ; that is to say, that whether a body be
moving fast or slow within reasonable limits, the retardation due
to friction is the same ; that if a body be sliding at a given velocity,
whether that velocity be great or small, a drag of a certain number
of pounds will keep it moving at that velocity. It was, however,
always understood that a greater force was necessary to start a body
from rest, to overcome adhesion. The experiments made with the
experimental cradle distinctly showed that any rule as to friction
being constant at different velocities was untrue. It was evident
that, as the speed increased, the power required to overcome the
friction became less. No exact records are extant of the experi-
ments made with this experimental cradle before the launch ; they
were, however, repeated during the launch with great care, and the
results very carefully analysed. The experiments showed generally
that the tractive force, including the action of gravity, was never
more than ^, or less than ^, of the weight.
Although the experiments showed that the amount of friction in
the case of the actual launch would lie between the limits above
mentioned, they at the same time indicated that it would not
probably approach either of those limits.
Shortly after the commencement of the launch, Mr. Brunei had
the experimental cradle and ways re-erected. A very simple ar-
rangement was fitted up, by which the forces at work at each
period of the progress of the cradle in each experiment might be
deduced. The results of these experiments, which, as may be
supposed, were similar to those obtained in the commencement of
the year, were most instructive ; they showed quantitatively the
decided diminution in friction which took place as the velocity
increased, and the amount of that diminution. The apparatus was
very simple. The experimental cradle, which has already been
described, was made to slide down its ways by a chain attached to
a suspended weight. The weight employed was generally about
5 cwt. After the cradle had run a certain distance, the weight
reached the ground and the cradle proceeded with the momentum
it had obtained. The velocity given to the cradle down the ways
was measured in the following manner. A long piece of tape was
coiled round a reel placed at the top of the inclined rails or experi-
mental ways, so that it could revolve freely and pay out the
tape as required. One end of this tape was attached to the
EXPERIMENTS ON FRICTION.
387
cradle, so as to be drawn after it as it ran down the rails. The
tape, as it ran off the reel, passed over a guiding board over which
swung transversely a pendulum aiTanged to swing once every quar-
ter of a second. At the lower end of this pendulum was attached
a brush which was filled with paint; and as soon as the model
cradle moved, the pendulum was set oscillating by a self-acting
trigger ai-rangement. The pendulum in its oscillations made marks
on the tape as it ran out at every quarter of a second of time.
Thus, by an examination of the tape, could be determined the
exact distance which had been passed over by the cradle during
each quarter of a second of the time during which it was moving.
The rate of progress being thus known, and the actuating force
(gravity acting on the cradle and on the suspended weight) being
also known, it will be understood that the exact amount of the resist-
ing force, namely, friction, could be calculated exactly, and this for
each moment and position of the descent of the experimental cradle.
The following results of these experiments were recorded in terms
of the corresponding amounts of tractive force that would be re-
quired to produce similar results in the case of the ship and cradles,
a weight of 12,000 tons.
Force in tons required
Force in tons required to move
to move or restrain ship on
a weigiit equal to tlie ship on
incline of 1 in 12
similar ways, but on the level
Velocity, feet per second
0
Otol
•75
1
1-5
2to5
Retard-
0
Otol
•75 I 1
1-5 |2to5J
Rails ako Cradle Bars.
ing
(110
890
No. 1. Ample lubrication
60
0
to
1200
.. |1,0«0
1,000-
to
800
No. 2. Medium lubrication .
120
0
60
1,220 .. 1 ..
1,000
940
No. 3. Very little lubrication
400
200
0
1,400
.. 1,200 ..
1,000
f
560
1,560
No. 4. No lubrication , h
to
400
"
0
to
1,400
• •
1,000
In every case where a velocity approaching to 3 feet per second
was attained, whether the ways were lubricated or were quite dry,
the model, though there was no tractive force acting on it other
than that of gravity down the incline of 1 in 1 2, rapidly increased
its speed till it reached the end of the ways.
These experiments are worthy of note for the contradiction,
already referred to, which they gave to the received rules relative
to friction. It will be seen by these experiments, and as will
hereinafter appear from the results of the movements of the ship
herself during the launch, that with different degrees of velocity
c c 2
388 LAUNCH OF THE 'GREAT EASTERN.'
veiy great variation in the friction was apparent, amonnting to a
difference of about thirty per cent, in the case of unlubricated
surfaces, according as the velocity was nearly nil or was 1'5 feet
per second, which is a comparatively small velocity. The friction
in this case was, on a weight of 12,000 tons, l,5uO tons at a very
low velocity, and but 1,000 tons at a velocity of 1-5 feet a second
or about one mile an hour, the friction at the very low velocity
being fifty per cent, greater than that at one mile an hour.
As soon as the ship began to move by slides, the recording
•apparatus of tape and pendulum was applied to record the nature of
the ship's movements. This apparatus was similar to that already
described. The tape was attached to the bottom of the ship under
her centre of gravity, and recorded the rate of retardation of the
ship when left to herself after the motive appliances had, with the
exception of gravity, ceased to act ; and the amount of friction
acting to retard the ship was determined with a very considerable
amount of accuracy.
The best experiments made were on December 7, 8, and 10 ; and
the results are very interesting. The dirt and rust of the sliding
surfaces had increased the adhesion very much, and a considerable
force was necessary to start the ship. There being no good pressiu-e
gauges to the presses, it was impossible to decide exactly what was
the force required to start the ship, for of course the tape record
gave no information on this point ; but there is no doubt it was con-
siderable, probably 800 or 1,000 tons in addition to gravity, and
was thus far greater than the force to start that had been observed
with the experimental cradle.
But the remarkable fact was that, notwithstanding the deteriora-
tion of the sliding-surfaces as evinced in the increased difficulty in
starting, the friction, when once motion was established, was proved
not to be very largely in excess of that which had been exhibited
in the experiments.
In the various experiments tried, it was shown that when the
ship had a velocity of between 6 and 8 inches per second, the
amount of friction was only about 100 tons in excess of the action
of gravity down the incline ; while as the velocity became less,
the friction became greater, till, as the velocity became smaller, the
friction increased from 200 to 300 tons in excess of the action of
gravity.
The results obtained by the observations made on the motion of
the ship having shown that its behaviour when in motion accorded
with that of the experimental cradle, there is every reason to believe
EXPEKIMENTS ON FRICTION. 389
that if the ship had ever attained a velocity of 1^ to 2 feet per
second, which might have liappened had the river tackle acted well,
the friction would, as in the experimental cradle, have become less
than the action of gravity down the slope, and the brakes would
have had to be employed to check the motion.
NOTE B (p. 384).
Letter from Mr. Brunei to W. Froude, Esq.
February 2, 1858.
My dear Froude, — It is no news to you to tell you that we have
floated, but still you will perhaps feel sympathetically some pleasure in
hearing of it from me, as I do in writing to you upon it.
We have in fact gone on well and without mishap since we have
resumed operations with plenty of power; we have not gone very
quickly because our jumps have been small, or we have gone by a
continuous motion — we have had a great deal of this, and all the last
30 or 40 feet I think, or more, has been so, the power being with
gravity about a quarter of the weight, sometimes less — occasionally,
when the water was high, considerably less — buoyancy being of
course taken duly into the calculation. Once, when still weighing
fully 3,500 tons, and with 1,200 tons of water in her, making 4,700,
less some buoyancy of the cradle, she moved so easily that they came
running to me from the other cradle, to say that she was moving of
herself, and asking what to do.
She certainly had not much more pressure on than we had assumed
to be nece&sary to overcome all the friction of thrust timbers, &c.,
certainly could not have had above 300 tons of real push to move
2,000 tons, 2,00O-?2^ (gravity) =1,833 tons.
I think that when the load became much lighter on the rails, that
the mud and even the sand of the Thames form a lubricator and
rollers which offered less resistance' than the dry rail, or the rail
with pressure enough to displace the mud or imbed the sand.
Having at last jjushed the cradles beyond the rail, and found her
stand well, and moved a few feet more and still stand upright, I
waited for a tide, and arranged a good commimication with Liver-
390 LAUNCH OF THE 'GREAT EASTERN.'
pool and Plymouth to telegraph up wind and weather, morning and
night, so aa to help in foreseeing a tide.
On Friday morning, at 3 a.m., the tide began to improve, but the
wind was still in the wrong quarter for a good tide, and as I think I
have told you the tides of this month, and of the whole year of '58,
are very poor. Besides this, it blew a gale. I therefore began
pumping out the water, but stopped at 1,200 tons, and at 10 a.m.,
seeing no improvement in the weather, I filled in by the fire-engine
about 1,300 or 1,400 more, and gave up the attempt, and very for-
tunately, as the tide did not rise high enough, and the wind right on
her broadside increased.
On Saturday night things grew worse, and the wind at Liverpool
and Falmouth finished in the evening still SSW. About midnight
the wind lulled, the rain came down in torrents ; the wind gradually
stole round to the northward, and the tide came rolling up uncom-
fortably quick. I admitted water as soon as it would run in, and
only just prevented her floating; when, if she had, we should have
been in a mess, as our wedge-pieces were not yet unbolted from the
bottom, nor could we in the night have managed the floating, even
if all had been ready, which nothing was. Under these circumstances,
the wedge-piece being bolted was perhaps our security, as she all
but floated ; the stern rose 3 inches though we had 3,000 tons of
water in her, the tide rose so high ; we began pumping immediately
on the turn of tide, and by half-past 6 a.m. the wind was gentle from
the NNE., and telegraphs came to announce the same in Liverpool,
&c. I therefore determined upon floating.
We pumped away, and at 10 a.ji. cleared everything away, and
began our preparations. I had fixed 12 o'clock to begin forcing her
further down, thinking half-past 12 would have been as early as she
would have moved easily, but the tide came rushing up an hour and a
half before its time ; and, although I hurried the men to their posts,
we were rather caught napping. The instant we began pressing, she
moved easily, and by a quarter past 1 we had pushed her centre past
the ways, and she began lifting with the tide.
I had a centre station with a chalk board, giving me the curve of
the tide, and two good levels reading off" her stem and stem water
marks. Our calcvdations had proved very correct. In the skew
position I had pushed her to, she began lifting at the stern first, as
she ought to have done, and her bows soon followed the example.
We stopped pushing the cradles, made them fast, and began hauling
out the ship — she moved very slowly of course.
When she began to move out, our first difficulty occurred by a
LETTER DESCRIBING THE FLOATINa. 391
little mismanagement, or over confidence, on board ; our stem chain
was let go, and she forged ahead against the tide by the elastic strain
of the bow chain, and / tJiink also by the tug-boats pulling too
much, which ought not to have been done, and in going ahead her
port paddles caught hold of some cradle timber rising, with long 2^
inch bolts holding them to the bottom of cradle. No tug power
would have had any effect upon them. But we had two hours
before us, with a promise of an unusual tide ; I hurried on board, and
we succeeded in about twenty minutes in getting a little astern a
little out, and getting clear.
We had some mishaps after this, such as fouling one of our barges,
getting it jammed xmder the paddlewheels, and the barge fast by
the chain tackle dropt overboard. However, we scuttled and sunk
the barge, and got safely across. "We had an extraordinary tide, and
several assistances from nature to counteract any of our own bungling,
and got safely across, and she is now moored in her right place.
Yours faithfully,
I. K. Brunel.
William Froude, Esq.
392 [a.d. 1858.
CHAPTER XIII.
STEAM NAVIGATION— THE ' GBEAT EASTERN' STEAM-SHIP.
COMPLETION AND SUBSEQUENT HISTORY.
A.D. 1858—1859 : ^tatis 52-64.
A.D. 1859—1870.
PREPARATIONS FOR COMPLETING THE SHIP FORMATION OF THE GREAT SHIP
COMPANY MR. BRUNEl's ABSENCE FROM ENGLAND — PROGRESS OF THE
■WORKS FROM HIS RETURN TO HIS LAST ILLNESS VOYAGE TO WEYMOUTH
EXPLOSION OF -WATER-HEATER — STORM AT HOLYHEAD — DESCRIPTION OF
THE SHIP HER FIRST VOYAGE TO NEW YORK, JUNE 1860 — SECOND VOYAGE
TO NEW YORK, MAY 1861 — VOYAGE WITH TROOPS TO QUEBEC, JUNE 1861
FRACTURE OF RUDDER-HEAD AND DESTRUCTION OF PADDLEWHEELS, SEPTEM-
BER 1861 VOYAGES IN 18G2 — ACCIDENT OFF MONTAUK POINT, AUGUST 27, 1862
VOYAGES IN 1863 FORMATION OF THE GREAT EASTERN STEAM-SHIP COM-
PANY— REMARKS ON THE HISTORY OF THE ' GREAT EASTERN ' PREVIOUS TO
HER EMPLOYMENT IN LAYING SUBMARINE TELEGRAPH CABLES — TELEGRAPH
EXPEDITIONS OF 1865 AND 1866 — FRENCH CABLE EXPEDITION OF 1869 VOYAGE
TO BOMBAY AND ADEN, 1869-70 — CONCLUDING REMARKS — WOrs ; DIMENSIONS
OF THE SHIP AND ENGINES.
Soon after the launch of the ' Great Eastern,' efforts
were made to obtain funds for finishing her, and Mr.
Brunei proceeded to prepare designs with the view of
obtaijiing tenders for the execution of the decks, skylights,
fittings, rigging, &c. He obtained advice from persons
thoroughly conversant with this class of work; and a
specification was carefully prepared, providing for the
completion of the ship in a perfect manner.
Meanwhile it had been considered that, large as the ship
was, she might be profitably employed in the American
trade, and that it might be expedient to run her on that
line for a few voyages before placing her on the Eastern
route. Captain Harrison went to America to examine the
r. 52.] COMPLETION OF THE SHIP. 393
harbour at Portland, and brought back a favourable report
of it.
.All efforts to raise the funds for finishing the ship proved
unavailing ; and it was determined to reconstitute the
company.
The new company, which was called the ' Great Ship
* Company,' was formed towards the end of the year 1858.
In the beginning of December, Mr. Brunei was compelled
by ill-health to go to Egypt for the winter. On leaving
England, he strongly urged the Directors on no account to
fail to make a strict contract, distinctly defining the work
to be done, and the manner of its execution, as provided
for by the specifications he had drawn out. But his advice
was not followed.
After Mr. Brunei's return to England in May 1859,
he continued to give the greater part of his time to the
ship. The difficulties which he had to encounter were
certainly neither fewer nor less vexatious than those which
had arisen at earlier periods in her history ; but they were
the last with which he had to contend.
On September 5 he left her in the morning, feeling the
commencement of the illness which ten days afterwards
terminated fatally.
The ship left her moorings on September 7, and vsdth
the assistance of several tugs steamed down the river.
She stopped for a night at Purfleet, and again at the Nore,
and then left for Weymouth.
On the voyage a serious accident happened, which
was made the subject of much misrepresentation.
Round each of the funnels of the paddle engines was
what was termed a water-casing, or jacket, consisting of
an outer cylinder, about 6 inches from the inner cylinder
I iVl iiiJirt n n 1 .. . . ,-, I
394 THE ' GREAT EASTERN ' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1859.
which formed the funnel. The top of the annular space
between the cylinders was at about the level of the deck.
From it a stand-pipe was carried up, which, after rising to
a certain height, was turned over, and the end brought
down into the stokehole. The object of this arrangement
was to heat the feed-water before it entered the boiler,
and at the same time to keep the saloons cool, through
which the funnels passed. The arrangement of the stand-
pipe gave this advantage, that when the head of water
in the heater and stand-pipe together became equivalent
to the pressure in the boiler, the water could be run into
the boiler by gravitation. The stand-pipe at the same
time, being open to the air at the top, formed a safety-
valve to the water-heater.
For the purpose of testing the joints of the jacket
with water pressure, while the ship was being finished,
a stop-cock had been placed on the stand-pipe, which un-
fortunately had not been afterwards removed. While the
ship was proceeding down Channel, the donkey feed-
pumps were not working well, and to ease them it was
thought better to cut off the water-heater, and to force
the water direct into the boiler. The communication of
the water-heater with the boiler was therefore cut off;
and, as was afterwards ascertained, the stop-cock at the
top of the water-heater had been also closed. The water
confined in the heater soon produced steam, and when
the ship was off Hastings the casing exploded. The
funnel was thrown up on to the deck, and a body of
boiling water and steam was driven down into the boiler
room, severely injuring several of the firemen, who after-
wards died.
That the effects of this accident were confined to one
compartment of the ship, was due to the complete pro-
tection afforded by the transverse bulkheads.
*T. 54.] EXPLOSION OF WATEE-HEATER. 395
After she arrived at Weymouth the funnel was re-
paired; but as an outcry was raised against the water-
heaters, it was thought desirable, from deference to
public opinion, to discontinue their use; although this
accident had not in any way proved them to be objection-
able, and they are now generally adopted.
While the * Great Eastern' was at Weymouth Mr.
Brunei died.
Many visitors went in the ship when she left Weymouth
on a trial trip to Holyhead. At Holyhead she lay in a
somewhat exposed situation ; and the sudden storm came
on in which the *Eoyal Charter' was lost. The great
advantage of having both paddle and screw was now, for
I the first time, felt. A portion of the temporary staging
' erected by the contractor at the breakwater was carried
away, and drifted down upon the ship. During the
gale her engines were kept going, in order to relieve
the strain on the cables. The timbers of the staging-
got foul of both paddlewheels and screw; but, as it was
always possible to keep one of the engines at work, the
ship was saved from drifting.
The season being now too far advanced for a profitable
voyage to America, the ship left Holyhead and went to
Southampton Water for the winter, where several altera-
tions and additions were made.
In Mr. Brunei's report of February 6, 1855, printed
above, at p. 315, he describes the leading features of the
' Great Eastern ' as she was then being constructed, but
a more detailed account of them will fitly precede the
history of her career as a passenger-ship.
The main arrangements of the ship are shown in the
woodcut (fig. 16, p. 397).^
• The principal dimensions of the ship and engines are given in the note to
this chapter, p. 416.
396 THE ' GKEAT EASTEEN ' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1860.
The ship is 680 feet long, 83 feet wide, and 58 feet
deep. Her gross tonnage is 18,915 tons. She is di-
vided into water-tight compartments by ten bulkheads
(a and &), all of which, except two (6), extend completely
across the ship, and up to the upper deck. These two are
complete to 6 feet above the 28-foot water line. In
addition there are partial bulkheads (c), which form the
ends of coal bunkers, and aid materially in strengthening
the flat bottom of the ship. The more remarkable parts
of the construction of the ship will be understood by
means of the transverse section. The bottom is made
double, and between the two skins are webs, running
longitudinally. Mr. Brunei considered that the double
skin would greatly diminish the chance of such an
accident occurring as would cause any of the compart-
ments to be filled with water. The material being arranged
in the direction of the length of the ship is all capable of
taking part in the strains that are thrown on the bottom,
as well as on the top, by forces tending to bend the ship.
// Mr. Brunei also made the upper deck cellular^hi order
to resist the compressive strain that would come on it
when the ship was heavily loaded in the middle of her
length. Great additional strength to the ship, considered
as a girder, is given by two longitudinal bulkheads, 36 feet
apart, extending for 350 feet. These bulkheads, with the
sides of the ship, form the vertical web plates of the
girder. Her structure resembles the tubes of the Britannia
bridge ; the cellular top flange being connected with the
cellular bottom flange by plate-iron webs.
The two skins of the ship, with the web plates between
them, forming the cellular bottom of the great girdei',
may also be considered as a number of smaller girders
placed side by side, each resisting the excess of the pressure
of the water over the load that may happen to be resting
.». I860.]
DESCRIPTION OF SHIP.
397
13 Ul IL (3
398 THE 'GKEAT EASTEEN' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1860.
on it inside the ship. The difference of pressure or
upward strain is transmitted by the cross bulkheads
{a, h, c) from the bottom of the ship to the sides and
longitudinal bulkheads.
The double skin extends up to about 6 feet above the
water level throughout the whole length of the ship, with
the exception of the extreme ends.
The foremost compartment next the bow has two cable
decks (e), with capstans and all the necessary riding-bitts,
stoppers, and other appliances for working the cables.
These arrangements answer well, and the 3 - inch
chain cables are worked with great facility. The cap-
stans were originally driven by a shaft from the paddle
auxiliary engines, but this was found inconvenient, and
a small independent engine has been put to work them.
The cables are stowed in chain lockers on a deck (f)
below the cable decks, and below this (g) are ice-houses
and store-rooms. The next compartment of the ship (h)
is intended for cargo. It is at present occupied by the
forward cable tank.
The main part of the ship, 350 feet in length, up to
the level of the lower deck, 34 feet above the bottom, is
occupied with her engines, boilers, and coal bunkers.
The space above the lower deck was occupied with saloons
and cabins for passengers, except at the paddle engine
room (j). The boilers, four in number, two in each boiler
room ( I ), which supply steam to the paddle engines, are
placed forward of the engines ; and forward of the boiler
rooms is a coal bunker (k), 20 feet long ; and abaft of the
paddle engines are the six boilers, two in each boiler
room (m), that supply steam to the screw engines (n).
These three boiler rooms are separated by coal bunkers
(k), 20 feet long. On either side of the boilers and
engines, and also upon plate iron arches above the boilers.
A.D. I860.] DESCRIPTION OF SHIP. 399
are bunkers for coal. This will be seen on the transverse
section of the ship. Between the paddle engines and
boilers is a water-tight compartment, 10 feet long (l), in
which are placed a pair of auxiliary engines of sixty horse-
power, which pump water out of the ship and also work
fire-pumps. There are two other auxiliary engines of
sixty horse-power in a compartment (o) aft of the screw
engines, intended to keep the screw propeller turning
round, either when the ship is at anchor, to relieve the
strain on the cables, or when, for any reason, she is only
using her paddle engines. They also work bilge-pumps
and fire-pumps. Each set of auxiliary engines has two
independent high-pressure boilers. Throughout the bottom
of the ship there are two bilge-pipes, fitted with valves,
with branch-pipes leading to the various compartments of
the double skin. These bilge-pipes can be connected with
either of the auxiliary engines, and so the water can be
pumped out of any part of the ship.
The paddle engines, of 1,000 nominal horse-power, con-
sist of four inclined oscillating cylinders, 14 feet stroke
and 6 feet 2 inches diameter, each pair of which work on
-to a single crank. There are means for disengaging either
paddlewheel from the engines.
The screw engines, of 1,600 nominal horse-power, consist
of four fixed horizontal cylinders, 4 feet stroke and 7 feet
diameter, the two cylinders of each pair working opposite
to each other on one crank.
In each boiler room are two donkey engines for sup-
plying the boilers with water, and the main engines are
also fitted with feed-pumps. Each of the donkey engines
is capable of pumping water out of the ship, and of being
used in case of fire.
The screw shaft passes along what is termed a screw
alley (p). The weight of the screw rests on the bearing
400 THE 'GREAT EASTERN' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1860.
where the screw shaft passes out through the stern-post of
the ship. To prevent the water that leaks in through this
bearing from penetrating into the screw alley, there is
a bulkhead with a stuffing-box round the screw shaft, a
short distance forward of the stern-post. To enable access
to be gained to the bearing, a tube was provided leading
down from the main-deck. This was intended to be fitted
with appliances for pumping air in so as to drive the
water out, and to admit men to get at the bearing under
air pressure.
Another arrangement was also provided for the same
purpose. On the after side of the stern-post was placed
a ring of india-rubber ; and, by pulling in the screw-shaft,
the screw was pressed tightly against the india-rubber
ring, which prevented the water from entering. By
means of this arrangement the stern-bearing was ex-
amined and repaired at Southampton.
The screw propeller has four blades, and is 24 feet in
diameter and 44 feet pitch. The paddlewheels were
66 feet in diameter, with 30 floats, each 13 feet broad and
3 feet deep.
Over the boiler rooms run two tunnels ; one of them
(v) serves as a passage to enable the engineers to pass
from one compartment to another throughout the part
of the ship occupied by the boilers and engines. The
openings leading from the tunnel to the engine or boiler
rooms are provided with watertight doors, which can be
shut in the event of any of the compartments getting full
of water. The other tunnel (w) serves as a passage for
the steampipe, which leads from the boilers to the engines.
Though the boilers are divided into two sets, one for the
paddle engines and one for the screw, the steampipes are
connected, so that the whole of the ten boilers, or any of
them, may be used to supply steam for either of the
engines.
A.D. I860.] PESCKIPTION OF SHIP. 401
In one point a deviation was made from Mr. Brunei's
ai'rangements. It was his intention that there should be
no apertures in the water-tight bulkheads except at the
tunnel (v), from which the various boiler and engine rooms
were to be entered by openings, to be closed by water-tight
doors. The tunnel was placed high up, so that in the event
of a leak there might be ample time to close the door. The
inconvenience of ascending and descending by ladders was,
however, considered an evil; and it was found necessary
at times to carry coals from one compartment to another.
For these reasons, upon the requirement of the Board of
Trade, doorways, fitted with sliding doors, which can be
closed by handles on the upper deck, have been cut in the
bulkheads between the boiler rooms. This arrangement
exists in other ships ; and in the ' Great Eastern,' even
without closing these doors, there are eight watertight
compartments.
At the stern of the ship (y) on the main-deck are ar-
rangements for working cables, similar to those at the
bow.
These appliances are required when the ship has to be
moored so as not to swing with the tide ; and they would
allow of the ship's riding by the stern instead of by the
bow, which it might often be useful for her to do in
narrow waters. On the lower deck {\'), at the stem of
the ship, is a spare tiller and wheel for working the
rudder, in case anything goes wrong with the main tiller,
which is on the upper deck. The weight of the rudder
is carried on the lower deck by a grooved collar, resting
on a ring of cannon balls.
The compartment (x) immediately aft of the screw
engine room is for cargo.
The saloons and cabins are all in the middle of the
length of the ship, where there is least motion. The
D D
, 402 THE ' GREAT EASTEEN ' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1860.
M
:| usual plan of putting tlie first-class passengers at the
stern was not adopted, and they were placed forward.
As the smoke generally drifts towards the stern of a
ship, the first-class passengers in the ' Great Eastern '
are not annoyed by the smoke, or by the dust and smell
from the boiler and engine rooms.
The transverse section shows the arrangement of the
cabins.
Mr. Brunei intended that the upper saloons (t) should
be used as sitting-rooms, and the lower saloons (s and u)
as dining-rooms. These were to be lit and ventilated by
jiM^' I shafts on either side of the upper saloons, rising up to
the skylights on deck. The smell of dinner was thus to be
kept away from the sitting-rooms. The cabins (z) on either
side were to be approached from the saloons by passages
and steps, as shown on the section. The saloon marked
(q) is the first-class, and (r) the ladies' saloon.
The ship is rigged with six masts. The arrangements
of the masts and rigging were especially intended for the
Eastern voyages. At the extreme bow and stern are low
masts, which carry trysails and staysails. The sails on
these masts were chiefly intended for manoeuvring the
ship. She also has three large masts, the lower masts
being of iron. The two foremost of these are square-
rigged, and all three of them have trysails and staysails.
The aftermost of the three was also made strong enough
to be fitted with square yards, in the event of its being
desirable to rig it in that manner. Aft of the three prin-
cipal masts is a large mast, only intended to be rigged
with fore-and-aft canvas. The ship has no bowsprit, the
stay of the foremost mast being attached to the stem
inside the bulwarks.
In the beginning of June 1860, the ship made a trip
A.D. I860.] FIRST VOYAGES TO NEW YORK. 403
from Southampton down the Channel, as far as the Start
Lighthouse and back, to try her engines ; and on June 17
she sailed for New York, under the command of Captain
Vine Hall, who had succeeded Captain Harrison. She
arrived there, after a prosperous voyage, on June 28, and
was received with great enthusiasm. The ship left New
York on August 16, and, having called at Halifax, arrived
at Milford Haven on August 26.
In the course of these two voyages the stern-bearing
of the screw-shaft, which was in white metal, had worn
down between two and three inches. With the view of
allowing for any depression of the stern -bearing, the
lengths of the screw-shaft were not rigidly connected
throughout, but the end length, attached to the screw,
was coupled to the remainder of the shaft by a universal
joint, consisting of two double cranks. Thus the two
shafts might be, to a considerable extent, out of line, and
yet revolve efficiently.
When the ship returned to Milford Haven, a gridiron
was prepared on the beach, and she was grounded on it ;
I and the screw-shaft was drawn in. By this time it had
' become the general opinion that a shaft cased with
brass, and running in lignum-vitse bearings, was the best.
A lathe and machinery for making the shaft revolve were
provided, and fixed in the stern of the ship ; the shaft was
turned, and brass collars shrunk on. The bearing was
made with lignum vitae, and the brass-covered shaft re-
placed in it. It has since worked well, and has shown no
signs of wear.
The ship, commanded by Captain William Thompson,
left Milford Haven for New York on May 1, 1861, and
returned to Liverpool from New York on June 4, having
made an average speed of 13| knots on the outward
and 14 knots on the homew^ard voyage.
D D 2
404 THE • GREAT EASTERN ' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1861.
At this time the Government determined to send her
out with troops to Quebec, and she was fitted up for
that purpose. She took upwards of 2,500 troops, and
about 40 passengers. There were, altogether, about 3,000
persons on board, and 200 artillery horses. Scarcely any
of the troops were placed in the regular passenger part
of the ship, as they were accommodated in the cargo
departments (h, x). Thus a much greater number of men
might have been carried in her with perfect comfort.
She was commanded on this voyage by Captain James
Kennedy, of the Inman service. She left Liverpool on
June 27, and arrived at Quebec on July 7. She returned
to Liverpool with about 500 passengers in August.
By this time her superiority had become recognised by
the regular travellers between England and America. Those
who had been in her found that, while they passed other
ships rolling and pitching in the sea, the deck of the 'Great
* Eastern ' was so steady that it was difficult to believe that
there was a gale blowing ; ^ and when, after a continuance
of heavy weather, she began to roll, the motion was so
slow and easy as to be comparatively unimportant.
When she left Liverpool again, there were a consider-
able number of passengers, and it seemed as if her success
was ensured. She started under the command of Captain
; James Walker, on September 10, and three days afterwards
y' \ encountered a severe Atlantic gale.
The ship was behaving well, when one of the boats,
which hung on davits outside the ship forward of the
' During the last-mentioned voyage, having got more swell on, the ship
returning from Quebec, a north-east- began to roll slowly and sedately,
erly wind blew with a velocity of from the rolls gradually increasing up to
30 to 40 miles an hour. For the about 9 degrees on either side of the
first 24 hours the ship paid no atten- perpendicular, and dying out again ,
tion to the sea ; the next day, the and then recommencing,
wind remaining the same, but the sea
A.D. 1861.] VOYAGE TO QUEBEC WITH TROOPS. 405
paddlewlieels, got adrift on the weather side. Fears were
entertained that it might foul the paddlewheel, and the
captain determined to cut it away. The direction of the
ship was altered, in order that the boat might float clear.
The ship then resumed her course ; but shortly afterwards
fell off, with her broadside to the sea.
Relieving tackles having been put to assist the men at
the wheel, the tiller was kept hard over, to bring the
ship's head to the wind; but with no effect. Towards
evening, as the seas beat heavily against her side, first
one paddlewheel and then the other was destroyed, being
completely torn away from the central bosses. During the
night she lay in a helpless condition. The gale had been
of some duration, and the waves being large and long, the
ship was placed in a very unfavourable position to receive
them ; and she rolled considerably.
The next morning, when an officer went to examine
the auxiliary tiller on the lower deck, he discovered that
the rudder-head was twisted short off, just above the
point where it entered the ship. The rudder was still in
its place. The accident had most likely happened on
the previous evening, when the ship fell off her course.
It had not been noticed by the men at the helm, perhaps
because there were so many of them at the wheel and
relieving-tackles that they held one against the other ;
and the broken parts of the rudder-head, grinding together,
threw jerks on to the tiller. The fracture of the rudder-
head was caused by the badness of the workmanship in
the interior of the forging.
Attempts were made to get sail on the ship, but with-
out much success ; and with the hope of bringing her head
to wind, the screw engines were reversed.
As soon as the ship was driven astern by the screw, the
rudder, being uncontrolled, was forced round by the rush
406 THE ' GREAT EASTERN ' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1861.
of water, and it knocked away the after stem-post.' No
other harm was done, as the rudder is secured by a pin
into the heel of the ship, and by a collar round the rudder-
head, attached to the hull above water.
Steps were then taken to get command over the rudder.
Chains were wrapped round the stump of the rudder-head
inside the ship, and a certain amount of control was thus
obtained. A more effective plan was at the same time
carried into execution. A man was lowered by a rope
from the stern of the ship, who hove a piece of wood,
with a line attached to it, through the screw-opening.
The wood with the end of the line was caught with a
boat-hook ; and a rope, and afterwards a hawser, and then
a piece of the ship's chain cable were passed through
behind the rudder. The two ends of the chain cable were
brought together at the stern of the ship, and a large
shackle put round both parts of the chain, and shaken
down till it held them together. In the edge of the rudder-
blade a notch had been made by the rudder striking
against the screw, and into this notch the shackle was
made to drop. In this way two chains or pennants had
been attached to the back of the rudder. One of these
was brought to each side of the ship, and they were hauled
on by means of the stern capstan.
The ship then turned homeward, and the weather having
moderated, she arrived off Cork harbour on the afternoon
of September 17. By this time the chains round the
rudder had shifted, and were of little service; and
before night it began to blow heavily towards the
shore. It was dangerous for the ship to remain on a lee
shore ; and, although the steering-gear was out of order,
' Between the screw and the rudder except to steady the heel of the ship,
was what was termed the after stern- into which the rudder was stepped,
post, which had no duty to perform
A.u. 1861.] LOSS OF KUDDER-HEAD AND PADDLES. 407
the captain wisely determined to take advantage of the
ship's head pointing in the right direction, and steamed
out to sea.
Three days afterwards the ship, assisted by several small
steamers, was got safely into Cork harbour, a temporary
tiller was attached to the stump of the rudder-head, and
she proceeded to Milford Haven, where she was placed on
the gridiron, and her after stern-post and paddlewheels
replaced. The accident had proved that the original
paddlewheels might with advantage have been made
stronger, and in the new wheels the bracing was increased.
The ship, under the command of Captain Walter Paton,
left Milford Haven for New York on May 7, 1862, and
returned to Liverpool on June 11. She left again on
July 1, and returned on August 6. Besides the number of
passengers the ship accommodated, she carried a con-
siderable amount of cargo ; she brought over large
quantities of grain and provisions. The custom of
carrying this class of freight in steam-ships received a
great impulse from the success of the * Great Eastern ' in
the traffic. As it was found that the shallowness of the
bar at Sandy Hook prevented her taking full advantage
of her carrying power, she had on this voyage followed
the route along Long Island Sound, so as to arrive close to
New York in deep water, and on her return voyage she
brought as much as 5,300 tons of cargo in bulk, which
with 4,350 tons of coal gave her a mean draught of 28
feet.
She left Liverpool on August 17, and arrived off Montauk
Point, at the entrance to Long Island Sound, at about two
in the morning of the 27th, to take in the pilot. While
stopping, a loud rumbling noise was heard, and presently
the ship heeled slightly over to one side. The pilot, when
'^r -' ■
408 THE 'GREAT EASTERN' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 18C2.
he came on board, said tliat tlie ship had passed over a
reef of sunken rocks, which was not marked on the charts.
It was at the same time found that many of the spaces
, between the double skins were full of water. The ship
i went on to New York, and most of the passengers landed
in ignorance of an accident which in any other vessel
would have been fatal.
Steps were at once taken to examine the damage, and
the divers reported a large fracture in the outer skin 80
feet long and about 10 feet broad. They also discovered
afterwards several smaller fractures. It was considered
that this damage might be mended while the vessel was
afloat, and a very skilful arrangement, contrived by Messrs.
Eenwick, of New York, was adopted. A large wooden
barge was made with a gunwale shaped to fit the ship's
side, and two wooden passages leading down into the
barge. It was placed so as to cover the large fracture,
and was secured by chains passed round the bottom
of the ship. The joint between the gunwale of the
barge and the ship's side was made water-tight; the
water was pumped out, and men and materials passed
down through the shafts. By the exertions of those
engaged in this difl&cult operation, the great fracture was
repaired, and the ship returned to England in the be-
ginning of 1863.
A gridiron was made at Birkenhead; the ship was
placed on it, and the repairs were proceeded with under
the direction of Mr. Brereton, who at Mr. Brunei's death
succeeded him as engineer to the Great Ship Company.
On examination, it was found that fractures had been
made in ten separate places in the outer skin.
The ship started again in May 1863, and made three
voyages to New York and home. At this time, however,
A.D. 18G3.] ACCIDENT OFF MONTAUK POINT. 409
tliere was a severe com^e^tioiLjvith other vessels, and the
Company could not afford to run the ship unremunera-
tivelyfor any length of time. In 1864 she passed into the
hands of a new company, which consisted almost entirely of
those who, from their belief in the capabilities of the ship,
had found the money for starting her again after each
of her successive misfortunes.
The ship lay idle for some months, and was then
chartered by the Telegraph Construction and Maintenance
Company.
The * Great Eastern ' had in the course of the four years
from 1860 to 1863 made nine voyages across the Atlantic
and back. Though this was not the route for which she
had been intended, it had given her many opportunities of
showing her merits. Adverse fortune had added to these
[Opportunities, and had at the same time demonstrated
^the necessity of many of the precautions which Mr. Brunei
lad taken to ensure her safety.
The construction of the hull of the ship has been
proved by experience to possess the advantages anti-
cipated by Mr. Brunei.
Its strength as a whole has been proved by the absence
of all signs of weakness in the heavy weather she en-
countered on several occasions, and especially in the gale
of 1861, when her rudder was disabled. The strength of
the ship has since been fully tested by the enormous loads
she has carried while on telegraph cable expeditions.
The importance of the double skin was shown on the
occasion of her grinding over the rocks at Montauk
Point, when so large a number of leaks were made in
all parts of her bottom that no ordinary system of bulk-
heads would have saved her from foundering. Moreover,
the space between the two skins was sufficient to allow
410 THE 'GEEAT EASTERN' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 18G3.
of the outer skin and tlie webs being crusbed to tbe extent
of three feet, while they at the same time acted as a
buffer and prevented the inner skin from coming in contact
with the rock.
The engines have not had any opportunity of working
at high speed in the long voyages for which they were
intended, but in the rapid and comparatively short pas-
sages made by the ship across the Atlantic they worked
with great regularity and success. Although they were
commenced seventeen years ago, they are still fine speci-
mens of marine engines, and bear witness to the care
taken by their builders in their design and manufacture.
Of the points on which Mr. Brunei laid stress, and
which, as he remarked, ' involve ho other risk than that
* of being useless ; they cannot do mischief,' many have
now come to be considered essential parts of good marine
engines. He thought it of great importance that the
steam cylinders sbould be jacketed, especially at the
ends ; and it was intended that the high-pressure steam
for this purpose should be taken from the auxiliary boilers.
This plan was, however, not adopted.
Mr. Brunei was also anxious that the steam should be
heated immediately before it entered the cylinders, and
that fresh water should be supplied for the boilers by
using the same water over again. Arrangements for
effecting these objects have since been brought into general
use.
The advantage of having several cylinders to each
engine was shown while the ship was running to America.
Part of the valve-gear of one of the paddle-engine
cylinders gave way, the engines were stopped for four
hours, and the ship was propelled by the screw alone.
The cylinder was disconnected and turned back out of
A.D. 1863.] PEKFOKMANCE OF SHIP. 4U
the way, and the engines worked efficiently with three
cylinders for four passages across the Atlantic.
The average speed of the ship on those voyages in
which her performances were fairly tested was about 13^
knots. On two occasions she made the voyage from
New York to Liverpool at an average speed of 14 knots ;
and she maintained her speed in rough weather and
head winds to a much greater extent than is the case
in smaller vessels.
By having two sets of engines, the ship was saved from
serious disaster at Holyhead, and again in the gale of
September 1861.
The great handiness of the ship is one of the many
beneficial results of the use of both paddles and screw.
By working the paddlewheels astern and the screw
ahead, she can be kept from moving forward or back-
ward, and at the same time the stream of water from
the screw, acting on the rudder, makes her answer
her helm and turn round on her centre. By modifying
the speed of the two engines, she may be made to creep
slowly forward ; and as the rudder is in the full rush of
the water driven back by the screw, the ship has prac-
tically as much steering power as she has when moving
rapidly. The importance of this power of controlling her
when passing through narrow channels, in entering and
leaving port, can scarcely be over-estimated.
The career of the ' Great Eastern ' since the formation
of the present Great Eastern Steam- Ship Company, has
been prosperous.
In the commencement of the year 1864, when Mr. Cyrus
Field had succeeded in reviving the project of laying
the Atlantic cable, the Telegraph Construction and Main-
tenance Company took the contract for laying it, and
412 THE 'GREAT-EASTERN' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1865.
hired the 'Great Eastern.' She was brought round to
Sheerness, where the cable tanks were fitted into her.
One tank was placed in the forward cargo compartment,
and another in the after cargo compartment ; and the
largest tank was placed over the middle screw boiler
room, the funnel being removed. Therefore, during the
cable-laying expeditions, the ship only used eight of her
boilers.
The history of the laying of the Atlantic cable is well
known. The ' Great Eastern ' started from Yalentia on
June 23, 1865, under the command of Captain (now Sir
James) Anderson, and the cable was laid more than half
way across the Atlantic ; but, on hauling in to recover a
fault, it was broken, and dropped to the bottom of the sea.
The grappling tackle was not sufficiently strong. The
cable was three times partially raised, and each time lost ;
and the expedition returned to England defeated, but with
the knowledge that ultimate success was certain.
The engineers and scientific men on board the ' Great
* Eastern ' drew up a memorandum as to the results of
this expedition, and, among other things, stated — 'That
* the steam-ship " Great Eastern," from her size and con-
' stant steadiness, and from the control over her afforded
' by the joint use of paddles and screw, renders it safe to
' lay an Atlantic cable in any weather.'^
' Before the ship was finished, Mr. were verified. It was determined that
Brunei had her stability and rolling the ship would make a single roll
carefully investigated. Calculations from one side to the other in about
were made to ascertain the position six seconds. While she was in the
of her centre of gravity and the Thames a steamer struck the hulk
other necessary elements for deter- alongside and gave the great ship a
mining her stability and period of slight impulse. Mr. Brunei, who was
rolling. on board, took advantage of the op-
He also had a model made, with portunity to observe the period of
arrangements for altering the levels the roll she made, and was pleased at
of weights placed inside. By this finding it agree with the calculated
means the results of the calculations period. It is to the investigations
A.D. 1866.] ATLANTIC CABLE EXPEDITIONS. 413
Sufficient additional cable was made to lay a second
one and to finish the old cable when it should be re-
covered. The ship started again on July 13, 1866, and
laid the cable across the Atlantic without the slightest
mishap. She then returned, and after three weeks of
hard work, the end of the cable which had been lost the
year before was picked up, and completed to Newfound-
land.
On her return to England there did not seem to be
any immediate employment for her in cable laying, and
the tanks were taken out. In the following year
a company was formed in France to charter the ship,
and to work her between New York and Brest during
the French Exhibition. She made one voyage from
Liverpool to New York and back to Brest and Liverpool ;
but the undertaking was a commercial failure.
She remained at Liverpool till October 1868, when it
was proposed to lay a cable from France to America;
and she came round to her former berth at Sheerness.
Tanks were made in the fore and aft cargo spaces, and a
very large tank, 75 feet in diameter, was placed amid-
ships. The bulkheads were cut partially away to make
initiated at that time by Mr. Brunei method of noting down the swings of
that are due the great steps since made a pendulum.
in the knowledge of the laws which \] The 'Great Eastern' remains al-
govem the rolling of ships. Had Mr. Imost perfectly steady in ordinary
Brunei lived he would no doubt have I rough seas. When the seas become
taken the same pains to record the ; very long, so that their period is
rolling of the ' Great Eastern ' as he nearly the same as that of the ship,
had in the case of the ' Great Western' she rolls; though the number of degrees
when, in 1839, he sent an assistant on either side of the perpendicular is
to America and back, who took obser- not large. By stowing the weights of
vations of the rolling and pitching cargo high in the ship, the tendency
of that vessel in several voyages. to roll has been much diminished, and
These observations were made by a when engaged in cable laying, with
simple angle-measuring instrument, the enormous weights in the cable
adjusted by the visible level line of tanks all placed above the lower deck,
the horizon, and not by the fallacious she is remarkably steady.
414 THE ' GREAT EASTERN ' STEAM-SHIP. [a.d. 1868.
room for it, the ship being strengthened above and below.
She started on this expedition from Brest under the com-
mand of Captain Robert Halpin, and encountered very
heavy weather. The cable was laid successfully.
The ship then returned to England, and was fitted out
for the greatest adventure she has yet undertaken. She
was to proceed with a full cargo of cable round the Cape
of Good Hope to Bombay, to lay it thence to Aden, and
from Aden a portion of the way up the Red Sea. With
her cable and coals, on leaving England, she drew 34 feet
6 inches, with the enormous displacement of 32,724 tons.
She laid the cable with perfect success, and returned to
England.
Throughout all these cable-laying expeditions, and espe-
cially in the work of picking up the Atlantic cable of 1865,
the good qualities of the ship have been fully exhibited.
The later voyages of the ' Great Eastern ' were under-
taken for the accomplishment of a work in which Mr.
Brunei had felt a great interest.
In 1856, Mr. Cyrus Field came over to this country in
order to consult English engineers and scientific men upon
his project of an Atlantic cable. It is stated in a work
written by Dr. Eield,^ that —
From the beginning Mr. Brunei showed the warmest interest in
the undertaking, and made many suggestions in regard to the form
of the cable and the manner in which it should be laid. He was
then building the * Great Eastern,' and one day he took Mr. Field
down to Blackwall to see it, and said, ' There is the ship to lay
* the Atlantic cable.'
It appears, however, from drawings in Mr. Brunei's
sketch-books that at this time, and again in 1858, he
' History of the Atlantic Telegraph : New York, 1 866.
A.D. 1870.] INDIAN CABLE EXPEDITION. 415
thought that it would be better to have a vessel specially
built for the work.
He was throughout sanguine as to the ultimate success
of the undertaking, as is shown by the following extract
from a letter written in December 1856 : —
I would suggest a more moderate expression of doubts of the suc-
cessful results of the American cable. The impossibility of running
steamers profitably over the surface of the same sea was, though it is
now denied, asserted and proved from established facts just as clearly
as the impossibility asserted now to exist in respect of the electric
telegraph. It is a pity in these days to lay down any such dogma.
Every day's experience proves that nine-tenths of them are refuted ;
that the circumstances do not prove to be such as are assumed, or
the difficulties are overcome ; and however correct the arguments
may have been, the result is not as predicted.
/| The * Great Eastern ' has not yet been engaged on the
/work for which she was originally designed by Mr. Brunei ;
but her employment in the promotion of great scientific
I enterprises has been an occupation worthy of her connec::_
1 tion with his name.
416
THE 'GKEAT EASTEEN ' STEAM-SHIP.
NOTE (p. 395).
Dimensions of the * Great Eastern ' Steam-ship.
Extreme length . . -^ .
693 feet
Length between perpendiculars
680 „
Breadth ....
83 „
Depth ....
58 „
Greatest draught of water .
30 „
Kegistered tonnage . . . .
13,343 tons
Gross tonnage
18,915 „
Displacement at 30 feet draught
27,419 „
Dimensions of Paddle-Engines.
(1,000 nominal horse-power.)
Number of cylinders
Diameter of cylinders
Length of stroke
Number of boilers .
6 feet 2 inches
14 feet
4
Dimensions of Screw-Engines.
(1, GOO nominal horse-power.)
Number of cylinders . . . .4
Diameter of cylinders ... 7 feet
Length of stroke . . . . 4 „
Number of boilers . . . . .6
417
CHAPTER XIV.
DOCK AND PIER WORKS.
A.D. 1831—1859. *TATis 26—54.
MONK-VVEARlaOUTJl DOCKS, 1831 BRISTOI, DOCKS, FLOATING HAEBOUR, 1832
PROPOSKD -WORKS AT PORTISHEAD NEW LOCK AT BRISTOL, 1845
PLYMOUTH GREAT WESTERN DOCKS, 1847 — BRITON FERRY DOCKS, 1851
BRENTFORD DOCK, 1856 PIEB AT MILFORD HAVEN, 186Tk
Mr. Brunel's dock and pier works are interesting, not
only in their general features, but also in tlie details of
their construction; and the plans he made for large
docks at Monkwearmouth in 1831, which he carried
out on a smaller scale shortly afterwards, were among
the earliest of his independent designs*
With the exception of the gates of this dock, which are
of timber, all the dock gates Mr. Brunei constructed are
of wrought iron. This material had been employed in
ship-building before Mr. Brunei adopted it for the gates of
the new lock at Bristol, and it was also beginning to be
extensively used for bridge girders.
At the same time that he introduced the use of wrought
iron into dock gates, he constructed them with a large
amount of buoyancy, in order that they might be moved
easily, while being opened and shut.
The dock and pier works which he constructed are at
Monkwearmouth, Bristol, Plymouth, Briton Ferry, Brent-
ford, and at Neyland, Milford Haven. They will be de-
E E
418 DOCK AND PIEE WOKKS.
scribed in this order, which, is nearly that of the dates of
their construction.
3Ionhwearmouth Docks.
The tovm of Monkwearmouth is situated at the mouth
of the river Wear, on the north side, and opposite to the
towns of Sunderland and Bishopwearmouth, which extend
for about a mile along the south side. In order to im-
prove the entrance of the river, and to diminish the
sand-banks which lay near its mouth, piers were proposed
as early as the middle of the last century, and were partly
built on both sides of the river before the year 1800.
Trom that date untU 1831, although the question of
making docks had been considered, and designs proposed
by different engineers, no steps had been taken for their
construction, and the only works executed for the im-
provement of the port were the extension and alteration
of the piers already existing. In 1831 designs for docks to
accommodate the increasing trafl&c were made simulta-
neously by Mr. Brunei and Mr. Giles. Mr. Brunei's
docks were to have been on the north side of the river,
and to have had an area of 25 acres, with quays, ware-
houses, &c. Mr. Giles's were to have been on the south
side.
Neither of these schemes was approved of by Par-
liament ; but shortly afterwards a private company was
formed for the construction of a dock on a plan designed
by Mr. Brunei, though on a much smaller scale than his
scheme of 1831, the dock being only about 6 acres in
area, with a tidal basin of about an acre and a half. The
company encountered considerable opposition from the
authorities of the town of Sunderland, but succeeded in
obtaining a royal charter for the construction of the dock.
MONKWEARMOUTH DOCKS. 419
They subsequently obtained an Act of Parliament empower-
ing them to make the entrance from the dock to the river.
The dock was constructed, and eventually became the
property of the iSTorth Eastern Railway Company, to whom
it now belongs ; they have erected coal drops along the
quay, and have made it a shipping place for collieries
connected with their railway.
The work was begun in 1834, and the dock and tidal
basin occupy part of the site chosen by Mr. Brunei for his
larger scheme of 1831.
The quay wall was built with a curved batter, the chord
line joining the top and bottom having an inclination of
1 in 5. The masonry was carried up in courses, and
made solid by filling every part thoroughly with mortar.
A course at the face and at the back of the wall was built
up ; an abundance of mortar was then spread in the heart
of the wall, and the stones built in the mortar. Thus no
crevices could be lefb in any part of the work, and the
back of the wall was soundly built throughout.
The entrance to the dock is 45 feet wide, with side
walls of the same profile as the quay wall. Except at
the gate floors, there is a segmental invert of dressed stone
of such curvature that it is 6 feet 6 inches lower in the
middle than at the side walls. The gate floors are formed
with inverts, curved to correspond with the under sides of
the gates.
The masonry of the entrance was executed within a
four-sided coffer-dam, the sides of which were slightly
convex outwards. This coffer-dam was constructed in the
usual way, there being two rows of close piling with
puddle between them ; and it was strengthened by internal
horizontal shores which connected the opposite sides, and
by diagonal bracing. The piles were driven until they
met with so much resistance as to render it unsafe to
E E 2
420 DOCK AND PIER WORKS.
drive them farther. When the ground inside the coffer-
dam was excavated, it was found that the piles had been
driven into sand and gravel, and that, to enable the
masonry to be built on a good foundation, it would be
necessary to excavate about 7 or 8 feet below the piles.
They were therefore driven down gradually, as the ground
was removed from the inside, until the requisite depth
was obtained. The whole coffer-dam was thus an im-
mense caisson, the sides of which were lowered by gradual
driving, instead of being simultaneously forced down by
weights.
The masonry of the walls of the tidal basin is similar
to that of the walls of the dock ; some parts of the foun-
dation were laid by means of a diving-bell.
In the entrance between the dock and the tidal basin
there is a pair of gates pointing inwards, which serves to
retain the water in the dock during the fall of the tide,
and there is also a pair of storm gates pointing outwards,
which protects the inner pair from the force of the waves.
The construction of both pairs of gates is similar.
The two leaves of each pair meet at an angle of 125°.
Each leaf is about 30 feet long ; the bottom beams are
curved to the form of the segment of a circle ; the height
at the meeting-post is 27 feet, and at the heel post
22 feet (see woodcut, fig. 17). This arrangement is, to a
greater or less extent, followed in the dock gates Mr. Brunei
afterwards constructed. By raising the pivot, the gate
floor can be made of ample strength, and the cills and
heel-posts are free from mud and deposit. The gates are
constructed of horizontal beams of yellow pine timber,
21 inches thick, placed close together for a height of 12
feet above the bottom. Above this there are beams of
timber and of cast iron at intervals. The whole is planked
over on the inner side with 4-inch planking. The heel-
MONKWEAKMOUTH DOCK GATES.
421
post and meeting-post are socketed into cast-iron up-
rights, which also receive the ends of the horizontal beams.
To preserve the gate from any change of form, a diagonal
iron tie-bar extends from the top of the heel-post to the
timber beams forming the lov^rer part of the gate.
Fig. 17. Monkweannoutlj Dock Gatos,
Elevation.
'""^""?
Scale of feet.
Nearly under each meeting-post is placed a bevelled
cast-iron wheel, 18 inches in diameter, which supports part
of the weight of the gate.
There are four sluices in each leaf, placed in pairs, with a
small interval between them. Each pair of sluices counter-
balances the weight of the other pair by being attached
to opposite ends of a lever at the top of the gate.
A screw works in the segment of a large worm-wheel
formed on the end of the lever, and, being turned round,
opens and shuts the sluices. After the timber work
of the gate had been fitted together, it was taken to
pieces, and subjected to the preserving process called
Kyanising, which consists in immersing the wood in a
solution of corrosive sublimate. This process has been
so successful, that when the gates were recently taken
422 DOCK AND PIEE WOEKS.
out for examination the timber was found to be nearly
perfect, only slight surface repairs being required in one
or two places.
The great bulk of light wood at the bottom of these
gates gives them a certain amount of flotation at all
times of tide. After the gates had been in use many
years it was found that one of the wheels had been detached
for some time, but the buoyancy of the gate had prevented
any mischief resulting. The buoyancy of the lower part
of the gate is somewhat analogous to that of the air-
chamber which Mr. Brunei introduced afterwards in his
wrought-iron dock gates.
Bristol Bocks.
About the year 1804 that portion of the river Avon
which flows in a serpentine course through the city of
Bristol was enclosed, and the water in it retained at a con-
stant level, a new cut or shorter channel being made for
the river. The portion separated, called the Floating
Harbour, or Float, is about two miles long and 100
yards broad. At its lower end it is connected with the
river by the Cumberland Basin, a half-tide basin, with two
locks, and at its upper end by a feeder, which brings the
water of the Avon into it, the river in dry weather being
stopped from passing into the new cut by the Neetham
Dam, About half-way up, the Float is entered on the
north side by the river Frome ; and, a little above this
junction, it is crossed by the Prince's Street drawbridge,
which divides it into two parts. About 170 feet above
the bridge the Float is connected with the new cut by
another basin with a lock, called Bathurst Basin.
Mud and other deposits had accumulated to such an
WOEKS AT BEISTOL FLOATING HAEBOUE. 423
extent in the Floating Harbour, that at the end of the
year 1832 the directors of the Dock Company employed
Mr. Brunei to suggest remedial measures.
In order to effect his object at the least possible cost, he
proposed certain works, together with an improved system
of managing the water of the river, so as to allow more of
it to pass through the Floating Harbour, by means of
which great benefit might fairly be anticipated.' He
remarked that, —
By systematically following this course, the object of which is
simply to keep in continual action all the means, however small,
which can at the moment be brought to bear, and thus day by day
to remove or neutralise, or merely diminish (as the case may be), the
continual deposit which is going on — in fact, by applying a con-
stantly acting remedy to oppose a constantly acting evil — I have little
doubt that the formation of shoals similar to the existing ones may
be entirely prevented, or at all events that they will be of such a
nature as to be easily removed by two or three yearly scourings, and
' It may be desirable to give a steam-engine which worked a large
shortexplanation of these works, which windlass with three compartments,
consisted principally of a sluice, a round two of which chains were passed
trunk, and a drag-boat. and fixed to posts on the quays, and
The Sluice was made in the abut- the boat was dragged backwards and
ment of Prince's Street Bridge, and forwards. The third compartment
was intended to create a scour after of the windlass worked a chain which
the water had been let off from either elevated or depressed a scraper,
side of the float, the opening at the attached to a long pole at the stern,
bridge being closed by a caisson which and secured from swerving by a
had long been in use when (as was chain-bridle which passed under the
formerly the case) the upper part boat. The scraper stirred up the
of the float was scoured through mud, and deposited the more solid
Bathurst Basin. parts at the entrance of the trunk.
The Trunk, near the entrance from Mr. Brunei also desired that the
Cumberland Basin, is a wooden cul- float boards of the Neetham Dam
vert between the floating harbour should be put into proper working
and the river. As much of the mud order ; and that they should be altered
as could be dragged there was de- so that, in times of land floods, the
posited at the entrance of the trunk, whole or a considerable portion of the
and, when the tide was low in the excess of water should be retained,
new channel of the Avon, sluices were and passed through the feeder ; and
opened, and the m ater rushed through that even the water of spring tides
from the floating harbour, carrying should be allowed to pass the dam,
the mud with it. and then be stopped back for the same
The Drag-Boat was fitted with a purpose.
424 DOCK AND PIER WOEKS.
•without that time and labour which are now expended with so little
effect.
It should be observed that the yearly scourings, which
became so objectionable to the trade, were not introduced
by Mr. Brunei, but were part of the original arrangements
of the docks.
After the reception of Mr. Brunei's report, the Dock
Compan^ executed the works which he required, namely,
the Sluice, Trunk, and Drag-Boat; but his other recom-
mendations, as to scouring and increased supply of water,
were only acted upon to a limited extent.
In 1842 the Directors again asked Mr. Brunei to report,
in conjunction with Captain Claxton, upon ' what further
* measures are requisite for keeping the Floating Harbour
* more clear of mud than it has been for a few years.'
Mr. Brunei thereupon made a report to the Directors.
After having referred to his previous reports of 1833
and 1834, he remarked that * the efficiency of the whole
* system then recommended and adopted, and subsequently
' partially carried out, depended entirely and was founded
* on the supposition of the then existing mud-banks and
< shoals being first removed, and the Float deepened at
* once to the full extent required,' according to the plans
which he had pointed out ; and that * the increasing the
^ supply of water through the Float was one of those means
* on which he had most insisted ' as necessary for keeping
it clean and preventing its becoming a settling reservoir.
He then continued, —
The sluice at Prince's Street Bridge, the trunk — or syphon, as it
was originally, and perhaps more correctly, called — at the underfalls,
and the drag-boat have alone been brought into operation. These
were originally intended as mere aids, which, in conjunction with the
increased supiily of water, were expected, after the complete deepen-
ing of the Float, to be sufficientj with two or three yearhj scourings, to
WORKS AT BRISTOL FLOATING HARBOUR. 425
keep it to the required depth : these were (perhaps tinfortunately)
found so effective as to induce a hope that they might be depended
upon solely for the removal of the evil. The permanent interests of
the port were, I cannot but think, sacrificed to temporary convenience :
the scourings which were required as a preliminary step to restore
the Float to its original state, or to that which was said to have been
its former state, and which is now required, were indefinitely
postponed.
A material improvement being notwithstanding soon perceptible
from the first effects of the drag-boat and the removal of mud through
the trunk, the periodical scourings which formed part of the system
approved of for adoption were in a great measure given up to the
objections of tlie traders. The precautions actually necessary against
admitting into the Float the tide water of the Avon, heavily charged
with mud, were gradually sacrificed for the same reasons. From all
these and many other, but very similar, circumstances no further
progress has been made since the first improvement, which was felt
to be, and which unquestionably was at the time, very considerable.
For until this period it had been the general practice to lighten all
deeply laden vessels at the entrance of the Float ; and, notwithstand-
ing this precaution, it must be in the recollection of everybody that
it was a common sight to see several large vessels aground at various
shoals in the Float, and unable, without further discharging the
cargoes, and without great consumption of time, labour, and ropes, to
get up to the quays. For several years past the grounding of the
deepest vessels has been the exception, not the rule, but during all
this period it has been one continued and almost vain attempt to
struggle against the old difficulties with insufficient means. . . .
For the removal of such deposits as will still be formed, I propose
two means ; and first as regards those deposits Avhich are continually
going on. These are formed almost entirely of mud, which, from its
want of consistency when first deposited, the great quantity and the
large surface over which it extends, as well as the great depth of
water, cannot, as I have frequently explained, be easily or economi-
cally removed by the ordinary process of dredging : for this reason
I originally proposed the drag-boat in conjunction with the trunk at
the underfalls, and which has, so far as it has been applied, com-
pletely answered my expectations.
I should now propose a similar arrangement for the upper float. . .
I should propose to make the -additional .dragrJjQat .thus rec[uke4
Department of Civil Eng(me€r,ng I
I M II n i r ; r- ., I - ., ,1 f ..
426 DOCK AND PIEE WORKS.
of rather greater power than that now in use, and to construct it so
that a chain of dredging-buckets could be hereafter attached to the
shaft ; and, secondly, for the purposes of deepening the hard bottom
of the float, and of removing those banks of hard materials which
have either always existed, or have been allowed to accumulate,
dredging must be resorted to. But I should be disposed to attempt
hand dredging or spooning in the first instance ; for, although the
depth of water is great, I believe the work could be executed as
cheaply, or nearly so, as by the steam dredging, as the original
outlay of capital would of course be much less, while the facility of
Avorking at several points at once, or of moving from one berth to
another as the convenience of the trade would best allow, would be
much greater ; the operation also would be much more under com-
mand, which, taking into consideration the possibility of undermining
the foundations of the quay walls or buildings, is not an unimportant
advantage.
When the required depths are once obtained, the natural deposits
even of the harder description may probably be easily removed by
the drag-boat or by the occasional use of hand dredging.
The recommendations contained in tliis report were not
adopted.
In 1839 Mr. Brunei, in a report to a Committee of
the Council of the Citj of Bristol, suggested several im-
provements connected with the Port, almost all of which
have since been undertaken. He proposed to straighten
and widen the course of the river, and to make new locks,
both from the river to Cumberland Basin and from that
basin to the Floating Harbour, or, as an alternative, to
construct docks at Sea Mills, a creek on the Avon, about
two miles below Bristol.
He also proposed to construct a large pier at Portishead.
The rise of tide is there sometimes 45 feet, and the
velocity of rise or fall as much as 10 feet per hour.
There is also a great deposit of mud by the Severn. Mr.
Brunei considered that these circumstances rendered a
fixed structure undesirable, and he therefore recommended
a floating pier. He said : —
NEW LOCK — BRISTOL. 427
I propose two or three vessels of 300 or 200 feet of length, built
ol" iron, as the material cheapest and best adapted to the purpose, of
16-feet or 20-feet draft of water, and about 30 feet beam, moored
close stem and stern, so as to form one continuous floating body.
Any steamboat or other vessel alongside will of course be on the
same level as the pier ; the passengers, on disembarking, will at
once be on a level platform or deck, under shelter, where the lug-
gage or goods can also be placed ; and the communication with the
shore will be effected without steps Such a pier would
aiFord stowage for almost any quantity of coals, fresh water, and
general goods, which could be stored here for embarkation.
In 1847, after an Act liad been obtained for making a
railway from Bristol to Portishead, with a pier at the latter
place, Mr. Brunei designed the pier on the plan described
in his report of 1839 ; but the project was not carried out.
As has been already mentioned, the communication
between the lower part of the Floating Harbour and the
river Avon is through the Cumberland Basin ; between
this basin and the river were two locks, made at the time
that the Floating Harbour was constructed.
Owing to the increased size of merchant vessels, it had
long been in contemplation to enlarge the entrance. At
the time when the ' Great Britain ' was built, the northern
lock was so narrow that a portion of the upper masonry
had to be removed in order to give room for the ship to
pass from the basin to the river on a spring tide. It
was then felt that the enlargement of one of the locks
could no longer be delayed, and Mr, Brunei was asked
to adapt the narrower or southern entrance lock to the
passage of the largest vessels.
Between the two locks was a pier, from which vessels
were guided, and the gates opened or shut. The
elongation of the lock was limited by the length of this
pier, as it could not be extended towards the river with-
out diminishing the area of entrance, nor could it be
428 DOCK AND PIEE WORKS.
extended upwards without lessening the area of Cum-
berland Basin. Mr. Brunei, although hampered by this
restriction, succeeded in obtaining a lock of considerable
length. He constructed the gates of a single leaf, and
placed the upper gate outside the lock so as to shut against
the upper end of the middle pier, and to swing back when
opened into a recess in the side wall of the Cumberland
Basin. He thus avoided the necessity of finding room on
the pier for the machinery to open one of the leaves of
the upper gate. Had the gate been in two leaves, the
lock would have been shortened from 30 to 40 feet. At
the lower end he placed the gate as near the river as
possible ; and, lest the end of the middle pier should not
be strong enough to withstand the pressure, he secured
the quoin stones, against which the gate closed, by hori-
zontal wrought-iron bars at different levels, built into the
side wall of the lock.
The lock is 262 feet in length between the gates, and 54
feet wide at the narrowest part.
The masonry is of plain character, all the part below
the ashlar coping being of ordinary fitted rubble of
great thickness, solidly built with hydraulic lime mortar.
The ground behind the wall consisted of a wet silty
clay, causing a great pressure against the masonry.
The under part of the body of the lock is formed to a semi-
oval cross, section.
The works were commenced by the construction of
coffer-dams at each end. In 1846, when the masonry was
approaching completion, a very high tide took place, and
a portion of the upper dam gave way. As some work still
remained to be done at the sill and apron of the lower
gate, Mr. Brunei decided to make a brick dam in the
middle of the lock, where the masonry had been com-
pleted. This brick dam was a horizontal arch built on
IRON DOCK GATES— BRISTOL. 420
the bottom of the lock, up to the level of the water
in the Floating Harbour. The abutments were formed
by the masonry of the lock walls, which was notched to
receive the bricks of the arch rings. The dam was 28 feet
high, only 8 feet thick at the bottom, and 3 feet thick at
the top. It was set in Roman cement, and was completely
water-tight. It was easily and rapidly made, and the
cost was small, as compared with what would have been
the cost of repairing the upper dam.
In this lock the chief point of interest consists in its
being the first in which wrought-iron gates were intro-
duced, these gates being at the same time made buoyant.
Floating caissons had been previously used at the
entrances to graving docks, and in similar situations ;
indeed at Bristol, a caisson had long been employed at
Prince's Street Bridge, to separate one part of the Float-
ing Harbour from the other. The buoyant gates of the
Bristol Docks differ essentially from these vessels, inas-
much as, instead of requiring to be floated into their
places, they turn on a hinge, and do not rise or fall verti-
cally.
The gates are provided with wheels, but only a small
part of the weight rests on them, as the gates are rendered
buoyant by large air-chamberS) formed in the lower part
of them.
The upper and lower gates are alike in construction and
dimensions, so that it is only necessary to describe one of
them. (See woodcut, fig. 18.)
The extreme length of the gate is 58 feet, and the ex-
treme height 29 feet. In the middle it is about 10 feet
wide, the width diminishing to 3 feet at the top. In
plan it is curved to resist the pressure of the water.
The gate when closed is not at right angles to the direc-
tion of the length of the lock, but is at an angle of
430
DOCK AND PIER WORKS.
about 12°. The length is thus scarcely increased, while
the travel in being opened and shut is much reduced.
Pig. 18. Bristol Dock Gate.
Elevation.
Section A . B. Section C. D.
Scale of feet.
The top is at the level of the water in the Floating
Harbour ; so that, when the tide falls, the water in the
Cumberland Basin may be retained at the same height
as in the Float.
The air-chamber is formed by two water-tight decks of
wrought-iron plating, one at the level of half- tide, the
other a short distance above the bottom of the gate.
Above the deck forming the top of the air-chamber, the
water, as the tide rises, flows freely into the interior of
the gate, through openings in the face next the dock, so
that when the water is level with the top of the gate,
the part above the air-chamber is full of water, which
flows out again if the level of the water falls.
In ordinary working the gate only needs to be opened
or shut when the water is above the level of half-tide, and
therefore at these times the whole of the air-chamber is
immersed. To whatever height the water rises above
IRON DOCK GATES—BRISTOL. 431
this level, the buoyancy remains almost the same, the
only change being caused by the displacement of the iron
of the upper part. This displacement, when the water
is level with the top of the gate, amounts to about six
tons.
The size of the air-chamber is so arranged that when
the water is level with the top of the gate it is just
afloat ; and at half- tide, when the water is at the level of
the top of the air-chamber, there is a weight of about six
tons on the wheels.*
The gate is provided with a sluice, by which water may
be admitted into the air-chamber, or allowed to escape
when the water outside is at a lower level ; there is also a
pump, by which leakage water may be extracted. The
volume of the air-chamber may thus be altered at will,
and the buoyancy may be modified so as to counteract
the effect of the weight of any mud which may be de-
posited upon the decks of the gate.
There are in each gate two very large double sluices,
which are used for working the lock, and for lowering the
water in the Cumberland Basin to meet the tide. They are
also used for scouring away the mud. The shutting pieces
of the gates, which bear against the granite masonry and
forma water-tight joint, were made of Honduras mahogany,
a very durable wood for the purpose. The timber is
bedded in creosoted felt and bolted to the gates ; and the
pieces are still sound, after the lapse of more than twenty
years.
Underneath the gate are two wheels, slightly conical,
3^ feet diameter and 1 foot wide, which travel on level
• The advantage of forming an air- air-chamber is properly adjusted to
chamber in the lower part of the the weight of the gate, there need not
gate, and allowing the water to enter come on the wheels, while moving,
above it, is that when the size of the more than a trifling amount of weight.
432 DOCK AND PIER WORKS.
cast-iron rails let into the masonry of the gate floor.
There is no heel-post such as is usual in dock gates,
but the gate is hinged to the masonry by wrought-iron
collars and a wrought-iron pin about 8 inches diameter,
which is passed through them. Any portion of the
weight of the gate which is not supported by the flota-
tion of the air-chamber is borne entirely by the wheels,
the arrangement at the hinge being merely for the pur-
pose of retaining the gate in its position and guiding it in
opening or shutting. The gate is moved by chains, which
are attached to the barrels of powerful crabs, and conveyed
through passages formed in the masonry ; at the lower ends
of these are chain rollers or broad sheaves, round which
the chains pass. The sheaves are fluted on the circum-
ference, to ensure their turning readily. When the gates
are nearly afloat, they can be moved with great ease; but
at the time of their construction it was considered essential
to provide machinery sufficiently powerful to open and close
them at low water, when the whole weight of each gate,
nearly one hundred tons, rests on the wheels. The crabs
and chains were therefore made much stronger, and were
more difficult to move, than if they had been merely
designed to work the gate under ordinary conditions.
The gates were constructed in Bristol at the Great
Western Steamship Works in 1847. After the lower gate
had been tested and proved to be water-tight, it was
launched, and floated with the front surface nearly level.
The positions it would assume under different conditions
had been calculated beforehand. Before it was fixed,
the gate was made to float nearly upright by the admission
of water ; it was then towed to its place, and brought into
correct position. The hinge-pin was dropped through the
collars, and by admitting water into it, the gate was
sunk, so that it rested upon its wheels. This operation
PLYMOUTH GREAT WESTERN DOCKS. 433
had to be performed at high water, which only lasted for a
short time.
In fixing the upper gate, the water was kept np to the
proper level by the lower gate, and therefore there was no
need to do the work quickly.
Plymouth Great Western Bocks.
As it was considered probable that, on the completion
of railway communication, mail packets and other large
ocean steamers might make Plymouth their port of de-
parture, a company was formed in 1846 for the construc-
tion of a dock in Mill-bay, a large inlet in Plymouth
Sound near the entrance to the Hamoaze.
The bay was already protected from the prevailing winds
by a pier at its eastern side constructed by Mr. Rendel.
It was decided to form a wet dock and graving dock at
the inner end of the bay, and to make quay walls along
the side of the outer part, to join the existing pier. A
floating pier for large vessels afterwards became part of
the scheme. In 1847 preliminary trials were made as to
the best means of excavating in deep water the limestone
rock of which part of the bottom of the bay consisted ;
some quay walls were also constructed and made use of by
the shipping.
At the end of 1851 a contract was entered into for the
execution of the whole of the works remaining to be com-
pleted ; the most important of these were the entrance, the
graving dock, and the completion of the floating basin.
The progress of the undertaking was much facilitated
by Mr. Brunei giving his sanction to the proposal of the
contractors to form a stone and earth embankment across
the mouth of the bay, instead of employing the usual
timber coffer-dams. This embankment, which completely
answered its purpose, was finished by the middle of 1853.
F F
434 DOCK AND PIEE WOEKS.
The works now proceeded steadily until they were com-
pleted, and at the end of the year 1856 the dock was
opened.
The middle of the embankment was cut through, and
an entrance channel dredged to a level of 8 feet below
low water. The remainder of the dam, being partly pro-
tected by masonry walling, was used as a quay, and
served for the protection of the outer basin.
Mr. Brunei had prepared the foundation, and had in-
tended to build a pier to shelter the entrance gate from
the sea, and to assist in pointing long vessels. The
want of this shelter was felt in the gale of October
1857, when the gates were thrown down. In order to
avoid any future casualty, storm gates, or framed struts
reaching down to low water level, were placed immediately
behind the entrance gates, so as to support them against
heavy seas.
The dock, which is of oblong shape, has an area of 1 3
acres, and a length of quay wall of 3,490 feet. The
greater part has a depth of 22 feet below high water at
springtides, or 16 feet at neap tides; the remainder is
4 feet deeper, or the same depth as the channel in the
outer basin.
The walls are 8 1 feet thick at bottom, and 3^ feet at top,
and are built to a curved batter. They reach generally to
a depth of 5 feet below low water, and rest on concrete
12^ feet thick, carried down until a rock foundation is
reached, which in some places is as much as 40 feet below
the bottom of the dock.
To accommodate the larger paddlewheel steamers, the
entrances to the basin and graving dock were made 80 feet
in width.
The dock is entered through a short passage, the sill
being 13 feet below low water. The masonry of this
PLYMOUTH GREAT WESTERN DOCKS.
435
entrance has curved battering sides, with, a segmental
invert.
The entrance is closed by a pair of wrought-iron buoyant
gates, which meet at an angle of 127°. Each gate is
48 feet long, and weighs seventy-five tons, the breadth
being 8 feet in the middle, curving to 2 feet at the ends.
There are six horizontal decks and four vertical bulk-
heads. The depth at the heel-post is 22 feet, and at the
meeting-post 35 feet (see woodcut, fig. 19).
-^
Fig. 19. Plymouth Dock Gates.
Elevation.
T.n,T....T
Scale of feet.
In each gate is an air-chamber, the top of which is at
half- tide level ; and its volume is such that when the gate
is wholly immersed there is a small downward pressure.'
Under each gate, near the meeting-post, is placed a
wheel, which supports part of the weight. This wheel is
so arranged that it can be easily removed for repair. The
heel-posts are of cast iron, planed and ground in place
• The arrangements of a buoyant gate have been explained above, p. 429.
F F 2
436 DOCK AND PIEE WORKS.
against the polished surface of the granite hollow quoins
so as to form a water-tight joint.
There are large scouring culverts behind the side walls
of the entrance ; but for the purpose of regulating the level
of the water in the dock, and of discharging a large volume
of water readily, without having to overcome the friction
of ordinary sluice valve faces, each gate is furnished with
a cylindrical valve, of the following description : —
From an opening in the side of the gate next the dock
there is a large curved pipe or sluice-way, which termi-
nates inside the body of the gate, with a circular horizontal
orifice about 5 feet in diameter. The opening is covered
by a short length of vertical pipe of the same diameter,
reaching above high water, the bottom edge making a
water-tight joint. This pipe can be raised or lowered by
a screw at the top of the gate. When raised a short dis-
tance it allows the water from the dock to flow out
between the bottom of the movable pipe and the orifice
of the sluice-way into an isolated compartment of the gate,
and to escape by" an opening provided in the outer face.
The movable pipe is guided by rollers, and from the con-
struction the pressures on it are balanced.
The entrance to the graving dock, 80 feet wide, is
closed by a pair of gates of the same dimensions and con-
struction as those of the entrance. This dock is 380 feet
long, 92 feet wide, and has a depth of 28 feet over the sill.
The floating pier was erected in Mill-bay in 1852, to
accommodate the steam-shipping trade. It consists of a
pontoon with a bridge leading to it.
The pontoon is a large wrought- iron vessel of nearly
rectangular cross-section, 300 feet long, with 40 feet
breadth of beam, and a depth of 17^ feet. It is loaded
so as to draw 10 feet of water, and is capable of storing
BRITON FERRY DOCKS. 437
4,000 tons of coals. To connect the pontoon with the
shore there is an iron bridge, working upon hinges, in two
spans of 125 feet each. The connection between the two
spans was supported on a timber pier, and was made so
as to be movable vertically, and capable of being ad-
justed by a crab and counterbalance weights. By means
of this arrangement a uniform gradient over the whole
length of the bridge could be obtained at any time of tide,
for the convenience of heavily laden carts passing to and
from the pontoon.
Briton Ferry Docks.
In 1846 a company was formed to establish docks in
Baglan Bay at Briton Ferry, near the mouth of the river
Neath; but nothing was done until 1851, when the
necessary powers were obtained under an Act of Parlia-
ment. From the vicinity of the proposed docks to the
South Wales and Vale of Neath Railways, a large amount
of trade was anticipated ; and in 1853 an Act was ob-
tained for the South Wales Mineral Railway, which was
intended to terminate at the docks, and was expected
to bring a large traffic in coals and other minerals.
The dock works were begun soon afterwards, but the
earthwork was not completed, nor the construction of the
gate commenced, until the year 1858. The docks were
completed, after Mr. Brunei's death, by Mr. Brereton,
and were formally opened on August 22, 1861.
They consist of an outer tidal basin of about 7^ acres,
and an inner floating basin of about 11 acres, with a depth
of water of 27 feet at spring tides, and 16 feet at neap
tides. The two basins are connected by a passage or
entrance of 50 feet in width, with curved battering walls
and an invert, closed by a gate of a single leaf. An im-
portant advantage of single gates is that the sill and
438 DOCK AND PIER WORKS.
quoins may be in one plane, and that the troublesome
and costly fitting of the hollow quoins is avoided. The
sill was laid 6 feet below what was then the low- water level,
as it was thought that future improvements might reduce
the bar at the entrance of the river Neath to that level.
This has already been nearly accomplished.' The total
length of the docks is a little over half a mile, and the
average breadth is about 400 feet. They are connected
with the South Wales Railway by branch railways.
With the exception of the walls dividing the two basins
near the entrance gate, the sides of the dock are not
constructed with masonry quay walls, in the ordinary
manner, but are formed in a very inexpensive manner of
slopes pitched with furnace slag, obtained from the copper
smelting works on the Neath river, with jetties at intervals
for the shipping. Besides being suitable for the soft clay
in which the dock is made, this plan is specially adapted
for mineral traffic, as the work of loading or discharging
a cargo of minerals can only be properly carried on at
the point where fixed machinery is provided for the pur-
pose. This machinery may be placed as conveniently on
projecting jetties as on a dock wall. The traffic, which
consists mainly of coals and metals, is accommodated at
the jetties, which are furnished with cranes for loading
and unloading the vessels employed in the metal and
iron ore trade, and with tipping-frames, which discharge
the coals into the ships. These cranes and tipping-frames
are worked by hydraulic machinery.
' In the year 1856 and afterwards, be done with safety. Mr. Brunei
Mr. Brunei was engaged in improving carried a training bank still farther,
the navigable channel of the river and succeeded in cutting off a bend of
Neath, at its embouchure into the the river ; Mr. Brereton has since
Bristol Channel. A bank of furnace extended the navigable channel in a
slag, for directing the course of the straight line to low- water mark, a dis-
river, had been made previously by tanee of two miles ; and the bar has
Mr. Palmer, and continued as far sea- been lowered to within 1 foot of the
wards as it was then thought could level of the dock sill.
BEITON FERRY DOCKS.
439
In order to facilitate tlie entrance of vessels from the
river Neath to the tidal basin, and to protect it from the
sea, two pier-heads were built, one at each side of the
basin at the point where it joins the river. These piers
are of timber piling and framework, fiUed in with copper
slag ; the entrance between them is 300 feet wide. They
were constructed after Mr. Brunei's death.
The gate is a wrought-iron buoyant gate, with five
vertical partitions or bulkheads and six decks. The
length is 56 feet ; the depth in the middle is 31 feet 6
inches, and at the sides 26 feet 6 inches. The breadth
in the middle is 9 feet, and is curved to 2^ feet at the
ends (see woodcut, fig. 20).
Jli
Fig. 20. Briton Ferry Dock Gate.
Elevation,
Flan.
Scale o/feet.
The air-chamber, which is similar to that of the
Plymouth gates, is placed so that the top is at the level of
high-water neap tides, about half-way up the gate.
There are two sluices at low-water level, each having an
area of 8 square feet.
The entrance invert being subject to the influx of sand
from the outer basin, and to the deposit of coal rubbish
dropped into the dock, Mr. Brunei decided in this gate not
440 DOCK AND PIER WORKS.
to use wheels, but to make the hinge and heel-post strong
enough to carry the whole weight of the gate, even if it
were unsupported by the buoyancy of the air-chamber.
The heel-post is a massive piece of cast iron ; the bottom
part is bored out, and into it is fitted a cast-iron cylindrical
pin, 1 foot 6 inches diameter and 7 feet 6 inches long.
On this are ground discs of steel, lubricated with oil,
whereon the gate rests and turns. Thus the surfaces
exposed to friction are above the sand or grit at the
bottom of the dock. The lower end of the pin fits into a
cast-iron socket fastened to the masonry, and is prevented
from turning round by being made hexagonal. The sides
of the hexagon have sufficient play to enable the gate to
adjust itself, when shut, to the masonry sill, so as to be
water-tight. The top of the heel-post works in a brass
bush, 18 inches diameter and 15 inches broad, enclosed
in a massive wrought-iron collar, which is strongly fast-
ened by anchor chains to the masonry. After the gate
was completed the strength of the hinge was tested by
moving the gate before the water was admitted into the
dock. The only resistance to the motion of the gate is
the slight friction at the hinge.
No coffer-dam was used in the construction of this
work, but advantage was taken of a large bank of slag
and earth enclosing a portion of the site of the dock.
This was extended and raised, and a sea dam formed.
The dam was cut through when the works were completed,
and a channel dredged to the depth of 6 feet below low
water.
Brentford Dock.
In 1855 an Act was obtained for making a dock on
the Thames at Brentford, and a railway to join the Great
Western Railway at Southall. The dock has an area of
about 3^ acres.
BRENTFORD DOCK.
441
The works were begun in July 1856, and were com-
pleted, and the dock opened, three years later.
The walls are founded in the London clay, which here
underlies a bed of gravel of some thickness ; from this
there was a considerable influx of water.
The chief peculiarity of the dock is the form of construc-
tion adopted for the sides. Piers of brickwork, 10 feet
long and 2 feet 3 inches thick, are placed at right angles
to the sides of the dock at intervals of 26 feet. The backs
of these piers are connected by horizontal arches, carried
up with a curved batter. The piers are about 20 feet
Pig. 21. Brentford Dock Gate.
Elevation. Section A . B.
T
Q oL
Scale of feet.
high, and arches are turned upon them, which support
the front part of the quay, and meet the horizontal arches
at the backs of the piers. Thus the sides of the dock con-
sist of a series of vaults, arched over at the top, and also
at the back towards the pressure of the earth.
The thickness of the horizontal arches which form the
bulk of the wall is only 3 feet, but these are so strength-
ened by the piers in front, that a wall strong enough to
resist the pressure of the earth behind it was obtained by
means of a very small quantity of brickwork.
Along one side of the dock the piers are 31 feet long,
in order that coal barges may lie with part of their length
442 DOCK AND PIER WORKS.
in the vaults between the piers while their cargo is
being put on board. By this arrangement the barges
have their longest dimension at right angles to the side
of the dock, and a much greater number can be accommo-
dated than if each occupied a space alongside the quay-
wall. The contents of the coal trucks are tipped into
the barges through sloping shoots.
The entrance has a clear width of 30 feet, and is closed
by a single wrought- iron buoyant gate, which, like the
Bristol gates, is, when shut, not quite at right angles
to the entrance.
The gate is 33 feet long, 19 feet high, 2 feet 6 inches
wide at the middle, curved to 1 foot 6 inches at the sides,
and weighs sixteen and a half tons. It is divided into
compartments by four decks and two vertical bulkheads.
The air-chamber occupies the whole space below one of
the decks, 7 feet 6 inches above the bottom (see woodcut,
fig. 21) ; and there are two sluices, each having an opening
of 4 feet by 2 feet. This gate, like that at Briton Ferry,
has no wheel under it, the weight being carried upon the
pivot.
In order to avoid side strains upon the pivot and top
collar, a counterbalance arm is fastened on the top of the
gate. This is formed of two cast-iron girders, bolted
together and enclosing weights between them. The
ends of these girders project beyond the heel-post over
the quay, as in canal lock gates, and carry the ma-
chinery by which the gate is turned, as there are no
crabs, chains, or chain rollers. Instead of these, a cast-
iron circular rack is fixed on the top of the masonry,
in which a pinion works, turned by gearing fixed to the
end of the counterbalance.
This gate turns with remarkable freedom, and the
current of water running into the dock on a spring tide
opens it completely.
PIER AT MILFORD HAVEN. 443
Pier at Neyland, Milford Haven,
The South Wales Eailway was originally intended to
terminate at Fishguard, on the north coast of Pembroke-
shire, with the view of securing a large quantity of Irish
traffic, the distance across the channel to the Irish coast
at Wexford being only 60 miles, less than the distance
from Holyhead to Kingstown.
It was, however, ultimately decided to form a terminus,
which would accommodate the ordinary Irish traffic, and
would not require such an extensive outlay on harbour
works as would have been necessary on the northern
coast.
With this object, the inlet or natural harbour of Milford
Haven was examined, and the South Wales Railway was
carried to Neyland Point, opposite Pembroke, where
the position is sheltered, and there is deep water at all
times of tide for the largest vessels.
The pier at Neyland, or New Milford, which was
made in 1857, consists of a timber viaduct, with a pon-
toon at the end, 150 feet long and 42 feet beam, loaded
so as to draw about 7 feet. There is a depth of 16
feet alongside it at low water, and it is connected with
the shore by a landing bridge. The pontoon is made of
wrought iron, and has three transverse and two longitu-
dinal bulkheads. It is moored by chain cables, which pass
through two large hawse pipes, extending from the bot-
tom nearly up to the deck, with cast-iron mouthpieces at
their lower ends. The cables passing through these are
anchored firmly to the ground at a considerable distance
from the pontoon.
The pontoon was intended to be the centre of several
others, which were to be moored in deeper water.
The rise of tide being sometimes as much as 25 feet, it
444 DOCK AND PIEE WORKS.
was necessary that the landing bridge should be of con-
siderable length, in order that there should be a moderate
inclination at all times of tide. It is accordingly made
in one span of 205 feet. It consists of two plate-iron side
girders, of the uniform depth throughout of 14 feet,
and width of 2 feet 6 inches. These are placed 12 feet
6 inches apart, the roadway being between them. The
ends of the girders which rest on the pontoon are provided
with cast-iron wheels, 1 foot 6 inches in diameter.
The pier has since been extended by additional pon-
toons, which were those used in the floating of the Saltash
Bridge.
445
CHAPTER XV.
MISCELLANEOUS WORKS.
I^THE GREAT EXHIBITION OF 1851 — THE CRYSTAI- PAXACE WATEE TOWERS, 1853 —
POLYGONAL EIFLE, 1852 GUNNKEY EXPERIMENTS, 1854 FLOATING GTJN-
CAREIAGE, 1854 EENKIOI HOSPITAL BUILDINGS, 1855.
There are several matters of importance in which Mr.
Brunei was engaged, which could not under any system of
classification be introduced into the preceding chapters ;
these are therefore collected under one head of ' mis-
* cellaneous works.'
The first of these is his connection with the Great
Exhibition of 1851. He was from the beginning one
of the most zealous supporters of this undertaking,
and was appointed a member of the Committee of the
Section of Machinery, whose duty it was to classify the
objects to be exhibited in that department.
Upon the question of awarding prizes to exhibitors, Mr.
Brunei held a very decided opinion adverse to the plan
ultimately adopted. In a letter to the Chairman of the
Committee, dated March 11, 1850, he writes : —
I am sorry to say that I am obliged to leave town to-night.
We are summoned to-morrow, it appears, on the subject of prizes.
Not being a member of the Commission, I have perhaps no right to
express an opinion upon a principle which seems to have been
adopted — that of giving prizes — but as applied to machinery I sup-
pose I may. I strongly disapprove of any prizes being offered in
our section.
1. I believe it is quite unnecessary.
2. I believe it will be impossible to define beforehand the subjects
446 MISCELLANEOUS WORKS.
for which any limited niimber and amount of prizes are to be pro-
mised, the subjects are so indefinitely numerous; and like the
building, however large it may be made, will not be large enough
to hold all that is sent, so as regards the prizes, however numerous
the subjects, they may very likely not embrace the very things
which turn out to be most deserving.
3. I believe it will be impossible to distribute any limited num-
ber of prizes with justice, and quite impossible to satisfy the public.
Two machines for the same purpose may be remarkable — one for
its ingenuity and beauty of workmanship, but of doubtful practical
economy in application ; the other clumsy, and not well made, but
apparently likely to have the germs of much good — there are thou-
sands, or rather an infinity, of shades of degrees and qualities of
merit.
And lastly, I believe the prizes will be mischievous, as conferring
undue advantages in many cases upon a thing well displayed, and
well got up, and will be sought for and obtained for puffing pur-
poses. The opportunity of exhibition I believe will be quite sufficient
to induce all the competition we can desire.
I think money prizes quite a mistake, and medals or distinctions
pretty nearly as bad. I hope you hold the same views, but I send
you mine.
Mr. Bninel's views found no favour at the time; but
subsequent experience has convinced those best able to
form a sound judgment in the matter, that *no prizes
* of any kind should be awarded ' in International Ex-
hibitions.^
Mr. Brunei was also a Member of the Building Com-
mittee; and he accepted the office of Chairman and
Reporter of the Jury for Class YII., on Civil Engineering,
Architecture, and Building Contrivances.
He took a very active part in the proceedings of the
Building Committee. Designs were invited, and two hun-
dred and forty-five were sent in. None of these were
considered satisfactory by the Committee, and they sub-
mitted to the Royal Commission a design of their own, the
principal feature of which was a dome 200 feet in diameter.
' Reports on the Paris Universal Exhibition IRR? yrl
■^•ir'.r- 10«
GREAT EXHIBITION OF 1851. 447
Mr. Brunei was responsible as a member of the
Committee for the plans prepared bj them, and as regards
the dome may be said to have designed it himself, but he
expressed strong objections to the substantial and ex-
pensive buildings which it was proposed to erect in brick-
work. His idea was that the building should be in what
he called the * railway shed style ; ' and he wished to
produce effect rather by the construction of the roofs, &c.,
than by any architectural elevation.
When, therefore, the plans of the Building Committee
failed to meet with public approval, and the late Sir
Joseph Paxton submitted his well-known design, Mr.
Brunei gave it his cordial support, and defended it against
its detractors. He thus spoke of it in the report of the
Jury of Class VII.
As regards Mr. Paxton's claim, amid the competition of the whole
of Europe, he proposed that mode and form of construction of build-
ing which appeared on first sight, and has since proved to be, the
best adapted in every respect for the purpose for which it was intended.
The design possessed this merit of fitness for its object in a singular
manner. There was no startling novelty in any one point which could
lead astray the judgment of those who had to determine upon the
choice of plan, or which could in the first instance obtain, still less
permanently secure, the good opinion of the public. As regards the
form of outline, which is most simple, several designs nearly resembling
it had been submitted in the general competition. As to the material,
several proposals had been previously made to cover the whole area
to be enclosed with glass, and iron would of necessity be employed
for the framing ; but in the combination of form and materials, in
the particular mode of applying those materials, and in the adapta-
tion of the forms to be selected to their convenient use, as well as in
the various details by which the whole was rendered perfect, the
design was entirely distinct in character from all that had been pro-
posed, and appeared at once to have the one single merit of being
exactly that which was required for the purposes in view. The
design as realised has completely fulfilled every condition of utility.
The award of Council Medals (the highest prize given)
448 MISCELLANEOUS WORKS.
was recommended to Sir Joseph Paxton, and to the con-
tractors, Messrs. Fox, Henderson and Co.
In a later part of the report, in announcing the recom-
mendation of a Council Medal to His Eoyal Highness
Prince Albert, for the model dwelling houses which were
erected near the Exhibition building, and exhibited by
the Prince, Mr. Brunei spoke in emphatic language of
the magnitude and importance of the results which would
follow from the introduction of improved dwellings for
the working classes.'
When the Crystal Palace Company was formed in
order to purchase the Exhibition building and erect it,
with additions, at Sydenham, Mr. Brunei took a great
interest in the project, and frequently went down to
examine the progress of the building and gardens, and
the beautiful architectural courts which were to be the
chief attraction in the interior of the Palace. The water
towers, which are so conspicuous a feature in the building,
were designed by him.
The towers are 284 feet high, and carry near the top
tanks 47 feet in diameter and 38 feet high, holding 1,200
tons of water.
The foundations required great care in their construction.
The tanks ha.d to be placed at a height of more than 200
feet, and the towers, which, with their load, weighed fully
3,000 tons each, had to rest on the sloping side of a clay
hill. There was also the possibility that by the bursting
of a pipe a large quantity of water might be suddenly
discharged, and so cause a slip in the surrounding ground.
Mr. Brunei carried the foundations down to a considerable
' When, at the close of the Exhibi- spent the money in the erection of
tion, Mr. Brunei was compelled, much model cottages at Barton, a village
against his will, to accept a pecuniary near his property in Devonshire,
acknowledgment of his services, he
CRYSTAL PALACE TOWERS. 449
depth, forming a large base of Portland cement concrete,
and placing on it a cone of brickwork in cement, rising
up to the ground level. The towers are twelve-sided, with
two hollow cast-iron columns at each angle. The height
of the building below the tanks is divided into ten stories,
and at each floor there is a strong wrought-iron diaphragm,
or shelf, 5 feet wide. The columns are also connected
by strong diagonal bracing in the sides of the tower.
The tanks are made of wrought iron, and the water pipes
are placed in the interior of the tower. Mr. Brunei did not
think it would be prudent to form any of the columns of
the towers into pipes, lest the expansion due to the tem-
perature of the water should cause unequal support to be
given to the tanks.
In July 1855, the pipes were proved, and the towers
were completed shortly afterwards.
The remainder of this chapter will relate to matters
which have but little in common with the subjects of the
earlier part of it ; but the change is hardly less marked
than that which took place in the nature of the questions
which occupied public attention within a few years of the
close of the Great Exhibition.
Polygonal Rifle.
In October 1852, Mr. Brunei consulted Mr. Westley
Richards, of Birmingham, as to the manufacture of a rifle
* for the purpose of determining whether there was any-
' thing in a crotchet he had upon the subject.' The rifle
was made by Mr. Westley Eichards according to Mr.
Brunei's directions, and finished in May 1854. Many
experiments were tried with it, at Birmingham and at
G G
450 MISCELLANEOUS WORKS.
Manchester, in the spring of 1855, and afterwards at
Woolwich ; and its performances obtained great notoriety.
The history of this rifle, and the objects Mr. Brunei had
in view in its design, will be understood from Jbhe following
letters to Mr. Westley Eichards : —
I.
October 25, 1852.
I have long wanted to try an experiment with a rifle, for the
purpose of determining whether there is anything in a crotchet I
have upon the subject, but I have been deterred from attempting it
from the feeling that in these abominable patenting days (I hate
patents) the chances were, that if, in the progress of my experiments,
any new result, good or bad, were observed, or a workman should
think he saw something, a patent would be taken over my head,
and, to say the least, I should be stopped in pursuing my owa. in-
vestigation, as has happened to me more than once.
I have also been deterred by my not knowing whether the existing
machinery for rifling barrels would enable me to obtain an increasing
or varying twist from one end of the barrel to the other, as this
would be necessary to make the experiment, and I should not care
to incur the expense of a machine on purpose. My introduction to
you, through our mutual friend Whateley, induces me to make the
enquiry whether your apparatus or mode of rifling enables you to
give such a twist, and if so, whether you could and would make me
a, barrel. If so, I will trouble you with an explanation of my scheme,
as I should have no secrets with you.
II.
February 7, 1853.
I take this opportunity of mentioning again the subject I once wrote
or spoke to you about. I want a rifle barrel made octagon shaped
inside, the octagon having a twist rather more than usual, and an
increasing twist, say twice as much at the mouth of the piece as at
the breech. Can you make me such a barrel for an experiment ? I
will explain to you the object when we meet, as it can only be done
viva voce.
III.
[The following letterwaswritten to Mr. Westley Richards in answer
to a request that Mr. Brunei would permit him to obtain a licetise
POLYGONAL EIFLE. 451
from Mr. (now Sir Joseph) Whitworth to make rifles of a polygonal
shape. Mr. Whitworth had obtained a patent for improvements in
cannons, guns, and fire-arms, in February 1855, and in his complete
specification, dated May 30, 1855, he had for the first time claimed — ■
Firstly, the several combinations of parts forming, when put
together, the barrels of ordnance, or fire-arms, having a polygonal
spiral shape. Secondly, the use of the spirally-shaped segments.
Thirdly, the adoption of the polygonal spiral for rifled ordnance and
fire-arms. Fourthly, the combination of parts forming the breech-
loading apparatus.]
November 26, 1858.
I am obliged to you for your communication on the subject of the
octagon gun, and in acknowledging your courtesy and gentlemanly
feeling I would add that it is only what I always felt I could rely
upon from you.
I beg you will not hesitate to take out a license from Mr. Whit-
worth for octagon guns (if, as a matter of business, you think it
convenient to do so) on account of any prior claim which you may
know I could set up, and if you get a license for a nominal con-
sideration, as I understand you can, of course as a man of business
you should do so. I have no intention of interfering with Mr. Whit-
worth's patent, even to indulge the feeling I have against all patents
and protective laAvs, which I consider have become the curse of the
day, and the sources of the greatest injury to inventors and manu-
facturers, and still more to the public ; and I should also be very
sorry even to annoy my friend Mr. Whitworth merely for the sake
of showing that I had previously made the gun (at least you made
it for me), and I believe others have preceded me, which he has
patented ; and I assure you that I shall not consider your taking out
a license as in any way a denial of this fact, of which you are
cognisant.
I have never seen Whitworth's patent ; what is it exactly that he
does patent? It cannot be merely the polygon, because, even if
nobody had preceded me, that would have been already a copy of
mine, which not only was made before he began his investigation,
but was lent by me, at your request, to him, I think before his
patent. My rifle is, I am told, doing quite wonders at Woolwich,
and I begin to think there must be something in the principle which
I intended to introduce into it, and which is totally different from
what I understood to be Whitworth's. I sought to use a com-
paratively loose ball, but which I thought would centre itself, both
in position and direction, to the axis of the barrel by the peculiar
G G 2
452 MISCELLANEOUS WORKS.
action of a polygon within a polygon acted upon by an increasing
pitch, and it really seems from the results as if my theory "was
correct. 1
Chinnery Experiments.
In 1854 Mr. Brunei took up warmly tlie question of
improvement in large guns, wliicli was then attracting the
attention of several scientific men.
The friendship which had for some years previously
existed between him and Mr. (now Sir William) Arm-
strong, of Newcastle-on-Tyne, gave Mr. Brunei opportu-
nities for discussing these matters, with a view to their
being carried into practical effect.
The following extracts from a letter written by Mr.
Brunei, in April 1855, to Mr. James Nasmyth, explain
generally his opinions at that time upon the construction
of large guns : —
From what I have observed of the operation of fractures under
sudden, quick-acting forces — such as bursting of guns, and fractures
under blows, as in our railway smashes — I have arrived deliberately
by observation at the conclusion, which every mechanical-minded
man arrives at more or leas by intuition, that homogeneity and
equality of tension and of elasticity in the parts are necessary for
strength to resist a violent strain applied suddenly in its full force,
which I will call a blow. My impression, from the result of observa-
tion, is, that this operates much more than is generally assumed.
If you suppose a bar, say an axle of uniform section and imiform
quality in every respect, it will bear bending into extraordinary
forms even by a blow; and if you assume that portions of it become
more tenacious and stronger, but remain equally elastic, the ultimate
' See Eeport of the Select Com- 1337); pp. 58, 59, the same (Q. 1385-
mittee of the House of Commons on 1410); pp. 402, 403, Papers delivered
Ordnance, 1863, M'inutes of Evidence in by Mr. Isambard Brunei; p. 110,
and Appendix (ordered to be printed Further Evidence of Mr. Whitworth
Jiily 23, 1863):— p. 306, Eeport of (Q. 2545-2551); p. 112, the same
Ordnance Select Committee; p. 44, (Q. 2602-2610); p. 548, Letter from
Statement of Mr. Whitworth; p. 56, Mr. Westley Eichards to Mr. Isambard
Evidence of Mr. Whitworth (Q. 1329- Brunei.
GUNNERY EXPERIMENTS. 463
strength of this bar will not, I think, be materially increased or di-
minished ; but if you suppose the elasticity of these portions either
increased or diminished, I believe the ultimate strength of the bar
under a blow is diminished, r In like manner, I imagine that in the
section of a gun barrel, if portions are more or less elastic than
others, or at all different in their character, not only many points of
fi'acture may be determined on, but that the whole may be rendered
much less able to resist the violent explosion. The strain produced by
the explosion and the plane of fracture is almost certain to be in a
plane passing through the longitudinal axis, and therefore I had
assumed that one would avoid as much as possible having any varia-
tion of quality which fagotting must produce to some extent in
planes in this direction. To attain this end, I had endeavoured to
scheme some way of welding up * cheeses ' or discs, which might be
hammered up splendidly homogeneous of the full diameter and of a
considerable thickness, and I wish ihat you would scheme the best
way of welding them together. I should suppose that the centre
surface might be welded, and wedges welded in all round, or some
other mode devised, bearing in mind that the strain in any plane
transverse to the axis is small, only that arising from the recoil of the
breech and the friction of the shot.
I have also an impression that something harder than ordinary
wrought iron is wanted for the inner surface to resist the explosion.
This you might give probably in fagotting up. I am trying the effect —
as much for the amusement of the thing as with any great expectation
— of a cylinder of hardish material wrapped round with iron wire, laid
on with a certain amount of tension proportioned to the diameter.
Such a barrel ought to be strong — whether practically successful is
another thing.
The sclieine of making a gun with the barrel wrapped
round with wire, which is referred to in this letter, was
one which Mr. Brunei and Mr. Armstrong were very
desirous of making the subject of actual experiment.
Whether or not it would under their hands have become
practically successful, could not be ascertained, as they
were obliged to abandon the project, in consequence of
the wire covering being patented, in May 1855, by
Mr. Longridge. _ _ -
The following letter -tie Mr: ArmaijiriCHig (j^lates^ to"" the
454 MISCELLANEOUS WOEKS.
same subject, and is interesting not only as showing Mr.
Brunei's correct appreciation of a principle which, is the
essence of the coil system of constructing guns, but as
further illustrating his objections to the patent laws : —
Juno 8, 1855.
Have you ever done anything towards my -experiment of the
wire gun ? I have been anxious for some time past to learn about
it, but have waited to see you; to-day I learn that Longridge is
taking out a patent for it. I daresay it is his own idea, and I only
regret it, as I suppose it will now prevent my pursuing it ; and I
think it likely that with your assistance we should have succeeded
in making at least as good a gun as he will. The principle I am
disposed to think good ; the success would depend upon the practical
application, and but for these patents, the more competitors the
better for the public. As it is, competition is destroyed. Let me
know if you had done anything. Pray let me know also what you
are doing about your own, in which I feel equally interested.
Mr. Brunei had also considered the advantages of
making the bore of the gun polygonal, with a projectile
shaped to fit it. He had a portion of cannon tube and a
projectile made by Mr. Armstrong in the beginning of
1855, but he did not himself pursue the question further.
Indeed, after the middle of the year 1856, when the
works of the ' Great Eastern ' steam-ship began to occupy
a large portion of his time, Mr. Brunei was unable any
longer to take part in gunnery investigations ; but he
watched with unabated interest the proceedings of those
friends who have continued their experiments, with the
great practical success of which he lived to see only the
beginning.
Floating Gun-Carriage.
The plan of a g-un-boat, or, as it would be more cor-
rectly called, a floating gun-carriage, which Mr. Brunei
designed for an attack on Cronstadt and other Baltic forts
FLOATING aUN-CAERIAGE. 455
during the Russian war, is clearly described in tlie follow-
ing memorandum, which he drew up for the information
of the Admiralty : —
December 20, 1855.
The principle is simply the fixing a very heavy gun in a floating
shot-proof chamber or casemate, exposing the smallest possible sur-
face ; that surface to be of such a form as to be struck by shot only
at a very oblique angle ; and the gun being a fixture, with the means
only of elevating and depressing to an extent of 10 or 12 degrees,
but with no lateral motion, the port or embrasure need be only of
the size of the muzzle of the gun, so that the gun, the men working
the gun, and everything on board will be perfectly protected.
The gun will be directed by elevating the breech, and by slewing
the vessel slightly and slowly backwards and forwards across the
line of aim, by means afterwards explained.
The men loading the gun will simply load as quickly as they can,
and when the gun is loaded push out a trigger.
The governor or person directing the gun Avill stand behind the
hood or chamber, looking direct at the object through a telescope of
low power, fixed horizontally in the axis of the vessel, and made to
move vertically parallel with the axis of the gun, and mounted with
reflectors ; so that both telescope and man are completely under
cover, and he, keeping the vessel truly in range and the elevation
correct, will only touch the trigger whenever his line of sight crosses
the object.
The vessel will carry a small engine, of power suflicient to drive
it for a short time at a good speed, say eight or nine knots, and at
other times to keep up a small forward motion to counteract the re-
coil, and to keep the vessel's head moving a few' degrees right and
left across the line of range.
A suflicient portion of the vessel to contain and to float the gun,
ammunition, and engine, will be shot-proof.
A fore-body and after- body, the top of which will be aJleu7'-cVeau,
or a few inches tmder water, will be added, to give such a form of
entrance and run as will admit of the vessel attaining the speed
mentioned ; but these parts will be mere shells, and may be full of
water, and if damaged by shot will not affect the buoyancy of the
float, besides which, not being above the surface of the water, they
cannot be much exposed to injury.
The mode of propelling may be by a sci'cw, but I prefer the 'jet,'
which, whether an economical mode of propelling or not, is a
456 MISCELLANEOUS WORKS.
sufficiently good one for this purpose, and exposes nothing whatever
to be injured by shot.^
Whether propelled by jet or not, I should have two small lateral
jets for directing the vessel, such jets being governed by two cocks
handled by the gunner.
Such a mode of directing the aim by a man under cover looking
through a telescope, with one hand directing the gun -and the
other on the trigger, will admit of an almost unlimited degree of
accuracy.
The gun being in a perfectly shot-proof casemate, machinery may
be adapted to expedite the loading of the gun ; and it is not difficult
to make a mechanical arrangement by which the shot and cartridge
shall be lifted up to the gun, inserted, and rammed home, at a rate
far exceeding anything that can now be done by hand ; and as the
weight and clumsiness of the gun, the carriage, and machinery are of
no object, I think I can make a breech-loading gun capable of
carrying 12-inch solid shot with a full charge, which may be loaded
and discharged at the rate of two or three per minute ; but the prin-
ciple of mounting a gun in such a float is equally applicable to a
common gun, which might still be loaded mechanically.
A few loopholes may be provided through which a fire could be
kept up from a couple of heavy swivel rifles, carrying, say 6-oz.
shot, which would pierce any mantelets or other cover likely next
year to be provided against ordinary rifles.
A battery, say of twelve such guns, should probably have also
two, or perhaps three, shot-proof vessels of about the same size
without guns, but pierced with a longitudinal fin or ridge, like a
wall, standing, say 10 feet above the water, and 50 or 60 feet long,
strong enough to stand the direct blow of heavy shot at long range,
or the oblique blow of the same shot at short range, and which could
be placed as screens or traverses to cover the flanks of the battery
against distant shot. Against vertical fire I cannot sixggest any de-
fence : the point of attack must be selected to avoid it.
The covering vessels may be provided also with loop-holes for
heavy swivels.
There should also be two or three small and comparatively light,
but shot-proof vessels, to run in and bring out a disabled gun-boat.
These last-named auxiliary unarmed boats form an essential part
of the system.
' Captain Claxton, at Mr. Brunei's Ruthven's vessel, the * Enterprise,'
desire, went for a voyage in Messrs. in order to test her performances.
FLOATING GUN-CARRIAGE. 457
In all probability the enemy have by this time thrown atones and
other obstacles, and placed infernal machines round the detached
fort, to impede a close approach. They cannot, however, have
covered a very large surface, so that, with some previous soiinding,
an approach may be found and a position taken up.
The auxiliary boats should therefore have strong bottoms under
the engine-room, and the rest of the body be so subdivided into
compartments that they would be proof against serious damage from
rocks and infernal machines, and be able to run in imder fire and
ascertain if obstructions exist, and find the channel if they do.
A battery of such guns could be placed at various points out of
range, say at 3,000 yards, at which distance they would hardly at-
tract attention by daylight, and would not be visible in the twilight
of night, and could then be concentrated in a few minutes at the
point selected for attack within safe breeching distance, say 250
yards ; and, if twenty-four shot per minute, of 200 lbs. to 250 lbs.
each, thrown with a full charge at 250 yards, can be directed against
a small surfixce of any stone wall yet built (which is pierced with
embrasiu-es), the effect ought to be great and rapid. I believe,
moreover, that the means of directing the aim will be so effective
that if the embrasures can be seen a shell or shot may always be
sent in with certainty at 250 yards, and the enemy's guns dis-
mounted.
Such vessels can rapidly change their position, retreat or advance,
be replaced by fresh ones, or withdrawn altogether.
The means of transport of such vessels to the seat of war, although
a secondary consideration, has been considered.
They might easily be placed in an outer shell of iron of a good
form, which could be rigged complete, and so constructed as to give
up its burden when arrived in the seas where it is to act — in fact, a
ship of the class of small screw colliers, made to open at the bows
and its contents floated out ready for action ; but the gun-boat itself,
when lightened of ammunition, and the gun lowered to the
bottom as ballast, and fitted up with bulwarks, and a light movable
iron chamber, forming a water-tight forecastle-deck reaching back,
say 30 feet, and schooner-rigged, will, I undertake to say, make a
very fair sea boat. Probably no compasses could be ' corrected ' to be
trusted to in such a mass of iron, but a compass fixed to the mizen-
mast, say at 30 feet from the deck, would be all that could be re-
quired.
Immediately abaft the hood or gun -chamber there would be a
space under cover from shot where a companion and skylight could
458 MISCELLANEOUS WORKS.
be fitted up when at sea, and through which light and air could be
obtained at all times when fitted for service.
The funnel, if ever used when the vessel is not in action, would
be removed for fighting, and the steam and smoke ejected through
an oblique aperture right aft.
The only point to be determined by experiment is whether a
moderate thickness of iron of the best quality will stand heavy shot
at short range striking very obliquely, say at the worst at an angle
of 30 degrees.
By the form of the proposed vessel, however, when placed in
position at 250 yards of any of the Cronstadt forts, it could not be
struck at 30 degrees, and probably 99 out of 100 shots that hit
would graze at an angle of 10 to 20 degrees.
A small part only round the port, or what may be more correctly
termed the muzzle-hole, could be struck with a direct blow.
There is every reason to believe that slabs of iron of good quality
of 4 inches thick would stand against such grazing, provided they
are put together without being weakened by holes and with some
other precautions, and that soiand forgings of 10 or 12 inches thick,
if of sufiicient weight in a single piece, would stand the direct blow.
I do not believe that less than this would be safe against 68-lb., or, as
we must expect to meet with, 120-lb. shot at short range, even when
struck obliquely, and this thickness can be applied without requiring,
with the gun ammunition, &c., more than 6 feet 9 inches, say 7 feet
draught of water.
Another inch of thickness would require another foot of draught ;
but if it has been ascertained that the charts are correct, there would
appear to be 10 to 15 feet of water close up to the principal detached
forts, and it would be an immense advantage to take 9 feet draught
of water, and have an unquestionably invulnerable skin.
If it were considered desirable to construct such a battery, it is
now barely possible to do it in time for the coming season ; but if
possible, it could only be rendered so by ascertaining exactly the
dimension and form of iron that each of the large makers could turn
out with their present tools, and according to their present experience
and habits, and to design the details to suit their existing means,
sacrificing probably much that would render the result more perfect
for the sake of rendering it possible to obtain anything in time. No
doubt promises and even contracts could easily be obtained for
making anything in any given time, and zealous and honest eff'orts
afterwards made to effect what had been undertaken ; but if the
slightest attempt is made that involves new tools or new practices,
FLOATINa GUN-CARRIAGE, 459
promises and contracts will not effect impossibilities, and the proba-
bility is that the short time still available will be lost.
While all the preparations shall be made on the assumption that
the result is attainable and will be successful, trials must be made,
without loss of time, on the several points to be determined — a§ to
the resistance of the iron, &c. If they fail, the expense incurred up
to that time in preparing for the whole work will not have been
great. If they succeed, it is just possible that by great exertions
but, above all, by judicious and methodical plans of proceeding, a
complete battery might be launched ready for service in five months.
Lastly, I should observe that although the main feature of the
plan is the resisting the effects of the enemy's shot by always
exposing an oblique surface, yet the chances of fatal damage would
be small if such vessels were to run the gauntlet, at night, through
the deep channel, and get into the waters east of Cronstadt. Or if
this is very desirable, as I sliould think it must be, nothing is easier
than to lift the whole flotilla over the shoal water and launch them
into the deep water beyond.
Mr. Brunei liad matured these plans in September 1854,
and they were then brought under the notice of the
Admiralty; but no steps were taken to test the prac-
ticability of the scheme.
He was, however, induced to make a futther representa-
tion to the Admiralty in the following July. He wrote, —
Having endeavoured ineffectually several times at the commence-
ment of the war to impress upon members of the Government the
great advantages that might be derived from the use of iron floating
batteries or gun-boats, if properly constructed, I made another
effort at the close of the last year's campaign, but early enough to
have allowed of the construction of what I proposed before the
opening of the Baltic in the present year, and caused my plans to
be submitted to the Admiralty through a friend. They were not
approved, and I should judge from the answer I received that the}'^
were not understood, and I was never applied to for an explana-
tion. I had no object in view but the public good, and I therefore
kept the idea, such as it was, unpublished, believing the principle to
be sound and good, and that the day would come when it might be
usefully applied, and the more usefully to this country if not pre-
viously publicly discussed.
460 MISCELLANEOUS WORKS.
I have no other object to serve now ; but after the clear proof
that I was correct in the opinion I shared with so, many other
persons of the entire inability of any of the present floating ships,
boats, or war engines to cope with any moderately constructed and
well-armed land battery, I think it right once more, and this time
more formally, to urge upon Government the consideration of the
construction of armaments mechanically constructed and properly
fitted for the special object. I beg to say that I do not mean a
consideration in the ordinary mode, by the able and practical, but
still executive officers of departments, whether engineers or ship-
builders, because I believe that I must be myself, from my practical
experience in this particular branch, at least as competent, if not
more so, to judge in questions of mechanical construction, whether
it be the forging or casting of a gun of large dimensions, or the
construction of a vessel fit for navigation and capable of resisting
shot, or the best mode of propelling such a vessel — on all which
branches I have had much and tolerably successful practice; but I ask
on public grounds for the deliberate consideration by men of judg-
ment and experience in the military branch of the subject, such as
the attack upon a fortified place, of which I cannot pretend to be a
competent judge, and by men in a position to be able to express
freely their independent opinions of the advantages that might be
attained by the principle I propose, if capable of being successfully
carried out.
Although, the want of efficient gun-boats was then
severely felt, this letter appears to have produced no effect
upon the Board of Admiralty. But the friend who had
originally brought the matter under the notice of the
Board took the bold step of writing to Lord Palmerston,
and acquainting him with what had passed.
Lord Palmerston at once saw the importance of investi-
gating the subject, and sent for Mr. Brunei, who explained
the plans to him. Lord Palmerston then asked him to
see the officials at the Admiralty. Mr. Brunei did so ;
but great delay followed. It was, however, unimportant,
as hostilities soon afterwards terminated, and there was
no further need of gun-boats, good or bad.
This project did not exist only in the outline in which
FLOATING GUN-CAREIAGE. 461
it is described in the memorandum given above. Mr.
Brunei had worked out all the calculations of displacement,
&c., and had made designs and models for the boat and
its various appliances, and had been for some months in
constant communication with Mr. W. G. Armstrong upon
the form and construction of the gun.
This will be a fitting place to mention that in 1855
Captain Cowper Coles, C.B., showed Mr. Brunei the designs
for his shot-proof raft, the principle of which was after-
wards developed in the turret ship. Mr. Brunei gave
Captain Coles the benefit of his advice on the various
questions involved, and allowed him to use the services of
his principal draughtsman, and to have the drawings got
out in his office without expense.
Captain Coles, in a lecture which he delivered at the
United Service Institution on June 29, 1860, warmly-
acknowledged the obligations he was under to Mr. Brunei
for this act of kindness, and generosity, and said that it had
greatly encouraged him to persevere in bringing his plans
into public notice.
BenJcioi Hospital.
In February 1855, after the first winter of the allied armies
in the Crimea, Mr. Brunei was asked by the War Depart-
ment to undertake the design and construction of hospital
buildings for the East.
He replied (on the same day that he received this
application, February 16) that his Hime and best exertions
* would be, without any limitations, entirely at the service
< of Government.'
He was accordingly appointed as engineer, and pro-
ceeded to design and superintend the manufacture of the
required buildings and all their internal arrangements.
462 MISCELLANEOUS WORKS.
They were sent out under his supervision, and erected
at Eenkioi, on the Dardanelles. All use for the buildings
was ended with the conclusion of peace ; but, for the
seven months during- which they were occupied, they added
much to the comfort of more than thirteen himdred sick
and wounded soldiers.
Many of the special arrangements adopted at Mr.
Brunei's suggestion have been since brought into general
use; and the success of these buildings was, to a con-
siderable extent, influential in leading the Americans to
construct similar hospitals during their civil war. These
are now (1870) being copied in the German armies.
The history of the Eenkioi hospital buildings is a
striking instance of the zeal with which Mr. Brunei
entered into any undertaking which had a claim upon
his assistance, of the varied experience and fertility of in-
vention which he could bring to bear upon any subject,
however remote it might seem to be from his ordinary
occupations, and of the minute personal attention he was
accustomed to give to every detail, as the only certain
means of ensuring success.
Mr. Brunei entered upon his duties on February 16, and
reported to the War Ofl&ce on March 5 that he had not
lost any time nor spared any exertion or any means in
his power to forward the important business he had
undertaken. He stated that he availed himself freely of
the advice and assistance of all persons to whom he could
apply with any prospect of advantage ; and he added, ' It is
' most gratifying to be able to state that from everybody I
' have received the most zealous and cordial assistance, and
* found it sufficient to mention the object of my enquiries
' to obtain immediately every assistance I could possibly
' require.'
RENKIOI HOSPITAL. 463
An experimental ward was erected a few days afterwards
on the premises of tlie Great Western Eailway at Pad-
dington, and was carefully criticised by competent persons ;
and, the plans having been approved of, specifications were
made, with drawings of the various parts, and tenders were
invited for the construction of the buildings.
The following paper gives a description of the buildings,
and was written by Mr. Brunei in order to satisfy the
curiosity of his friends : ^ —
March 1855.
The conditions that it was considered necessary to lay down in
designing these buildings were,—
First. That they should be capable of adapting themselves to
any plot of ground that might be selected, whatever its form, level,
or inclination, within reasonable limits.
Secondly. That each set of buildings should be capable of being
easily extended from one holding 500 patients to one for 1,000 or
1,500, or whatever might be the limit which sanitary or other con-
ditions might prescribe.
Thirdly. That when erected they might be sure to contain
every comfort which it would be possible under the circumstances
to afford. And —
Fourthly. That they should be very portable, and of the cheapest
construction.
The mode in which it has been sought to comply with these con-
ditions is as follows : —
The whole hospital will consist of a number of separate buildings,
each sufficiently large to admit of the most economical construction,
but otherwise small and compact enough to be easily placed on
ground with a considerable slope, without the necessity of placing
the floor of any part below the level of the ground, or of having any
considerable height of foundation to carry up under any other part.
These separate buildings have been made all of the same size and
shape ; so that, with an indefinite length of open corridor to connect
the various parts, they may be arranged in any form, to suit the
levels and shape of the ground.
Each building, except those designed for stores and general pur-
' This appears to be the only instance in which Mr. Brunei printed an
account of any of his works.
464 MISCELLANEOUS WORKS.
poses, is made to contain in itself all that is absolutely essential for
an independent hospital ward-room ; so that, by the lengthening of
the corridors, and the addition of any number of these buildings,
the hospital may be extended to any degree.
To ensure the necessary comforts, and particularly to provide
against the contingency of any cargo of materials not arriving on the
spot in time, each building contains within itself two ward-rooms,
one nurse's room, a small store-room, bath-room, and surgery,
water-closets, lavatories, and ventilating apparatus.
The ward-room is made wide enough and high enough to ensure a
good space of air to each bed, even if these should be unduly
crowded. Each building contains two ward-rooms, intended for
twenty-six beds each, which is found in practice to be a size of room
admitting of proper control and supervision.
With respect to closets and lavatories, after examining and con-
sidering everything that has been done, both in hospitals of the
best description and poor-houses of the cheapest construction, it was
found tliat the requisite security for cleanliness and the greatest
amount of economy of labour, and of consumption of water, could be
obtained by a cheap description of water-closet designed for the
purpose ; and with the same object of diminishing the amount of
labour and the waste of water, and securing cleanliness without
depending upon the constant attention of assistants, fixed basins for
lavatories and mechanical appliances for supplying and drawing off
water were adopted.
As a protection against heat, experience in hot climates and
experiments made expressly for the purpose satisfactorily proved
that a covering of extremely thin and highly polished tin, which
reflects all direct rays of heat, was the cheapest, lightest, and most
effective protection, and every piece of woodwork not covered with
tin is to be whitewashed externally. Internally the lime-wash has
a slight tint of colour, to take off the glare. ^
To secure ventilation in a hot climate with low buildings extend-
ing over a large area, and therefore incapable of being connected
with any general system of ventilation, it was considered that
forcing in fresh air by a small mechanical apparatus attached to
' On this application of tin for the ' found, however, somewhat difficult to
covering of the roof. Dr. Parkes ob- ' place it so as to exclude rain, and the
serves {Manual of Practical Hygiene, ' surface soon became tarnished. The
London, 1869, p. 317): — 'In the ' thermometric experiments did not
' Crimean War the roofs of Renkioi ' show a greaterlesseningof heat than
' Hospital, on the Dardanelles, were ' 3° Fahr. below houses not tin-
' covered with polished tin ; it was ' coated.'
RENKIOI HOSPITAL. 465
each building would be the only effective means. Each ward-room
is therefore furnished with a small fan, or rotatory air-pump, which,
easily worked by one man, is found capable of supplying 1,000 to
1,500 cubic feet of air per minute, or 20 to 30 feet for each patient.
This air is conveyed along the centre of the floors of each ward-
room, and rising up under foot-boards placed under the tables, is
found to flow over the floor to every part of the room.
Besides this mechanical supply of air, opening windows are pro-
vided along the whole length of the eaves, and spaces left im-
mediately beneath the roof at' the two gables, amply sufficient
together to ventilate the rooms thoroughly if any breezes are
stirring, without the help of the fan.
The light is admitted by a long range of narrow windows, im-
mediately under the eaves, which protect them from the direct rays
of the sun. These windows open, and are provided with shutters
inside, which exclude the light, but admit the air.
By forcing the air into the room, instead of drawing it out, the
entrance of bad air from the closets, drains, or any surrounding
nuisances is prevented. The fan is placed at the opposite end to
the closets and di-ains ; and all the fans being in the open corridor,
the workmen can be seen by a single sentry, and kept to their work.
The buildings, as now constructed, are adapted to protect the
interior from external heat. Should winter come while they are
still in use, the framework is adapted to receive an internal lining of
boarding, and the interstices can be filled with a non-conductor.
Two buildings, of the same form and dimensions, are fitted up
with every convenience as store-rooms and apothecaries' dispen-
saries.
An iron kitchen, slightly detached fi-om the wooden buildings,
fitted up with every contrivance capable of cooking for fi-om 500 to
1,000 patients, is attached.
A similar building of iron is fitted up with all the machinery
lately introduced in the baths and washhouses of London for wash-
ing and drying in the minimum space, and with the least amount of
labour.
If an aggregate of buildings should be placed in one spot for more
than 1,000 patients, a second kitchen would be added, but the
single washhouse would be sufficient.
With each set of buildings is sent a pumping apparatus, a small
general reservoir, and a sufficient length of main, with all its
branches, to supply water to every detached building; and all the
pipes and branches are of such construction as to admit of being put-
H U
466 MISCELLANEOUS WOEKS.
together without any soldering or cement. A system of drains is
provided, formed of wooden trunks properly prepared, and of suffi-
cient extent to form a complete and perfect system of drainage from
every building to a safe distance from the general hospital.^
A number of small buildings, intended to be detached from the
main body, are provided for residences for the officers and servants
of the establishment, and for a small detachment of soldiers. A
slaughter-house and store-yard and some other appurtenances are
also provided, the extent of Avhich depends on the circumstances of
each case.
The construction of each building has been studied with very
great care, so as to secure the minimum amount of material, the
least possible amount of work in construction or erection, and the
means of arranging all the parts in separate packages capable each
of being carried by two men ; and the result is that each building
is the cheapest and lightest that has yet been constructed in propor-
tion to the area covered.
For the transport of the materials to the spot selected, two sailing-
vessels and three steamboats, capable of carrying one hospital for
1,000 men, which is the first about to be sent out, have been
secured. In each vessel is sent a certain number of complete
buildings, with every detail, including their proportion of water-
pipes and drains, closets, lavatories, baths, &c., and a small amount
of surplus material and tools ; and in each of two separate vessels
are sent a set of pumps and mains, and a kitchen and washhouse.
So that by no accident, mistake, or confusion, short of the loss of
several of the ships, can there fail to be a certain amount of hospital
accommodation, provided with every comfort and essential.
The peculiar circumstances under which these establishments are
likely to be placed have required not only peculiarities of construc-
tion, but these, in turn, have required numerous provisions and
details specially designed for the case.
As all the buildings, except the kitchen and washhouse, are en-
tirely constructed of wood, it is considered essential that no stove or
fire-place of any description should be allowed in any part, except
in the iron buildings; in these there is provision for an ample
• ' At Eenkioi, in Turkey, Mr. ' box below the cistern, to economise
' Brunei supplied square wooden sewers ' water, never got out of order, and in
' about 15 inches to the side ; they were ' fact the drainage of the hospital was
' tarred inside, and acted most ad- ' literally perfect. I have little doubt
' mirably without leakage for fifteen ' such well-tarred wooden sewers would
' months, till the end of the war. The ' last two or three years ' (Parkes's
' water-closets (Jennings's simple sy- Maimal of Practical Hygiene, p. 635).
'phon), arranged with a small water-
RENKIOI HOSPITAL. 467
supply of hot water, but each ward-building is provided with a
small boiler, heated by candles, which by experiment have been
found amply sufficient for all that can be required. Candles are to
be used exclusively for lighting, and lamps and lanterns have been
constructed for the purpose.
A proper supply of fire-engines is provided, and other precau-
tionary measures are adopted against fire.
The condition of portability requiring that the walls and roofs
should be of the thinnest and slightest possible construction, protec-
tion against heat has been provided for in the manner before referred
to, and good ventilation secured by mechanical means. But, in
addition to this, there is a very simple provision made for passing
the air over a considerable extent of water surface ; which would
not only cool it, but diminish the effect of excessive dryness, which
is said to be occasionally in this climate more oppressive than even
the temperature.
As the space in the wards is very liable to be encroached upon,
and the beds . crowded, portable baths have been designed, into
which the more helpless patients can be lifted, and lowered, on a
frame or sack, without requiring space for assistants to stand
around, or with the bath placed only at the foot of the bed.
The kitchen and laundry have each required many special con-
trivances.
The instructions given to Mr. Brunton, the engineer, who has
been sent out for the purpose of erecting these buildings, are, to
commence by determining on his plan of arrangement to suit the
peculiarities of the ground, and then to construct the complete
system of drainage and to lay on the water supply before the
buildings are rendered capable of receiving patients ; and all the
arrangements of the details are designed with the view of obtaining,
as the first conditions, a perfect system of drainage, a good supply
of water, Ixee ventilation, and the most perfect cleanliness, quite
independent of labour and of the continued attention of assistants ;
these conditions being assumed as essentials, preceding even the
mere covering in of space and providing shelter for patients.
The cost of these buildings, delivered ready for shipment, will be
from 18/. to 22Z. per bed, allowing 1,000 cubic feet of space in each
ward-room to each bed. If pressing emergency should lead to the
beds being placed closer, and fifty per cent, more patients should
be introduced, it is believed that the perfect system of ventilation
which is secured would render these hospitals very superior to any
now in use for the army.
H u 2
468 MISCELLANEOUS WORKS.
Of the cost above named, about 121. per bed is that due to the
•ward-rooms themselves, with all their conveniences attached, and
the rest arises from the cost of the store-rooms, kitchen, machinery,
residences, and appurtenances.
The cargo space required for their conveyance is about a ton and
a half to a ton and three-quarters measurement per bed.
As the buildings were completed the work of transport
was commenced; and twenty- three steamers and sailing-
vessels were despatched, containing altogether about
11,500 tons measurement of materials and stores. The
first vessel arrived out on May 7, 1855, and the last on
December 5, in the same year.
Meanwhile the important question of the site for the
hospital buildings was being determined by Dr. Parkes,
the Medical Superintendent, with the assistance of Mr.
Brunton, who was in constant communication with
Mr. Brunei on the subject.
After visiting various places. Dr. Parkes finally selected
a spot near the village of Renkioi, on the Dardanelles.
In a report which he addressed to the Secretary of State
for War upon the formation and general management of
the hospital, he thus describes ' the nature of the site,
* and the means which were used in the formation of the
* hospital : ' —
The piece of land on which the hospital was placed was a shelving
bank of a light, porous, sandy soil, resting on marl ; it contained
about 270 acres, stretched tongue-like into the waters of the Dar-
danelles, and was bounded inland by a low range of sandstone hills,
which were themselves backed by rather lofty ranges of oolitic lime-
stone, intersected by deep ravines. The tongue of land formed two
bays, north and south, in both of which was good anchorage for
ships, and as the wind blew almost always up or down the Darda-
nelles, i.e. from the north-east or south-west, one or other of these
bays was comparatively calm in all winds except those which came
infrequently from the west.
The position of the spot was on the Asiatic coast, nine miles from
RENKIOI HOSPITAL. 469
the mouth of the Dardanelles, in lat. 40° 2', long. 26° 21'. It was
the site of the port of an old Greek city, the ancient Ophrynium.
The extreme point of this tongue of land was about 10 feet above
the sea, but from this point it rose regularly and gradvially to about
100 feet above the sea. An admirable fall was thus given for
drainage, and so gradual was the rise that the wooden houses were
placed on the ground without terracing or excavation, whereby very
great expense was saved. The extreme length from the point to a
spot too steep for the erection of houses was about half a mile, and
we were enabled thus to place down the centre of the tongue of land
no less than thirty-four houses, capable of holding 1,500 sick, in one
long line on either side of the central corridor, an arrangement
which facilitated very greatly the laying of both water-pipes and
drain-tubes. In fact, we were able to carry out the plan which Mr.
Brunei had suggested as the best.
There was enough space on the tongue of land, on either side of
this long central line, for two shorter parallel lines of seventeen
houses each. . These two lines Avere placed one to the north, and the
other to the south of the large central hospital. Each was capable
of containing 750 men, and one of them to the north was nearly
completed when the declaration of peace put a stop to the works.
On the sides of the hills in rear were numerous small springs of
excellent water, which were collected together and conveyed in
earthenware pipes to a large reservoir, placed by Mr. Brunton 70
feet above the highest house,' which was itself about 60 feet above
the sea. From this reservoir the water was carried in iron pipes
down the centre of the long corridor, and at every ward (which was
placed at intervals at either side of the corridor) a leaden service-
pipe came off, and led an abundant and never-ceasing supply into
the ward cisterns, which supplied the baths, lavatories, and closets.
By this arrangement all necessity for pumping water was avoided,
and the sewers were able to be flushed very perfectly.
The lavatories and closets were placed at the ends of the wards
most remote from the corridor, and immediately outside them ran
the two main sewers, which at their sea terminations were carried
some distance into the Dardanelles.
The plan of the hospital may be at once understood by imagining
a covered way, open at the sides, and 22 feet wide, running nearly
east and west, and reaching for a length of more than a third of a
mile, on either side of which stood, at intervals of 27 feet on the
south side, and in most cases 94 feet on the north, the thirty-four
houses, each of which, as already said, was 100 feet long, 40 feet
470
MISCELLANEOUS WORKS.
wide, 12 feet high at the eaves, and 25 in the centre, and was
capable of containing fifty patients, with an allowance of nearly
1,300 cubic feet of air for each man. Some portion of this space
was occupied by the closets and some small rooms used as orderlies'
Fig. 22. Eenkioi Hospital,
WARD BUILDING.
A. Corridor p. Lavatory, &c.
B. Ward room g. Ventilating fan
C. Orderlies' bed-room h. Ventilating air-trunk
D. Bath-room i. Main drain
E. Medical officer j. Tables in wards
Tramverie Section.
Lotigitudinal Section.
Blddtidd,btjbtibdOd
t3*~^
41
C
5-i:;
J J i~aia~j~inr:n3trri
□DaaaaaaaDDD
ddddddddd
«5rzrrr:Jkrx
g=r"?>rT-:t
Br-n r-i r-i
DDaDrrnnnanDDD
UM^--^-
Ground plan.
VWiTmi't-
Scale of feet.
and bath-rooms. Thirty of these houses were used as wards ; four
were used as dispensaries and purveyor's stores. A drawing by
Mr. Brunton, showing the arrangements of one of the wards, is
attached.!
To the south of each division of ten houses was placed an iron
kitchen, which afforded the necessary accommodation for preparing
500 diets.
At the inland extremity of the corridor were placed two iron
laundries, the water from which (some 4,000 gallons daily) was
passed into the sewers. Beyond the laimdries were placed on
' The woodcut, fi . 22, is a reduction of part of this drawing.
RENKIOI HOSPITAL. '471
either side the wooden houses of the medical and other officers, ■who
were thus able to see down either side of this long line, and to pre-
serve to a certain extent surveillance over the patients.
The two smaller hospitals were constructed on a similar plan,
each range having, however, only one iron laundry inland, and one
iron kitchen in the centre of the range.
About half a mile from the hospital, close to the sea in the south
bay, three store-houses were erected, and a railway led from an
adjacent jetty or pier by the side of these store-houses to the centre
of the main hospital. Had the war continued, it would have been
carried to the north pier and bay, and would also have had a
branch running along the corridor of each hospital, so as to deposit
the sick at the very doors of the wards into which they were to go.
Nothing could exceed the simplicity of the whole arrangement ,' it
was a repetition of similar parts throughout ; and experience enables
me to say, that nothing could be better adapted for a hospital than
this system of isolated buildings, between every one of which was a
large body of moving air, rendering ventilation easy, and communi-
cation of disease from ward to ward impossible.
The introduction of the covered way connecting the various
houses was a happy idea. In the summer this corridor was left
quite open at the sides, and formed a cool walk for the convalescents ;
while in winter we boarded up its north side, so that in the coldest
blasts of the northern wind the men were protected, and were able
to leave their wards and to take exercise. I need only further
observe that, in order to secure perfect ventilation, not only were
openings left under the eaves and in the gables of the buildings
(which could be closed in cold weather), but air-shafts were placed
under the floors through which 1,000 cubic feet of air per minute
could be forced into the wards by fans placed in the corridor
and worked by hand [see fig. 22]. As the amount of wind at
Eenkioi was always considerable, we never had occasion to use these
machines ; but had the hospital been placed in a less airy situation,
they would have been of the greatest use.
For the construction of this hospital every necessary part was
sent out by Mr. Brunei. The houses were erected with great care
by Mr. Brunton, assisted by Mr. Eassie, jun., and by eighteen
English workmen (thirteen carpenters, one pipelayer, three plumbers,
and one smith) sent out for this purpose. On account of the
size and height of the houses (which were many times the size
of the largest Crimean huts), the framework was obliged to be put
together very carefully, and Mr. Brunton felt it necessary to employ
472 MISCELLANEOUS WORKS,
none l)ut the English .workmen on this duty ; consequently the
erection of the houses took much longer time than we originally
anticipated ; but during the winter we had reason to be satisfied
that Mr. Brunton had done Avisely, for, in spite of the heavy winds
we often had, no finished house was ever damaged, except in one or
two instances to a very slight amount.
The erection of the houses was commenced on May 21, 1855.
On July 12 I reported the hospital ready for 300 sick; on August 11
it was ready for 500, and on December 4 for 1,000 sick. By
January 1856, viz. seven months after its commencement, it was
ready for 1,500 sick; and when the works were discontinued, at the
end of March 1856, we could, with a little pressure, have admitted
2,200 patients. In about three months more this immense esta-
blishment for 3,000 sick could have been finished and in full activity.
On the working of tlae system. Dr. Parkes says in his
report : —
Although the hospital was ready for 300 patients on July 12,
1855, we were not called on to receive sick till October 2. From
that time till February 11, eleven ships arrived from Balaclava
and Smyrna. . . . After February 11, 1856, we received no more
sick. The total number of military patients who were received
from these ships was 1,244, and, in addition, 87 soldiers were ad-
mitted, either from the guard at Eenkioi or Abydos, from transport
ships which touched at Renkioi, or from the English soldiers attached
to the Osmanli Horse stationed at the town of Dardanelles during the
summer and autumn.
The total number of admissions Avas 1,331 —
Cured ....... 961
Invalided ...... 320
Deaths .,,... 50
Besides the military patients, we admitted 77 civilians
The total number of patients actually treated was 1,408, the
largest number at any one time 642. . . .
The anticipations we had formed of the health of the spot and of
its adaptability for a hospital were quite confirmed by the ex-
perience of more than a year. The winter was mild, and the
climate seemed especially adapted for pulmonary complaints, of
which we had a large number. The changes of temperature, it is
true, were very sudden and great ; but as the men had warm wards,
these changes were not felt, j^nd there were few days in which the
RENKIOI HOSPITAL. 473
moat delicate consumptive patient could not get out into the
sheltered corridor for a short time during the day. The con-
struction of the hospital was admirably adapted for men recovering
from illness. As all the wards were on the ground, as soon as a
man could crawl he could get into the air either in the cool and
sheltered corridor or in the spaces round the hospital.
In April and May 1856 the greater number of the patients had
been either discharged or invalided home, and . . . the medical
and nursing staff was reduced more than one-half, and . . .
in the middle of July the remaining staff was sent home.
All the stores which were likely to be used or to sell well in
England were sent home, and everything else was sold on the
ground. Major Chads, with twenty soldiers, and Mr. Brunton
remained behind, to superintend the sale of the buildings, which
took place on September 20.
474
CHAPTEE XVI.
MR. BRUNELS PROFESSIONAL OPINIONS AND PRACTICE.
. SCHEME OF THE CHAFTEB ME. BRUNEL's POSITION IN EELATION TO THE
COMPANIES OF WHICH HE "WAS ENGINEBB LETTER ON THE DIRECTION OF
RAILWAY WORKS IN ITALY (mARCH 4, 1845) LETTER ON THE POSITION
OF JOINT ENGINEER (OCTOBER 16, 1843) LETTER ON THE POSITION OF
CONSULTING ENGINEER (DECEMBER 30, 1851) — LETTER ON THE POSITION OF
THE ENGINEER IN RELATION TO THE CONTRACTORS (mAY 26, 1854)
LETTERS ON THE POSITION OF THE ENGINEER IN RELATION TO THE
DIRECTORS (APRIL 15, 1850 ; DECEMBER 6, 1851 ; JANUARY 22, 1857)
MR. BRUNEL's ASSISTANTS — LETTERS ON INTERFERENCE OF DIRECTORS
WITH THE ASSISTANT ENGINEERS (JANUARY 19,1842; JANUARY 28,1842;
JANUARY 12,1851) MR. BRUNEl's PUPILS HIS RELATIONS WITH OTHEK
ENGINEERS — INVENTORS LETTER IN REPLY TO AN INTENTOR (SEPTEMBER
17, 18*7) — MR. BRUNEl's VIEWS AS TO STATE INTERFERENCE — LETTER ON
THE ROYAL COMMISSION ON THE APPLICATION OF IRON TO RAILWAY
STRUCTURES (mARCH 13,1848) LETTER ON A PROPOSAL TO OBTAIN THE
RECOGNITION IN ENGLAND OF DECORATIONS CONFERRED AT THE PARIS
EXHIBITION OF 1855 (FEBRUARY 9, 1856) ME. BRUNEl's OPINION ON THE
PATENT LAWS MEMORANDUM FOR EVIDENCE BEFORE THE SELECT COM-
MITTEE OF THE HOUSE OF LOEDS ON THE PATENT LAWS, 1851 EX-
TEACT FEOM OBSERVATIONS ON THE PATENT LAWS, MADE BY MR. BRUNEL
AT A MEETING OF THE SOCIETY OF ARTS (mARCH 26, 1856).
It is proposed in tlie earlier part of this chapter to
describe, principally by extracts from Mr. Brunei's corre-
spondence, the position occupied by him in regard to the
Companies which he served, and to the various classes
of persons with whom he acted in the discharge of his
duties as engineer to those Companies. These selections
are followed by extracts relating to questions of general
professional interest.
The first point to be considered is, his relations with the
Companies which employed him as their engineer, and with
the Directors who formed the governing body.
Mr. Brunei conceived that he was, by virtue of his
ON THE DIRECTION OF RAILWAY WORKS. 475
appointment as engineer, the sole and confidential adviser
of the Company in all matters relating to the construction
and mechanical working of the undertaking. He did
not permit any one to be associated with him in the
supreme control over those matters which were in his
department ; and the moment he thought that confidence
was no longer placed in him, he was prepared at every
sacrifice to resign his office. But, as long as he was
supported by the Directors, he thoroughly identified him-
self with their cause, and he never allowed considera-
tions of health or convenience or pecuniary advantage
to interfere with the performance of any service which
he could render them. The fearless independence of his
position, combined with his absolute devotion to the
interests of his employers, was no doubt the secret of the
immense influence he acquired, and of the affectionate
esteem with which he was regarded by those whom he
served.
On the Direction of Railway Works.
March 4, 1845.
I have well considered the communication which you did me the
honour of making on the part of the Government of His Majesty
the King of Sardinia with reference to my undertaking the direction
of the works of the proposed railway from Genoa to Alessandria,
about to be executed by the Government itself. . . .
In the first place I assume that if the direction of the works be
confided to me as the engineer, the same degree of confidence will
be placed in me, and the same authority will result from that con-
fidence, as would be the case in England — that is to say, I should be
the confidential adviser of the Government in all engineering
questions connected with this railway, my communications would in
all matters be made direct with the Government, and as long as I
continued to be responsible for the direction of the works no
other engineer would be consulted or allowed to interfere. Of course
I claim no right to direct anything but that which has the sanction
of the Government ; but I should claim to be their sole adviser on
all engineering points (connected with the construction of the rail-
476 PROFESSIONAL OPINIONS AND PRACTICE.
way), and to possess their entire confidence ; and also that, if any
portion of that full confidence were at any time withdrawn, the fact
should be immediately communicated to me ; when, after making
every possible arrangement to prevent inconvenience to the Govern-
ment, I might withdraw from the direction of the work. This is
the position which an engineer of any standing occupies in this
country, whether acting for the Government or for individuals ; and
I believe it to be as fully essential for the success of the proposed
undertaking, and as necessary for the interests of His Majesty's
Government as for my satisfaction, that I should be placed in a
feimilar position.
- The circumstance of my being a foreigner, of my being rarely
present to meet objections, if any are raised, of the unavoidable fre-
quency of real as well as apparent failures in works of such variety
and so numerous as those which occur on this line, of the difiiculties
which always attend the introduction of novelties and everything
connected with a railway, the rapid mode of its construction, the
necessity which experience has proved of frequently adopting appar-
ently hasty and hazardous methods to prevent the evil consequences
of protracted delays, — all this will be novelty with you as it was a few
years ago in England, all these circumstances combine to render it
peculiarly essential to the satisfactory progress of the undertaking
that it should be well known to all parties that full and entire con-
fidence is placed in me by the Government.
It will of course also be necessary that all parties acting under
me in the direction of the works should feel that their appointment
or dismissal depends entirely upon me.
In return for the confidence thus placed in me and the autho-
rity given to me, I should of course know no interest but that of the
Govemmenti If the Government is willing to appoint me engineer
according to this definition of my position, I shall feel pride in
the appointment, and I shall devote my best energies to the
accomplishment of one of the finest and most interesting works of
the day. . . .
On the Position of Joint Engineer.
October 16, 1843.
The contents of your letter of yesterday take me quite by sur-
prise ; the expression you use of joint-engineership implies a view
of our relative position diametrically opposed to the views which I
have plainly and unequivocally expressed to you and to the Directors
when such a thing as joint-engineership was proposed to and rejected
by mc, . . .
ON THE POSITION OF ENGINEER. 477
You wind up your letter by saying * we have accepted the duty
' of joint-engineers,' &c., and you add a postscript requesting me to
lay your letter before the Directors: this I should have been
obliged to do without any such request. I never accepted the duty
of joint-engineer; I have always refused to do so. I thought I
had made this very clear both to you and the Directors on several
occasions ; indeed I often feared that I expressed myself too strongly
instead of leaving it capable of misapprehension. ... \
On the Position of Consulting Engineer.
December 30, 1851.
I shall be happy to act in any capacity (subject to the exception I
wiU further explain) which can be useful to your Company ; . . .
but the exception I have to make is one which perhaps resolves itself
merely into a question of name. The term * Consulting Engineer ' is
a very vague one, and in practice has been too much used to mean a
man who for a consideration sells his name, but nothing more. Now
I never connect myself with an engineering work except as the Direct-
ing Engineer, who, under the Directors, has the sole responsibility
and control of the engineering, and is therefore * The Engineer ; ' and
I have always objected to the term ' Consulting Engineer.' .
In a railway the only works to be constructed are engineering
works, and there can really be only one engineer ; and in your case
especially, where, as I apprehend, the contractor is part of the company,
and has to be treated with consideration, and perhaps less vigorously,
at all events differently from an ordinary contractor, considerable
management and discretion will be required of your engineer, and
a degree of responsibility which I would only undertake if sole
engineer. Possibly this is what you meant, and that I alone see the
distinction, but it is an important one with which you may not be
so familiar as I am.
On the Position of the Engineer in Relation to the
Contractors.
May 26, 1854.
I have in due course taken steps to prepare a report for the
Directors on the state of the work, but you must not apply to the.
contractors for such reports. In the first place, it would lead to
ridiculous contradictions, inasmuch as most likely my reports would
478 PROFESSIONAL OPINIONS AND PRACTICE.
differ materially from theirs ; and also it would reverse the whole
order of things. I must alone, so long at least as I am the pro-
fessional adviser of the Company, be the medium of communication
with contractors in all matters which the terms of the contract refer
to me. I am very particular about the regularity of all these forms,
because, although, while all goes smooth, they are of no consequence,
yet if, unfortunately, any little difficulties arise, then it is unpleasant
and difficult to alter a previous course.
I would ask, then, that all official communications with the con-
tractors should be made through me, and that, even as regards these,
we should confer together before any formal resolution should at any
time be passed, so as to be sure that it is properly worded, and that
no awkward precedent is established.
You may have seen that a great appeal case before the Lords,
affecting claims of some hundreds of thousands, has just been finally
decided in favour of the Great Western Railway Company after
fourteen years of litigation ; ^ and this favourable decision was
entirely obtained by carefully prepared specifications, and by my not
having departed in any single case, in years of correspondence, from
the letter and spirit of the contract, and particularly from the fact —
strongly commented upon by Lords Cranworth and Brougham — that
I had maintained my position of umpire between the Company and
contractor. It is, then, as essential to the Company as to the con-
tractor and to me that I should maintain that position.
On the Relations between the Engineer and the Directors.
I.
April 15, 1850.
You will remember that on the 2nd of November last I addressed
you a letter on the subject of my acting as umpire in several cases
of reference between the Company and contractors, who were
raising heavy claims against the Company, in Avhich I expressed my
readiness to act in a very responsible, laborious, and thankless
position. . .
I am also still acting, so far as my services can be useful, as
your engineer ; and in arranging with contractors, &c., there is
even noAv much remaining to be done. As long as I enjoy your
fuU confidence, it would be a great pleasure to me, although the
' The case of Ranger v. the Great Western Railway Company.
EELATIONS BETWEEN ENGINEEK AND DIRECTORS. 479
profit might for the present be small, to continue your engineer,
looking forward, as I do, at no distant period to the completion of the
•works; but the changes that have lately taken place in the Board,
and the excitement which has been displayed by some of your pro-
prietors in effecting those changes — such excitement as is too apt
frequently to lead men to form most unjust and erroneous opinions
of the trustworthiness of those who have been long engaged in their
service — very naturally causes anxiety. I, and you who have been
acting with me for so long, know that I have always advised you
honestly, and 1 hope generally wisely, on such matters as I have been
consulted upon, notwithstanding my knoAvn connection with other
and sometimes conflicting interests. But new men may not have
the same confidence in me, and I cannot afford to run the risk of any
doubts being entertained upon the subject.
I must therefore beg of you to bring the matter before the Board
formally, and if it is desired that I should continue to act as your
engineer, that I may have it clearly understood that I do so with the
full concurrence of the Board as now constituted, and particularly of
the new Directors ; and that to render the expression of their con-
fidence clear, I wish them to understand that I am quite ready to
tender them my resignation if they do not feel that confidence, and
that such resignation cannot prejudice any of the cases under arbi-
tration before me, as 1 undertook them upon the express under-
standing that it was as agreed umpire, and not as engineer to the
Company.
I shall only add that by being engineer to a Company, I mean
acting in perfect confidence with the Directors on matters generally,
as I have been in the habit of doing.
n.
December 6, 1851.
I really cannot consent to forego in this case the rule I lay down
for myself in my professional business, which is to yield as far as
I comfortably c^n to the mere wishes of Directors in the mode in
which I direct the works they may order, but not beyond this
point — and if the Directors of any body claim the right to control
the staff which I think necessary to carry on my work, I concede
the right at once, and resign the direction of that staff. The staff
for constructing engineering works is not a permanent establish-
ment, which can be extended or restricted just as a Board of Directors
may determine ; it is much more of the character of a personal staff
attached to the engineer-in-chief, and by means of which he is
480 PROFESSIONAL OPINIONS AND PRACTICE.
enabled to take great responsibility upon himself, both in respect of
the works which he executes, and the settlement of large amounts of
payments, in which settlement both the company and the contractors
are very much at his mercy. It is the duty of an engineer of course
to study economy as well as efficiency in his staiF, and to pay atten-
tion to the wishes of the Directors so far as he can ; but he must be
the ultimate judge of the number and the persons of that staff. At
least, that is my rule, and I cannot depart from it in this case. I
should wish to state this as respectfully as possible to the Board, but
at the same time to state it clearly.
III.
January 22, 1857.
... I have replied very fully to the observations of the Directors,
but having done so I must again place my resignation in the hands
of the Directors. A Board of Directors has a perfect right to dis-
pense with the services of an engineer, or to lay down any rules of
conduct they may think fit, and to engineer the works themselves,
either as a body or by appointing one of their members, if they think
fit ; but if they desire to have the advice and responsibility of any
respectable engineer — at all events, if they wish to have mine — they
must place the usual amount of confidence in me ; and as long as I
am engineer they must leave me to conduct the engineering, and
must act as if they assumed that I was more able to advise the
Board upon all the usual practical questions of engineering than
any one of the Directors. Admitting as I do the full right of a Board
of Directors to determine whether they will have an engineer or
not, if they have one they must trust him to do his own work.
As a mere question of time it would be impossible that I could
be constantly entering into long explanations of the most trifling
character upon points on which I must be by far the most com-
petent judge — and in fact the competent and responsible judge,
expressly employed, and paid professionally because I am so. If
individual Directors are more competent than their engineer, let
them assume the office and the responsibility ; but do not have a
divided responsibility. I am most happy at all times to receive any
hints or suggestions from any body whether Directors or not, but I
cannot undertake the labour of replying to them all, neither can I
act as engineer to a Board of Directors who, either as a body or by
one or two of their members, make a practice of taking upon them-
selves to judge of those details of which I must be assumed to be
the competent judge, and thereby interfering with my proper duties.
ON THE POSITION OF ASSISTANTS. 481
If the engineer is not assumed to be worthy of trust both in respect
of zeal in the interests of the Company, and very superior to any
one of the Directors as regards experience, and ability to carry out
what the Directors may determine upon, he is not fit to be the
engineer ; but if he is so, he must be left to carry out those details
of his department of the business. These are the general principles
upon which alone I can act.
It is, from the nature of the case, impossible by any
extracts from Mr. Brunei's correspondence to give an
adequate idea of the position which he occupied in re-
lation to his assistants. There was so much personal
intercourse between them that letter writing was but
little resorted to.
His relations with them were of the most affectionate
and intimate kind, and were maintained without any osten-
tation or outward show. He was in the habit of placing
entire confidence in his subordinates as long as he con-
sidered that they deserved it ; and, while he preserved his
own proper position, he was always ready to shield them
from the interference of others. The letters which are
printed below are evidence of this. When, on the other
hand, anything occurred to displease him in the conduct of
his assistants, he was eager to give the offender a chance
of retrieving his position ; and he was always ready to
help them in any difficulties.
On Interference of Directors with the Assistant Engineers.
I.
January 19, 1842.
"While I am upon the subject, and as I have referred to the impolicy
of Directors taking notice of little things, and as I speak freely to
you, I will mention that I have obsei-ved with pain on some occa-
sions this tendency ; and I will give one instance of what I must call
most unwise interference. It was lately, and unfortunately at the same
moment as this complaint, intimated that a pair of boxing gloves had
been seen in one of the Company's offices, and that the Directors had
I I
482 PEOFESSIONAL OPINIONS AND PEACTICE.
observed it. Now I really do not know why a gentlemanly and indus-
trious young man like should be subject to have his trifling
actions remarked upon more than I myself, unless the observer gave
him credit for a much more gentle temper than I possess ; because I
confess, if any man had taken upon himself to remark upon my
having gone to the pantomime, which I always do at Christmas, no
respect for Directors or any other officer would have restrained me.
I will do my best to keep my team in order ; but I cannot do it if
my master sits by me, and amuses himself by touching them up
with the whip.
II.
January 28, 1842.
I am much obliged to you for your letter. I am sorry to find,
however, that the impression, a very erroneous one as I believe,
remains upon your mind that the assistant engineers are predisposed
to encourage, or at all events allow, improper conduct on the part either
of contractors or the inferior agents of the Company. . .
From some experience in these matters it is that I have come to
the conclusion that it is wise (however strange you may think the
doctrine to be) to shut one's ears and eyes really and truly to every-
thing which does not come forward in such a shape as to demand
and admit of an enquiry ; and it is for this reason also that I do
entertain the opinion very strongly (in which you appear to differ
from me), that it is not the interest, it is not wise, and therefore
only it is not the duty of Directors to look after, or to see into, the
smaller details of the conduct of an establishment which, being of a
very temporary, changing, and uncertain character, cannot at the best
be conducted with the discipline and regularity of a permanent
establishment, in which the parties have their clearly defined and
unchanging duties, and look forward to the permanent occupation of
their places as their means of support.
At all events, when the Directors see anything they think
desirable to correct or to modify, they can fully communicate it to
me Avithout the possibility of giving to me any soreness of feeling,
which it is always desirable not to excite, even in the case of the
lowest menial whose best services one wishes to have and use.
ON THE POSITION OF ASSISTANTS. 483
III.
December 12, 1851.
With reference to your letter of December 11, stating that the
Directors * are satisfied that great irregularities have existed, and
* that they feel it to be their duty, and will not hesitate on any
* occasion, to represent to me any irregularity on the part of my
' staiF that may come to their knowledge,' I am almost afraid,
unless in a short note you may have failed to convey to me the
meaning of the Directors, that they greatly misunderstand my feel-
ings on the subject ; my great desire, as great as, possibly greater
than even that of the Directors, who cannot feel so personally re-
sponsible as I do for the efficiency of mystaff — my great desire I say
is to hear immediately from anybody, and particularly of course
from a Director, of any supposed iiTegularity ; and I should feel that
1 had ground of complaint even if any such report or any suspicion of
any irregularity were not immediately communicated to me. The
moment that the Directors could doubt my being as anxious as they
can be to know and to remedy any irregularity, or that they should
look upon me in such matters otherwise than as one of themselves,
I should feel that I had lost their confidence, and could no longer
carry on satisfactorily to myself my duties, and should therefore
resign them. Such must, I beg, be our relative position as regards
the future ; and carrying out this principle as regards the past, I must
beg of them to tell me explicitly what are the irregularities to which
they refer as having been committed. I ought to be fully informed
of such things — indeed, nothing ought to be suspected even without
my knowing ; for if / ought not to know, who ought ?
As a matter of form, and to be strictly correct, I must guard
myself against being supposed to mean that I could desire or
approve of what the Directors I am sure would also disapprove of —
namely, a system of fault-seeking — because in a very numerous staff
or body of men, particularly where they have not the benefit of per-
manent situations, the perfection of regularity cannot be hoped for ;
what I principally seek and require of my assistants is an honest
discharge of their duties, and any departure from this it is well known
amongst them I never overlook. Have the goodness, therefore, to
a.scertain for me, and to let me know immediately, what these
irregularities have been.
A few words may here be added on Mr. Brunei's practice
in reference to taking pnpils.
1 I 2
484 PEOFESSIONAL OPINIONS AND PRACTICE.
Although many of his assistants had been his pupils, he
did not encourage young men to come to him with the
object of learning their profession in his office. He
never absolutely declined to take pupils ; but he endea-
voured, by fixing a high premium, to reduce the number
of applicants.
He did not profess to do more for his pupils than
to give them the opportunities of seeing work, afforded
by his office, and the chance of being afterwards em-
ployed as his assistants. He attached much importance
to private study of mathematics and other branches of
science.
Passing on to the position assumed by Mr. Brunei in
his relations to the profession at large ; — it may be stated
in a few words, that he was desirous on aU occasions
of promoting its welfare by encouraging friendly inter-
course among its members, by healing strife, by sup-
pressing as far as he could all cant or pretension, and
by setting his face steadfastly against all attempts to
fetter the freedom of invention or to lessen the inde-
pendence of engineers by State patronage or control.
It may appear strange to affirm of one who was foremost
in almost all the professional contests of his time, that he
was zealous in healing strife ; but it is nevertheless true
that Mr. Brunei, while he was a bold and uncompromising
advocate of his own schemes, was at the same time untiring
in his exertions to limit the area of controversy, to confine
it strictly within its proper bounds, and to divest it of all
personality or of anything which could lead to unpleasant
feeling or annoyance.
His endeavours to this end were greatly helped by the
friendly relations which he maintained at all times with
his professional brethren. He never allowed any diver-
ON HIS RELATIONS WITH OTHER ENGINEERS. 485
gence of opinion to interfere with private friendship ; and,
even in the height of controversy, he was glad to give,
and ready to ask for, advice on matters connected with the
scientific departments of civil engineering.
It is but seldom that extracts have been made from
Mr. Brunei's private journals ; but it may be permitted, in
illustration of what has been said on this point, to give the
following passage, written during the great contests of the
year 1846.
May 5, 1846.
I am just returned from spending an evening with E. Stephenson.
It is very deHghtful, in the midst of our incessant personal pro-
fessional contests, carried to the extreme limit of fair opposition, to
meet him on a perfectly friendly footing, and discuss engineering
points. . . . Again I cannot help recording the great pleasure I
derive from these occasional though rare meetings.
Mr. BruneFs opinions on the working of the patent
laws will be given below, as following more fitly after
extracts from his correspondence relating to the position
of his profession in regard to the Government; but,
before entering upon that subject, a few words may be
said in reference to a class of persons who formed a
very large proportion of his correspondents — the class
of * Inventors.'
He used to receive numerous applications from persons
who had invented, or who thought they had invented, some
useful contrivance, from a locomotive which would save
fifty per cent, in fuel over those then in use, to a machine
which, as Mr. Brunei assured its inventor, * would not
* even have a tendency to move.* He was always ready
to encourage inventions which seemed likely to produce
good results, and to enquire into their merits, if they were
patented ; but not otherwise, lest it should be said that
confidence had been placed in him.
486 PROFESSIONAL OPINIONS AND PRACTICE.
The following is one of the many letters he had to write
in answer to requests of this nature.
September 17, 1847.
I could not have complied with your request of giving any
opinion upon the merits of the invention. Simple as such an act may
be, it too frequently involves one in controversy ; and I never found,
before I made the rule not to give opinions, that my advice was
ever followed, if it was to discourage the inventor from ilirther
expense and trouble.
I should tell you in this case that the idea of dovetailing, which
in your first letter I find was the principle of the invention, had
long before been worked out in every shape and form that ingenuity
or blundering could possibly give it.
Upon the important question how far, if at all, the
practice of civil engineers should be subject to State con-
trol, Mr. Brunei held very decided views. He was strongly
opposed both to any interference on the part of the State
with the freedom of civil engineers in the conduct of their
professional work, and to the recognition of merit by the
bestowal of honours or rewards.
On the Royal Commission on the Application of Iron to
Railway Structures.^
March 13, 1848.
I regret that the Commissioners should have done me the honour
of requesting * my opinion upon the enquiry referred to them ; '
because, as it is known to one or more of these Commissioners that
I have expressed very strongly, both publicly and privately, my
doubts of the advantage of such an enquiry, and my fears of its
being, on the contrary, productive of much mischief, both to science
and to the profession, it would expose me to a charge of weakness
and of inconsistency if I were now to refrain from expressing those
opinions, which otherwise I had no idea of intruding upon the
Commissioners ; and, indeed, I had hoped that, by making those
opinions known to some of the members, I might have been passed
over, and not invited to assist in the proceedings.
' See aboTe, p. 192.
ON STATE CONTROL OVER ENGINEERING WORKS. 487
I shall be most happy to communicate, as I am at all times most
anxious to do, any knowledge which I may obtain in the course of
my practice, and such intercommunication of ideas and of experience
amongst engineers I believe to be most useful ; but the attempt to
collect and re-issue as facts, with the stamp of authority, all that
may be offered gratuitously to a Commission in the shape of evidence
or opinions, to stamp with the same mark of value statements and
facts, hasty opinions and well-considered and matured convictions,
the good and the bad, the metal and the dross (and simple courtesy
to the donors must prevent the Commissioners from attempting to
draw distinctions which might appear invidious) — this, I believe,
always has rendered, and always will render, such collections of
miscalled evidence injurious instead of advantageous to science;
and the facts or statements and opinions so collected will form
generally, I believe, a lower average of information than that which
is already in the possession, or at least within the reach,' of those
who have occasion to study the subject : for it is remarkable that
in this particular enquiry the Commissioners can have no peculiar
means of obtaining, and, as I believe, cannot hope to get better or
more extended information than that possessed by any one of the
principal engineers of the day ; wliile they will be compelled to
receive and to publish much that a prudent man, acting on his own
responsibility, would either not have attended to, or would silently
have rejected. This, however, is perhaps a negative evil, or, at
most, one which cannot much affect the proceedings of the well-
informed in our profession ; but the mischief which I anticipate is
much more dangerous to the progress of science.
If the Commission is to enquire into the conditions ' to he
* observed,^ it is to be presumed that they will give the result of their
enquiries ; or, in otlier words, that they will lay down, or at least
suggest, ' rules ' and ' conditions to be (hereafter) observed ' in the
construction of bridges, or, in other words, embarrass and shackle the
progress of improvement to-morrow by recording and registering
as law the prejudices or errors of to-day.
Nothing, I believe, has tended more to distinguish advantageously
the profession of engineering in England and in America, nothing
has conduced more to the great advance made in our profession and
to our pre-eminence in the real practical application of the science,
than the absence of all regies de Vart — a term which I fear is now
going to be translated into English by the words ' conditions to be
* obsei-ved.' No man, however bold or however high he may stand
in his profession, can resist the benumbing effect of rules laid down
488 PROFESSIONAL OPINIONS AND PEACTICE.
by authority. Occupied as leading men are, they could not afford
the time, or trouble, or responsibility of constantly fighting against
them — they would be compelled to abandon all idea of improving
upon them ; while incompetent men might commit the grossest
blunder provided they followed the rules. For, in the simplest branch
of construction, rules may be followed literally without any security
as to the result. There is hardly a branch of engineering that
could have been selected which in its present state is less capable
of being made the subject of fixed laws or instructions than the
application of iron to railway structures, and certainly there is no
branch in which there is more room for improvement, or which
offers so many different channels or directions for that improvement.
In the quality of the material, the workmanship, or the mode of
manufacture, and in the application of it, there is every imaginable
variety, there is room for almost any imaginable degree or nature of
improvement; and unless the Commissioners are endowed with
prophetic powers, it is impossible that they can now foresee what
may be the result of changes in any one of these conditions.* . . .
What rules or ' conditions to be observed ' could be drawn up now
that would not become, not merely worthless, but totally erroneous
and misleading, under such improved circumstances ? But above
all, I fear — nay, I feel convinced — that any attempt to establish any
rules, any publication of opinions which may create or guide public
prejudice, any suggestions coming fi:om authority, must close the door
to improvement in any direction but that pointed out by the Com-
missioners, and must tend to lead and direct, and therefore to control
and to limit, the number of the roads now open for advance.
I believe that nothing could tend more to arrest improvement
than such assistance, and that any attempt to fix now, or at any
given period, the conditions to be thereafl;er observed in the mode of
construction of any specific woik of art, and thus to dictate for the
present and for the future the theory which is to be adopted as the
correct one in any branch of engineering, is contrary to all sound
philosophy, and will be productive of great mischief, in tending to
check and to control the extent and direction of all improvements,
and preventing that rapid advance in the useful application of
science to mechanics which has resulted fi-om the free exercise of
engineering skill in this country, subjected as it ever is, under the
present system, to the severe and unerring control and test of com-
peting skill and of public opinion. Devoted as I am to my
' The remainder of this letter is printed above, p. 192.
I
ON STATE CONTROL OVER ENGINEERING WORKS. 489
profession, I see with fear and regret that this tendency to legislate
and to rule, which is tlie fasliion of the day, is flowing in our direc-
tion.
I must repeat my regret that circumstances should have forced me
to intrude these my opinions upon the Commissioners'; but, for the
reasons I have before given, the application to me, after the part I
have taken, left me no alternative ; but having expressed my opin-
ions, and respectfully protested against the objects and proceedings
of the Commissioners, I shall feel it my duty to attend to their sum-
mons, and afford any information in my power.
On a Proposal to obtain the Recognition in England of
Decorations conferred at the Paris Exhibition of 1855.
February 9, 1856.
I regretted to be under the necessity of declining to sign the
memorial that was brought to me by a gentleman introducing him-
self with your card, without an opportunity of explaining to you
my reasons ; and it would be difficult to do so satisfactorily without
an opportunity of personal explanation. In a few words, however,
I will state that I disapprove strongly, and after full consideration,
of any introduction into England of the system of distinctions con-
ferred by Government upon individuals, whether engaged in pro-
fessions, arts, or manufactures, whose merits can be so much better
and more surely marked by public opinion. In countries where
^ public opinion is not so searching and so powerful as in England,
the evils of favouritism may be out-balanced by the advantages of
some means of distinguishing men. I admit the possibility, though
I doubt the fact ; but I feel sure that the evils would be far greater
than the advantages in England. The few cases of knighthood con-
ferred in England generally follow public opinion, though I should
not wish to see this system carried further. Such being my opinion,
I could not consistently ask for my own letter of Chevalier de la
Legion d'Honneur being recognised here.
On the question of the patent laws, Mr. Brunei held the
opinion that the system of protecting inventions by means
of letters patent was productive of immense evil. The
prominent j)art which he took in all discussions upon this
subject exposed him to much adverse criticism, which was
490 PEOFESSIONAL OPINIONS AND PRACTICE.
perhaps the more freely bestowed, because it was felt that
he was a very formidable opponent, not only from the force
of his arguments, but also from the authority with which
he spoke.
He was, from the necessity of his position as a civil
engineer, himself an inventor; he had in his staff and
among those with whom he acted many inventors ; he did
not, therefore, underrate the benefits conferred on science
by those who, by inventing, add to its resources. He was
continually being trammelled and thwarted in his various
undertakings by patents, and he therefore could judge of
their evil effects upon the progress of practical engineering ;
and, lastly, he had the best possible means of judging of
their effects upon the inventors themselves, both from
his opportunities of becoming acquainted with the fate of
others, and from his own experience. His father. Sir
Isambard Brunei, had taken out patents for most of his
inventions, and, as Mr. Brunei stated before the House of
Lords Committee of 1851, with very unfortunate results,
especially in the case of the carbonic-gas engine (see
Note B to Chapter I.) ; where, if they had not been
obliged to work secretly, in order to conceal the process
before the patent was granted, they could have obtained
valuable advice, which might either have led to an earlier
abandonment of the project, or to its improvement in those
points in which it failed.
Mr. Brunei drew up the following statement when asked
to give evidence before the Select Committee of the House
of Lords in 1851. His evidence will be found at p. 246 of
the Minutes of Evidence (ordered to be printed July 1, 1851).
Memorandum for Evidence before the Select Committee of the
House of Lords on the Patent Laws, 1851.
I have for many years had considerable experience of the opera-
tion of patents.
ON THE PATENT LAWS. 491
I liave been engaged under my father in the working out of
numerous inventions of his, and the taking out of patents on his
account, also in advising others professionally with him, and , by
myself, and have been engaged in numerous questions of disputes
resulting from patents; and I have had frequent occasion to use
the patents and inventions of others. I have also had to introduce
improvements of my own without patents, and to defend my use of
them against patents.
I have thiis for the last twenty-eight years been in the midst of
everything connected with inventions, and in constant contact with
the operation of the patent laws.
I have been behind the scenes the whole time.
The result has been that I have never taken out a patent myself,
or ever thought of doing so ; and I have gradually become convinced
that the whole system of patents is, in the present advanced state of
arts and science and manufactures, productive of immense evil.
I think that it does nothing of what it professes to do, and which
I believe to be impracticable in the present state of things, but that,
on the contrary, it impedes everything it means to encoiu-age, and
ruins the class it professes to protect, and that it is productive of
immense mischief to the public.
I should wish to observe that my opinions are not formed from
any theory, or from any consideration of what are or ought to be the
laws of patents, or whether the details of such laws are capable of
improvement or otherwise; but they are simply the result of a very
long and tolerably intimate knowledge of the operation of the hope
of protection held out, and the operation of that protection such as
it can be when obtained ; and these results do not, in my opinion,
depend at all upon any question of whether patents are cheap or
dear, whether they are granted sparingly or profusely, by a simple or
by complicated machinery ; it is the ruinous effects upon the class
of inventors, of the false dreams and hopes excited by the system,
and the injurious effect upon improvements of the greater or less
degree of exclusive privilege which is attained, which I have had
constantly before my eyes for so many years, and which must
be increased by any real improvement of the patent laws.
I should, therefore, be an advocate for very cheap patents granted
with great facility, to the poor illiterate workman, as well as to the
rich manufacturer with his counsel and agents, and as well protected
as legal ingenuity can devise.
If the system is good in principle it must bear extension, but I
believe it could not stand a twelvemonth under such a test — every
492 PROFESSIONAL OPINIONS AND PEACTICE.
evil now inherent in the system would be greatly increased in quan-
tity, and the absurdities which are now ascribed to errors of detail
would all become so evident that the system would be abandoned by
universal consent.
I believe, paradoxical as it may seem, that the privileges thus
promised and granted to inventors are most injurious to them. To
understand this, it must be known and borne in mind that useful
inventions or improvements in the present day, certainly in nine
hundred and ninety-nine cases out of a thousand, are not new dis-
coveries, but generally slight modifications of what is already in use ;
judicious applications of known principles and of well-known and
common parts of machinery, or of common substances, very often
mere revivals or re-inventions of something which had many times
previously been thought of, and perhaps tried, and failed from the
want only of some substance or of some tool which has since been
introduced.
I believe that the most useful and novel inventions and improve-
ments of the present day are mere progressive steps in a highly
wrought and highly advanced system, suggested by, and dependent
on, other previous steps, their whole value and the means of their
application probably dependent on the success of some or many other
inventions, some old, some new. I think also that really good im-
provements are not the result of inspiration ; they are not, strictly
speaking, inventions, but more or less the results of an observing
mind, brought to bear upon circumstances as they arise, with an
intimate knowledge of what has already been done, or what might
now be done, by means of the present improved state of things,
and that in most cases they result from a demand which circum-
stances happen to create. The consequence is that most good
things are being thought of by many persons at the same time ;
and if there were publicity and freedom of communication, instead of
concealment and mystery, ten times or a hundred times the number
of useful ideas would be generated by each man, and with less
mental effort and far less expenditure of time and money.
In the present state of things, if a man thinks he has invented
something, he immediately dreams of a patent, and of a fortune to
be made by it. If he is a rich man he loses his money, and no
great harm is done ; but if he is a workman, and a poor man, his
thoughts are divided betAveen scheming at his machine in secret, and
scheming at the mode of raising money to carry it out. He does
not consult his fellow-workmen, or men engaged in the same pur-
suits, as to whether the same thing had ever been tried, why it had
ON THE PATENT LAWS, 493
failed, what are the difficulties, or (what is most probable) whether
something better is not already known, and waiting only the demand.
In nine cases out of ten he devotes his time and money to the idea,
instead of pursuing his legitimate and natural pursuits. In elabo-
rating this idea his whole thoughts are turned to the means of
making it different from what he may happen to know of similar
ideas, so that he may secure a patent, rather than to an honest
endeavour to obtain the most xiseful result. He does not make use
of other good ideas which may be already patented or in use, even
if he knows of them, because his sole object thenceforth is not im-
provement, but * exclusive right.' Afler much time and money
spent in experiments, he takes out a patent. I will assume that the
mere patent costs him nothing, but the waste of time and money in
elaborating his idea is generally considerable, and far more serious
in its effects upon the man than the payment of the fees now
demanded for a patent. When his patent is complete, and his in-
vention published, the chances are, and ever will be, one hundred
or one thousand to one that it is not worth a sixpence as an exclu-
sive right which others will buy of him : every chance is against him.
In the first 2)lace it must be a good thing, it must be an improve-
ment upon the very ' best thing ' of the same sort : the chances are
of coiu-se great against this,
Secondlij. — It must be new, nothing of the sort must have been in
use before — ^liow very few things can be devised which will bear
this test. I do not know of half-a-dozen clear cases of distinctly
new inventions since I have been acquainted with machinery and
science ; and, judging from analogy, I cannot bring my mind to
believe that these would bear the test of a strict and searching
enquiry by interested parties. The chances are then immensely
against his invention, if good enough to be disputed, proving to be
new enough to stimd as giving a claim to exclusiveness.
Thirdly. — It must not depend for its success upon the use of some
other exclusive and privileged invention, or else of course it is of
little saleable value, even if not an infringement upon the previous
patent.
Fourthly. — There must be a demand existing or cr eatable for
the article produced ; or, like many other good things, it will be out
of time, and drop accordingly.
Fifthly. — He must find some parties whose interest it is to encour-
age the introduction of the change, and who have the means of com-
bating those interests which are embarked in previous monopolies.
Since all these conditions are necessary for success, it is not sur-
prising that the result should be, as I am positive that it is in
494 PEOFESSIONAL OPINIONS AND PRACTICE.
practice, that the aggregate of individual benefit derived by the
exclusive privileges granted, is greatly below the aggregate expendi-
ture of time and money involved in the production of the whole,
taking the good and bad ; but the proportion of the aggregate benefits
as compared with the cost to the real inventor is still less.
It is known to all persons acquainted with the subject that, in
nine cases out of ten of successful inventions, the patents are not
beneficially enjoyed by the original inventor. And it always must
be so. The mere original invention forms generally but a small
part of the whole business or merit of bringing into uaeful operation
any new thing. Judgment, a knowledge of the world, and of
business and other qualities not particularly belonging to inventors,
are just as requisite as mere ingenuity, although they are not the
subject of protection. Capital and connection are also generally
required. All these command, as they ought to do, a large share in
the ultimate profits, but it is rare that an inventor at once finds such
a partner. The invention generally changes hands once or twice, or
oftener, till some chance brings it into operation ; and ultimately it
is (as must be admitted by all who know anything about these
matters) very rarely, even in the case of good things, that the party
who originated the subject of the patent has ultimately any large
beneficial interest in it ; and certainly, from these and all the other
causes mentioned, it is an undoubted fact that inventors, on the
5vhole, make a heavy annual loss, quite irrespective of mere patent
fees, by inventions and patents, and that patents are not therefore
a benefit, to the present class of inventors, and particularly not to
the poorer members of the class.
Without the hopes of any exclusive privileges, I believe that a
clever man would produce many more good ideas, and derive much
more easily some benefit from them. It is true that he will aim
only at earning a few pounds instead of dreaming of thousands ; but
he will earn these few pounds frequently, and without interfering
with' his daily pursuits ; on the contrary, he will make himself more
useful.
An observing man sees what he thinks to be a mode of increasing
the production of a certain machine or manufacturing operation in
which he is engaged, or a better mode than that which he is
acquainted with of producing some article. In all probability the
same circumstances which led him to make the observation have
attracted the attention of others before him ; perhaps, at the
same time, a little fi-ee communication with his fellow-workmen or
with other manufiicturers or men of science would show him that
r
ON THE PATENT LAWS. 495
there were insuperable difficulties, and he would turn his attention
at once to other things, or that there were better ways of doing
the same thing, or, by pointing out difficulties, enable him to
avoid useless investigations, or to make a change that would vastly
improve his scheme ; or he would communicate his ideas, instead of
wasting his time in elaborating them, which very possibly others
more acquainted with the particular branch would do much better
than he ; if he is a workman, his master would give him something
for the idea, or if not, his value as a workman would soon become
known. It is a great eiTor to suppose that stupid men can live upon
the clever man's brains if they are all left free scope in the use of
their intellect; but if by artificial means an exclusive right or
property in an idea can be secured, then of course the thief may
steal the idea, and having registered his property in it, his inferiority
of intellect is more than counterbalanced. Intelligent men who
would always be suggesting improvements in a manufactory would
soon become necessary, and would be valued accordingly. A
manufacturer who was not surrounded by such assistants would
stand no chance in the general competition, and what is necessary
and valuable will in England fetch its price ; and thus clever work-
men will get well paid, and earn much more, and that more healthily,
than the whole body of schemers now do.
The impediments thrown in the way of improvements by the
existence of patents will hardly be credited by those who are not
familiar with the operation of them. In the present -state of things
they create such barriers that it is almost wonderful that any- im-
provements can be effected.
It will not be difficult to understand that, from the infinite
number of patents that are now taken out, it is hardly possible to
devise a mechanism or a chemical combination that does not, in
some shape or other, form part of some previous invention or
process. This would be the case even if patents were only taken
out to secure real, or what are believed to be real, inventions. But
the shoals of patents have brought into existence animals to feed
upon them. There is a trade which nothing can destroy as long as
patents last, and which must increase with the increase of patent?,
whatever may be the mode of granting them. Patents are taken
out even in very general terms, so as to embrace everything that
can resemble some probable or imaginary improvement, and then,
like a spider in his web, the patentee watches for his victims. Besides
this, the honest but trading patentee, the more completely to secure a
monopoly, often takes out several separate patents for nearly the
496 PROFESSIONAL OPINIONS AND PRACTICE.
same thing in different forms, some avowedly worthless. In
doing this, without even intending it, he includes combinations, any-
beneficial application of which perhaps never crossed his mind, and
which, in the shape in which he suggested them were good for
nothing, but which nevertheless more or less prevent anybody else
from touching them, even to make a good thing.
Again, the most respectable houses take out patents merely to
secure a monopoly of some one form of article without much regard
to the superiority of it. The result of all this is that it is almost
impossible now to introduce the slightest real improvement in any-
thing without infringing upon some patent, and exposing oneself
to be proceeded against by some patentee.
The extent to which improvements are impeded by this state of
things is hardly conceivable, except to those who, like myself, are
daily suffering under it.
There is another very serious evil produced by the system. In
taking out a patent, the necessity for avoiding all claim to anything
that can be shown to have been patented or in common u,se before
compels you in most cases to seek rather what part of it can best be
patented than what it is that is good in the invention. Comparatively
trivial points are frequently patented in order to secure the monopoly
of that which, although it constitutes the merit of the invention, may
not happen to be so new in every respect as to admit of a patent.
When the patent is taken, other modes of carrying out the real
invention are discovered ; these modes are patented and the original
patentee is obliged to lose the benefit of his invention or to buy up
these new patents. There are instances where enormous sums have
been spent in this manner to protect an original invention.
And, lastly, there is an evil which acts like a numbing disease on all
improvements ; a patentee frequently dares not himself introduce
improvements in any apparatus or process which he has patented,
for fear of thus injuring his patent ; and I have seen numerous cases
of very important inventions where all improvement has been thus
checked and resisted by the very parties most capable of effecting
them, and who would have brought great talent and zeal to the work
if they had been free.
ON THE PATENT LAWS. 497
Extract from, Observations on the Patent Laws made by Mr.
Brunei at a Meeting of the Society of Arts.
March 28, 1856.
He did not agree at all as to the advantages of patents. He quite
agreed as to the desirability of protecting, as far as possible, a man's
property, whether it was in the power of invention, or any other
good thing that was within him, and still more would he protect in
every possible way the property in inventions of those who
possessed but little other property — the powers of the inventor and
the ingenuity of the workman ; but, having had some considerable
experience with patentees, manufacturers, and workmen, he was of
opinion that any practical benefits derived from the patent lawa did
not compensate for the injury inflicted. He believed, on the con-
trary, that both the inventors and the public greatly suffered from tlie
attempt to protect inventions. He had had great experience on this
subject, being compelled daily to examine inventions of various kinds,
and having himself constantly to invent in the occupations in which he
was engaged. Having, then, all his life, been connected with inven-
tors and workmen, he had witnessed the injury, the waste of mind,
the waste of time, the excitement of false hopes, the vast waste of
money, caused by the patent laws, in fact, all the evils which gene-
rally resulted from the attempt to protect that which did not
naturally admit of protection. He agreed as to the abstract de-
sirability of protecting inventors in some way, provided it did not
foster unhealthy invention, as he thought it desirable to protect
every species of property that existed. He was disposed to en-
courage every step towards facilitating the obtaining patents ; he
hoped they would be made dirt cheap, as he thought that would be
the most effectual way of destroying them altogether. Therefore,
whenever he had been consulted on the subject of the patent laws,
he had always advocated the rendering of patents as open and free
and cheap as possible ; in the first place, because he saw no reason
for attaching a price to them, and next, because they would sooner
arrive where the principle would be fully tested. "We were already
nearly arrived at that state of things when engineers were almost
brought to a dead stand in their attempt to introduce improvements,
from the excess of protection. He foimd that he could hardly
introduce the slightest improvement in his own machinery without
being stopped by a patent. He could mention a striking instance,
in which, a few months ago, wishing to introduce an improvement
K K
498 PEOFESSIONAL OPINIONS AND PRACTICE.
that he thought would have been valuable to the public in a large
work on which he was engaged, he had no sooner entered upon it,
with a willingness to incur considerable expense in the preliminary
requirements and in the trial of it, than he was stopped by a
patentee ; but he was fortunate enough to find that another patent
existed of the same thing, and a week after a third appeared. There
was thus, fortunately, a probability that, by the destruction of all
value in any of the patents, he might be able to continue the
improvements he was desirous of introducing.
499
CHAPTEE XVII.
PRIVATE LIFE.
EKMINISCENCES OF ME. BETTNEl's PEIVATE LIFE — EEMOTAL TO 18 DTJKB
STEEET, TVESTMINSTEE HIS MAEEIAGE, 1836 SPECIAL CONSTABLE IN 1848
ME. BEUNEl's love OF AET — HIS JOURNEY TO ITALY, 1842 — ACCIDENT
•WITH THE HALF-SOVEEEIGN, 1843 PURCHASE OF PEOPEETY IN DEVON-
SHIRE, 1847 — HIS LIFE AT WATCOMBE THE LAUNCH OF THE 'GREAT
' EASTEEN,' 1867 ME. BEUNEl's FAILING HEALTH JOUENIES TO STVITZEELAND
AND EGYPT, 1858 LETTEE FROM PHIL^ (FEBRUARY 12, 1859) — HIS LAST ILL-
NESS— HIS DEATH (SEPTEMBER 15,1859) — FUNERAL ADDRESS OF JOSEPH
LOCKE, ESQ., M.P., AT THE INSTITUTION OF CIVIL ENGINEERS (NOVEMBEE 8, 1859).
Under any circumstances, and by wliomsoever made, the
attempt to describe Mr. Brunei's borne life must fail to
satisfy those who knew him, and who remember him in
the midst of his family or among his friends.
But those who did not know him, except as a professional
man, or who are only acquainted with his works, will ex-
pect to find in these pages some account of his private
life, and of the manner in which he spent those brief in-
tervals of relaxation which he permitted himself to enjoy.
Although Mr. Brunei was never an idle man, he was
able, until he obtained business on his own account, to
enjoy many amusements from which in after life he was
completely debarred.
This a.rose partly from his work under his father being
near his own home and his friends, and partly from the
power he possessed, and which never deserted him, of being
K K 2
500 PRIVATE LIFE.
able to throw aside cares and anxieties and to join with the
utmost zest in passing amusements.
The following letter, relating to this time, is written by
one who was Mr. Brunei's constant companion during
the period to which it refers : —
June 28, 1870.
* Dear Isambard Brunei, — I will endeavour to supply
* you with some reminiscences of your father, before he
' became a public man, and was engrossed by the very
* severe labour of his profession.
* The most striking feature in his character as a young
' man, and one which afterwards produced such great
' results, was an entire abnegation of self in his intercourse
' with his friends and associates.
* His influence among them was unbounded, but never
* sought by him ; it was the result of his love of fair play,
* of his uniform kindness and willingness to assist them,
* of the confidence he inspired in his judgment, and of the
* simplicity and high-mindedness of his character.
* From 1824 to 1832 he joined his friends in every manly
* sport ; and when, after his accident at the Tunnel, he
* was obliged to withdraw from more violent exercise, he
' was still ready to co-operate in the arrangements required
* to give effect to whatever was in hand.
' Whether in boating, in pic-nic parties, or in private
* theatricals, he was always the life and soul of the party ;
' for his skilfal arrangements, as well as his never-failing
* invention and power of adaptation of whatever came to
' hand, made him the invariable leader in every amuse-
' ment or sport in which he took part.
' To ensure the success of his friends in a rowing match
* against time, from London to Oxford and back, in 1828,
* he designed and superintended the building of a four-
* oared boat, which, in length and in the proportion of its
EARLY REMNISCENCES OF MR. BRUNEL. 601
length to its breadth, far exceeded any boat of the kind
which had then been seen on the Thames.
' During that portion of the period to which these notes
refer, when your father was engaged at the Tunnel works,
the freshness and energy with which he joined in the
amusements of his friends after many consecutive days
and nights spent in the Tunnel — for frequently he did
not go to bed, T might almost say, for weeks together —
surprised them all.
' His power of doing without sleep for long intervals was
most remarkable. He also possessed the power, which I
have never seen equalled in any other man, of maintaining
a calm and even temper, never showing irritation even
when he was bearing an amount of mental and bodily
fatigue which few could have sustained. His presence of
mind and courage never failed him, and it was especially
exhibited after the first irruption of water into the Tunnel,
when he descended in the diving-bell to examine the
extent of the disturbance of the bed of the river, and the
injury, if any, which had been done to the brickwork.
* The bell could not be lowered deep enough, and he
dropped himself out of the bell, holding on by a rope,
and ascertained by careful examination that the brick-
work was uninjured.
* He was several minutes in the water ; and upon this
fact being stated, many persons, and I think the officers
of the Eoyal Humane Society, denied the possibility of
his retaining his consciousness so long in the water,
forgetting, which he did not, that his lungs were filled
with air at two and a half atmospheres' pressure.
* In 1830, he joined the Surrey Yeomanry and attended
drill, and was out with the troop to which he belonged
on several occasions.
' In this capacity he was as popular as in every other ;
602 PEIVATE LIFE.
* but his remarkable talent in obtaining personal influence,
' even among those with whom he was comparatively a
* stranger, was about this time most usefully exhibited
' during the election of his brother-in-law as member for
* Lambeth.
* He made friends and conciliated opponents among all
' classes of electors — especially among working men, large
* bodies of whom he met on several occasions — and among
* all shades of politicians ; and to his energy, good judg-
* ment and skilful arrangement of electioneering details,
* which were not then so well understood as they now are,
* very much of the success achieved was due.
' No one, I believe, ever saw him out of temper or heard
* him utter an ill-natured word. He often said that spite
' and ill-nature were the most expensive luxuries in life ;
' and his advice, then often sought, was given with that
* clearness and decision, and that absence of all prejudice,
' which characterised his opinions in after-life.
* All his friends of his own age were attached to him in
* no ordinary degree, and they watched every step in his
* future career with pride and interest.
* In fact, he was a joyous, open-hearted, considerate
* friend, willing to contribute to the pleasure and enjoy-
* ment of those about him ; well knowing his own power,
* but never intruding it to the annoyance of others, unless
' he was thwarted or opposed by pretentious ignorance ;
' and then, though at times decided and severe in his
' remarks, he generally preferred leaving such individuals
* to themselves, rather than, by noticing them, to give pro-
* minence to their deficiencies.
' His appreciation of character was so exact, and his
* dislike to anything approaching to vulgarity in thought
' or action or to undue assumption was so decided, that
' to be his friend soon became a distinction : and the
EAELY REMINISCENCES OF MR. BRUNEL. 603
* extent to which his society was sought, not only in
* private life, but in the scientific world, at this early
' period, marked strongly the distinguishing features of
' his mind and character.
* In 1825 and 1826 he attended the morning lectures
* at the Royal Institution, and the eagerness and rapidity
* with which he followed the chemical discoveries which
* were then being made by Mr. Faraday, showed the
' facility with which he gained and retained scientific
' knowledge.
' To write more would lead me to the events of a later
* period of his life, in the history of which you require no
* aid from me ; nevertheless, I cannot refrain from adding
* a few words upon your father's personal and professional
* character, which was not, in my opinion, adequately
' appreciated by the public.
* His professional friends before his death, and his
* private friends at all times, well knew the genius, the
* intense energy, and indefatigable industry with which
* every principle and detail of his profession was mastered ;
' and both knew and valued the high moral tone which
' pervaded every act of his life.
* The public, however, did not see him under the same
* circumstances.
' Their imperfect acquaintance with his character arose
* in a great degree from his disregard of popular approba-
* tion, for he was never so satisfied with his own work as to
' feel himself entitled to receive praise in the adulatory
' style of modern writing, and he preferred to work quietly
' in his own sphere, and to rely on the intrinsic merits
' of his undertakings bringing their reward, rather than to
' court temporary popularity.
* The rapidity with which he gained a high position as
* a civil engineer is the best evidence of his talents. He
504 PEIVATE LIFE.
* passed almost direct from boyhood to an equality with
' any one then in the profession — a position attained by
' the rapidity and accuracy with which he could apply
' theory to practice, and support his conclusions by mathe-
' matical demonstrations.
* This knowledge, always used without ostentation,
* soon placed him above most of his contemporaries;
' and his intimate acquaintance with the strength and
' peculiarities of the various materials he had to employ,
' and of the best and most economical mode of applying
' them, impressed both directors and contractors with a
' degree of confidence in his estimates and opinions which
* no one had before possessed.
* His power of observation was singularly accurate ; he
' was not satisfied with a hasty or superficial examination,
' nor with the mere assertion of a fact ; his mind required
* evidence of its correctness before he could receive and
* adopt it. I may illustrate this by a reference to the
* experiments he made with French mesmerists, and the
' pains he took to expose the farce of table-turning and its
' accompanying follies.
* My object, however, by this addition to my note, is to
' dwell upon the fact that he left a mark upon his
' profession which cannot be obliterated. He set up a
' high standard of professional excellence, and endea-
* voured to impress on all who were associated with him,
' or under him professionally, that to attain the highest
' honours required the strictest integrity, sound mathe-
' matical knowledge, originality and accuracy of thought
* and expression, both in viva voce descriptions and in
* designs and working drawings, and a practical acquaint-
' ance with the durability and strength of materials, so
' as to know the best conditions under which each might
* be applied.
EAELY REMINISCENCES OF MR. BRUNEL. 605
' It was his excellence in these respects, when still
* young, which soon earned for him a great reputation as
' a witness before the Committees of the Houses of Par-
* liament.,
' His calmness and unobtrusive manner, when under
' severe examination, or while attending public meetings,
' led many to think him cold, and regardless of the feelings
* or interests of those with whom he was associated ; but
* nothing was further from his character, as every one knew
* who was engaged in the consultations upon the result
' of which future proceedings depended.
' He was a prudent and cautious, but bold adviser,
' and a warm-hearted and generous friend.
' Yours faithfully,
'Isambard Brunei, Esq.' * W. HaWES.
The events of the year 1835 brought with them, not un-
naturally, other changes. At the beginning of 1836, he
removed to 18 Duke Street, Westminster, a large house
looking on St. James's Park, and now (1870) the last
in the street, next to the new India OflSce.
In July of the same year he married the eldest
daughter of the late William Horsley, and granddaughter
of Doctor Callcott. Of this marriage there was issue two
sons and a daughter, all of whom survive him.
Although, as will be presently mentioned, he afterwards
bought some property in Devonshire, the Duke Street
house was always his home. He spent his life there,
having his offices on the lower floors.
He had no wish to enter Parliament, although it had
been more than once suggested to him to do so, and his
work prevented his taking an active share, as an inhabitant
of Westminster, in the concerns of his neighbourhood.
The only occasion on which he took a prominent part in
506 PEIVATE LIFE.
local affairs was as a special constable in April 1848, when
lie acted as one of the two ' leaders ' of the special con-
stables in the district between Great George Street and
Downing Street.
He was not without experience of the duties of a special
constable, as he had been sworn in during the Bristol riots
of 1830, and on that occasion saw active service. Happily,
matters were better managed in London, and no actual
collision took place between the constables, or the militarj,
and the mob.
The extent to which Mr. Brunei kept his works in his
own hands, and under his own superintendence, made it
necessary for him to have a large amount of office accom-
modation ; and the inconvenience of having branch offices
in the streets near his house led him, in 1848, to enlarge
his offices : with this object he added the adjoining house,
17 Duke Street, which he rebuilt. A large room on
the ground floor, looking on the Park, was thenceforward
his own office, and the room above was made the dining-
room. It was decorated in the Elizabethan style, and was
to have contained a collection of pictures illustrative of
scenes in ' Shakespeare,' painted for him by the principal
artists of the day. This project was never completely
carried out, but several pictures (about ten in all) were
painted and hung up, among them the ' Titania ' of
Sir Edwin Landseer. These subjects are again referred
to in the following letter : —
Februaiy, 1870.
' My dear Isambard, — You ask me to jot down for you
' any reminiscences I have of your father's love and feeling
' for art.
' I remember with singular distinctness the first time I
' ever sa-w him, when I was a lad of fourteen, and had just
MK. BRUNEL'S TASTE IN ART. 507
' obtained my studentsliip at the Royal Academy. He
' criticised with great keenness and judgment a drawing
' which I had with me, and at the same time gave me a
' lesson on paper straining. From that time till his death
' he was my most intimate friend. Being naturally im-
' bued with artistic taste and perception of a very high
* order, his critical remarks were always of great value,
* and were made with an amount of good humour which
' softened their occasionally somewhat trying pungency.
' He had a remarkably accurate eye for proportion, as
' well as taste for form. This is evinced in every line to
' be found in his sketch books, and in all the architectural
* features of his various works.
' So small an incident as the choice of colour in the
* original carriages of the Great Western Railway, and
' any decorative work called for on the line, gave public
* evidence of his taste in colour ; but those who re-
* member the gradual arrangement and fitting up of his
* house in Duke Street wiU want no assurance from me of
* your father's rare artistic feeling. He passed, I believe,
' the pleasantest of his leisure moments in decorating that
' house, and well do I remember our visits in search of
* rare furniture, china, bronzes, &c., with which he filled
' it, till it became one of the most remarkable and attrac-
* tive houses in London. Its interest was greatly in-
' creased when he formed that magnificent dining-room,
* now, with the house of which it was a part, pulled down.
* This room, hung with pictures, with its richly carved fire-
* place, doorways, and ceiling, its silken hangings and
^ Venetian mirrors, lighted up on one of the many festive
* gatherings frequent in that hospitable house, formed a
' scene which none will forget who had the privilege of
* taking part in it. When from time to time he went
* abroad, and especially in his visit to Venice in 1862, he
508 PRIVATE LIFE.
* added to his collection by purchases made with great
* judgment and skill. In buying pictures, your father
' evinced a taste often found in men of refined mind and
' feeling — viz. a repugnance to works, however excellent in
' themselves, where violent action was represented. He
' preferred pictures where the subject partook more of the
' suggestive than the positive, and where a considerable
' scope was left in which the imagination of the spectator
' might disport itself. This feeling was displayed in a
' great love of landscape art, and in the keenest appre-
' ciation of the beauties of nature. It is an interesting
* fact to record, and one which I often heard him mention,
* when his friends were admiring his beautiful grounds at
' Watcombe, that in the old posting days, when travelling
' on the cliff road between Teignmouth and Torquay, he
' constantly stopped the carriage to get out and admire
' the view which he had discovered from a field at Wat-
' combe, little thinking then that it would ultimately be
' the site of his intended country home.
' When your father and I went to Italy together in 1842,
' posting from Westminster to Eome and back again, I
' had ample opportunities of observing his love and en-
' thusiasm for nature and art.
' Overwhelmed as he was with work in England at the
' time, it was no easy matter for him to leave the country
' for a couple of months ; and I remember that our starting
' at all was uncertain up to the last moment ; and that,
* an hour before quitting London, it was only by a coujp
' de theatre^ which he most adroitly performed, that he
* escaped the serving of a subpcena, the bearer of which
* had actually penetrated to the dining-room door in Duke
' Street.
' We left London one evening in April 1842. During
' our journey we constantly passed several consecutive
MR. BRUNEL'S FIRST JOURNEY TO ITALY, a.d. 1842. 609
days and nights in the carriage ; and I am sure there was
not one of our waking hours in which some incident of
interest did not occur.
* I remember your father agreeing with me, that our
experiences merely of post-boys and their various cha-
racteristics would be worthy of recording in detail — from
Newman's two smart lads, who took us the first stage
out of London, on to the genuine " postilion " (boots and
all) we found at Calais ; then to the wild young brigands
(in appearance) who, inspired by the prospect of extra
"buon mano," whirled us along the road from Civita
Yecchia towards Rome, and winding up with the stolid
German who rose slowly in his stirrups, and distracted
us by a melancholy performance on the horn slung
round him, and which no entreaty would induce him to
give up.
* We posted from Calais, via Paris, to Chalons-sur-
Saone, marvelling the whole way whereabouts " La Belle
" France " was to be found ; for a drearier and more
utterly monotonous ride of something like 800 miles it is
impossible to conceive. From Chalons we went down the
river to Lyons, then onwards, visiting Nismes, and
through Aries to Toulon.
' From Toulon we went through Cannes and Nice and
along the lovely Cornice road to Genoa. Tour father was
intensely delighted with this portion of the journey.
Those wonderfully picturesque towns, with their roccoco
churches looking like toys, and painted all over upon
the principle of colour generally developed in that species
of art, especially interested him. The streets were so
narrow that it was sometimes doubtful whether the
carriage could be squeezed through, and more than
once it grazed the houses on either side as it passed
on.
510 PRIVATE LIFE.
* The work for which your father had come to Italy
* commenced at Genoa, and he was met there by a staff
* appointed by the Government to accompany him during-
* his stay.
* While at Genoa he came to me one morning and
* said, that, in consequence of some delay, he had a
' week in which to make complete holiday, and gave me
* the choice of Florence or Eome. I need scarcely say
' that I chose Rome, and for three days we were in the
* Eternal City, seeing more in that time than those to
* whom we related our proceedings could believe.
' How well do I remember our entering Rome by the
* gate on the Civita Vecchia road, and standing up in the
' carriage to get our first view of St. Peter's, and, having
' seen it, the blank look of disappointment we turned on
* each other at the sight ! But the interior of the great
* church as far exceeded our expectations as the exterior
* had fallen short of them.
' We were back at Genoa to the minute your father had
* appointed ; and the work being completed there, we
' went on to Turin. Here we were in time to be present
* at the Court balls and ceremonies consequent upon the
* marriage of the present King of Italy.
* From Turin we proceeded to Milan.
' At Milan your father parted from his staff, and
* completed the work he had undertaken as far as it was
* necessary to do so in Italy. From Milan, therefore, our
' journey home was one of uninterrupted enjoyment
* through those glorious Lombard towns to Venice, which
' happily we reached in a gondola from Mestre, and not
' by a railway viaduct ; then through the Tyrol to Munich,
' and so down the Rhine to Belgium, reaching home from
* Antwerp.
* Thus was completed an expedition in which there was
MR. BRUNEL'S FIRST JOURNEY TO ITALY, a.d. 1842. 511
* neither hitch nor disagreeable adventure of any kind,
* and upon which I look back with unmixed pleasure.
' The next and last time that your father and I jour-
* neyed on the Continent together was in April 1848, when
' he wished to see Paris in Republican garb, and asked
* me to accompany him.
* We were there for some days, and, armed with cards
* of admission, on which our names were inscribed with
* the prefix of " Citoyen," heard and saw the various
' celebrities of the hour.
* Affectionately yours,
* J. C. HORSLET.
' Isambard Brunei, Esq.'
Within less than a year of Mr. Brunei's return from his
visit to Italy, a strange accident happened to him, which
placed his life in great jeopardy.
On April 3, 1843, he was amusing some children at his
house by the exhibition of conjuring tricks, when, in pre-
tending to pass a half-sovereign from his ear to his mouth,
the coin he had placed in his mouth slipped down his
throat. After a few days he began to suffer from a trouble-
some cough, and on April 18 Sir Benjamin Brodie was
consulted.
The nature of the accident and the course of treatment
adopted are described in the following letter from Mr.
Brunei's brother-in-law, the late Dr. Seth Thompson, which
was published in the * Times ' newspaper of May 16,
1843 :—
I shall be much obliged by your giving insertion to the following
statement of the treatment pursued by Sir Benjamin Brodie in the
case of Mr. Brunei, it being the wish of Mr. Brunei and his friends
that the true facts shotdd be known, as a just tribute to the skill of
this eminent surgeon, and as a guide to future practice. The
accident happened on April 3 ; Sir B. Brodie was consulted on the
512 PRIVATE LIFE.
18th, and his opinion was that the half-sovereign had passed into
the windpipe. The following day- Mr. Brunei strengthened this
opinion by a simple experiment. lie bent his head and shoulders
over a chair, and distinctly felt the coin drop towards the glottis ;
whilst raising himself a violent fit of coughing came on, which ceased
after a few minutes. He repeated this a second time, with the same
results. A consultation was held on the 22nd, at which it was
decided that conclusive evidence existed of the half-sovereign having
passed into the windpipe, that it was probably lodged at the bottom
of the right bronchus, and that it was movable. It was determined
that every effort should be made for its removal, and that for this
purpose an apparatus should be constructed for inverting the body
of the patient, in order that the weight of the coin might assist the
natural effort to expel it by coughing. The first experiment was
made on the 25th. The body of the patient being inverted, and the
back gently struck with the hand between the shoulders, violent
cough came on, but of so convulsive and alarming a nature that
danger was apprehended, and the experiment was discontinued.
On this occasion the coin was again moved from its situation, and
slipped towards the glottis. On the 27 th tracheotomy was per-
formed by Sir B. Brodie, assisted by Mr. Aston Key, with the
intention of extracting the coin by the forceps, if possible, or, in the
event of this failing, with the expectation that the opening in the
windpipe would facilitate a repetition of the experiment of the 22nd.
On this occasion, and subsequently on May 2, the introduction of
the forceps was attended with so much irritation, that it could not
be persevered in without danger to life. On the 3rd another con-
sultation was held, when Mr. Lawrence and Mr. Stanley entirely
confirmed the views of Sir B. Brodie and Mr. Key, and it wa's
agreed that the experiment of inversion should be repeated as soon
as Mr. Brunei had recovered sufiScient strength, the incision in the
windpipe being kept open. On Saturday, the 13th, Mr. Brunei
was again placed on the apparatus, the body inverted, and the back
gently struck. After two or three coughs, he felt the coin quit its
place on the right side of the chest, and in a few seconds it dropped
from his mouth without exciting in its passage through the glottis
any distress or inconvenience, the opening in the windpipe pre-
venting any spasmodic action of the glottis.
In this remarkable case the following circumstances appear to
be worthy of note — that a piece of gold remained in the air-tube for
six weeks, quite movable, and without exciting any inflammatory
action, the breathing entirely undisturbed, and the only symptoms
THE HALF-SOVEREIGN ACCIDENT, a.d. 1843. 513
' if its presence occasional uneasiness on the right side of the chest
and frequent fits of coughing ; that an accurate diagnosis was formed
v/ithout being able to obtain any assistance from the stethoscope,
although the chest Avas repeatedly and carefully examined ; and also
that, a fair trial having been given to the forceps, the application of
this instrument to the removal of a body of this peculiar form from
the bottom of the bronchus was proved to be attended with great
risk to life, while the cautious and well-considered plan of treatment
above detailed was attended with complete success, and without
risk.
During the time that Mr. Brunei was in danger the
public excitement was intense% His high professional
position, the extraordinary nature of the accident, and the
greatness of the loss, were the result to prove fatal, made
his condition and the chances of his recovery an engrossing
topic of conversation ; and, when the news was spread that
* it is out,' the message needed no explanation.
That the result V7as successful was due, not only to the
skiU of the surgeons engaged, and to the anxious care
with which those who nursed him left nothing undone to
ensure his safety, but also to the remarkable coolness
which Mr. Brunei himself displayed throughout. From
the first he took part in the consultations which were
held on his case, and assisted materially in determining
the course of treatment which should be pursued.
The ten years which followed were the most prosperous
in Mr. Brunei's life ; he had attained to great eminence
in his profession, and was still in the enjoyment of robust
health. But the results of the gauge controversy and the
fierce contests which followed it, and, above all, the failure
of the Atmospheric System on the South Devon Railway,
caused him grave anxiety and sorrow. Critics have erred
greatly in representing him as a man who, in order
to accomplish some vast design, thought but little of
the distress which follows want of success in commercial
L L
514 PRIVATE LIFE.
enterprises. So far from its being true fhat Mr. Brunei
was indifferent to tke interests of Ms employers, his private
journals show that throughout (to use his own words) * the
* incessant warfare in which he was engaged ' he was
earnestly desiring peace and endeavouring to secure it,
and that in times of difficulty, such as the trial of the
Atmospheric System and the launch of the ' Great Eastern,'
his chief thoughts were for those who would suffer through
the failure of his plans.
In the midst of his professional occupations he was able
occasionally, though rarely", to enjoy the society of his
friends. After the session was over, in 1844 and 1845, he
went to Italy on business, and in 1846 to Switzerland
for a short holiday. In 1847 the South Devon Railway
was occupying his attention, and he determined to take
a house at Torquay. While there, the important character
of his railway works in Devonshire and Cornwall led
him to think of making a more permanent settlement in
that part of the country.
After a good deal of hesitation between various places,
he fixed upon a spot at Watcombe, about three miles from
Torquay, on the Teignmouth turnpike road. He made
his first purchase of land in the autumn of 1847 ; and from
that time to within a year of his death the improvement
of this property was his chief delight.
He had always a great love and appreciation of
beautiful scenery, and in his choice of a place in which
to plant and build he provided amply for his complete
gratification.
The principal view, which, if the house had been built,
would have been the view from the terrace, is one of the
loveliest in that part of Devonshire. On one side is the
sea, and on the other the range of Dartmoor, while in front
WATCOMBE. 516
is spread undulating country, bounded by the hills on the
further side of Torbay, the bay itself looking like a lake,
being shut in by the hills above Torquay.
When Mr. Brunei bought this property it consisted
of fields divided by hedgerows; but, assisted by Mr.
William Nesfield, he laid it out in plantations of choice
trees. The occupation of arranging them gave him un-
failing pleasure ; and, although he could seldom spare more
than a few days' holiday at a time, there can be little doubt
that the happiest hours of his life were spent in walking
about in the gardens with his wife and children, and dis-
cvissing the condition and prospects of his favourite trees.^
He could not, of course, take a prominent part in the
affairs of the parish, but he was always ready to assist
in any work that had been taken in hand. He will be
long remembered there by his friends in every rank
of life.
In purchasing this property in Devonshire, Mr. Brunei
had looked forward to retiring gradually from active pro-
fessional life, * to draw in and make room for others,' and
to spend a greater portion of his time in the country.
It may well be questioned whether he would have been
happy in giving up work while yet in middle life ; but
the wisdom of his resolve was not to be put to the test.
From the beginning of the year 1852 the * Great
* Eastern ' steam-ship began to occupy his time and
thoughts. As the works progressed he was more and
more tied to London; and the large pecuniary invest-
' Although Mr. B.-unel endea- before they were transplanted, though
voured, as far as possible, to lay aside he attended to the work himself, and
work during his visits to Wateombe, took care that a large amount of
he found occasions for the use of his earth was moved with the tree. The
mechanical knowledge. He prepared bridge of rough poles across the tui-n-
tooLs for transplanting young trees; pike road between Teignmouth and
he did not, however, succeed in Torquay is as good of its kind as hia
making them flourish as well as larger works.
L L 2
516 PKIVATE LIFE.
ment he had made in the shares of the company caused
him to hesitate before proceeding with the building of his
house.
Thus the hopes he had formed for making his home in
Devonshire faded gradually away, and were at length
extinguished by the failure of his health.
Many things had happened in the earlier part of 1857
which gave him pleasure. In June he received, in com-
pany with Mr. Eobert Stephenson, the honorary degree of
Doctor in Civil Law from the University of Oxford.' In
the summer he paid several visits to Devonshire, and at
the beginning of September the floating of the first truss
of the Saltash bridge was successfully accomplished.
The history of the launch of the * Great Eastern,' which
was commenced in November, has been already told.
Throughout all the disappointments he then endured Mr.
Brunei took comfort from the sympathy of valued friends,
and from those higher sources of consolation on which it
was his habit to rely. He paid for his exertions a heavy
price, for they left him broken in health and already
suffering from the disease of which in a little more than
eighteen mouths afterwards he died.*
In May 1858 Mr. Brunei went to Vichy, and thence to
Switzerland, returning home in the autumn by way of
Holland. When at Lucerne he went up the Eighi, and
was so charmed with it that, instead of spending only a
' On June 10, 1830, when he was expiration of Mr. Eobert Stephenson's
twenty-four years old, Mr. Brunei was term of office as President of the Insti-
elected a Fellow of the Eoyal Society. tution of Civil Engineers, Mr. Brunei
He subsequently became a member of came next in rotation for election ; but
most of the other scientific societies ; his failing health, and the pressure of
but he rarely attended any meetings, his professional duties, led him to re-
except those of the Institution of Civil quest that he might not then be put in
Engineers. nomination.- — See Inaugural Address
* At the beginning of 1858, on the of John Fowler, Esq., January 9, 1866.
MR. BRUNEL'S FAILING HEALTH, a.d. 1858. 517
night there, he remained a week, working at the designs
for the Eastern Bengal Eailway.
It was on his return to England in September that the
alarming nature of his illness was ascertained. After
anxious consultation with Sir Benjamin Brodie and Dr.
Bright, he was ordered to spend the winter in Egypt, in
the hope that he might return in the March or April fol-
lowing in restored health.
He was very unwilling to be so long absent from Eng-
land, especially as a new company had just been formed
to finish the ' Great Eastern,' and the contracts for her
completion were about to be let.
However, it was thought that very serious consequences
might follow if he remained at home ; and in the beginning
of December he left for Alexandria, with his wife and
younger son.
Having stayed there a day or two, they went on to
Cairo, where they found Mr. Eobert Stephenson. He and
Mr. Brunei dined together on Christmas Day.
On December 30 the journey up the Nile commenced.
On January 21 they arrived at Thebes, and spent some
days there. Mr. Brunei was able to ride about on a don-
key, and made some sketches of the celebrated ruins in
the neighbourhood.^
They reached Assouan on February 2, and made pre-
parations for ascending the cataracts. They went as far as
Dakkeh, and got back to Assouan on February 19.
The following letter from Mr. Brunei to his sister. Lady
Hawes, describes some of the scenes through which he
passed : —
Philae, February 12, 1859.
I now write to you from a charming place ; but Assouan, which I
' A drawing of their Nile boat, the minuteness which appears in all his
' Florence,' which he made for his early sketches for the Clifton bridge
daughter, exhibits the same beautiful and Great Western Kailwaj.
518 PRIVATE LIFE.
left to come liere, is also beautiful, and I will speak of that first. It
is strange that so little is said in the guide books of the picturesque
beauty of these places. Approaching Assouan, you glide through
a reef of rocks, large boulders of granite polished by the action of
the water charged with sand. You arrive at a charming bay or lake
of perfectly still water and studded with these singular jet-black or
red rock islands. In the distance you see a continuation of the river,
with distant islands shut in by mountains, of beautiful colours, some
a lilac sandstone, some the bright red yellow of the sands of the
desert. Above the promontories the water excursions are delicious.
You enter at once among the islands of the Cataracts, fantastic forms
of granite heaps of boulders split and worn into singular shapes.
After spending a week at Assouan, with a trip by land to Philse, I
was so charmed with the appearance of the Cataracts as seen from
the shore, and with the deliciously quiet repose of Philse, that I
determined to get a boat, and sleep a few nights there. We succeeded
in hiring a country boat laden with dates, and emptied her, and
fitted up her three cabins.^ We put our cook and dragoman and
provisions, &c., on board, and some men, and went up the Cataract.
It was a most amusing affair, and most beautiful and curious scenery
all the way. It is a long rapid of three miles, and perhaps one
mile wide, full of rocky islands and isolated rocks. A bird's-eye view
hardly shows a free passage, and some of the more rapid falls are
between rocks not forty feet wide — in appearance not twenty.
Although they do not drag the boats up perpendicular falls of three
or four feet, as the travellers' books tell you, they really do drag the
boats up rushes of water which, until I had seen it, and had then
calculated the power required, I should imprtidently have said could
not be efiected. We were dragged up at one place a gush of water,
what might fairly be called a fall of about three feet, the water rushing
past very formidably, and between rocks seemingly not more than
wide enough to let our boat pass, and this only by some thirty-five
men at three or four ropes, the men standing in the water and on the
rocks in all directions, shouting, plunging into the water, swimming
across the top or bottom of the fall, just as they wanted, then getting
under the boat to push it off rocks, all with an immense expenditure
of noise and apparent co.nfusion and want of plan, yet on the whole
properly and successfully. We were probably twenty or thirty
minutes getting up this one, sometimes bumping hard on one rock,
sometimes on another, and jammed hard first on one side and then
' Mr. Brunei's Nile boat, being of iron, conld not safely go up the Cataracts.
VISIT TO EGYPT, a.d. 1858—1859. 519
(111 the other, the boat all the time on the fall with ropes all strained,
sometimes going up a foot or two, sometimes losing it, till at last
we crept to the top, and sailed quietly on in a perfectly smooth lake.
These efforts up the different falls had been going on for nearly eight
houra, and the relief from noise was delicious. We selected a quiet
spot under the temples of Philaj. . . . Our poultry-yard is on
the sandbank, wliere fowls, pigeons, and turkeys are walking about
loose, and, like all animals in this country, perfectly tame. Yes,
they walk up and catch a pigeon to be killed when you like. In
the midst of these and of the small birds which always walk and fly
about us, have been walking for hours this morning three or four
large eagles, who, Avith the politeness peculiar to animals here, pay
no attention to our fowls, nor do they to the eagles. But here I
am entering on the anomalies and contradictions of Egypt, which
would fill volumes.
After leaving Egypt, Mr. Brunei went to Naples and
Rome, where lie spent Easter, and he returned to England
in the middle of May.
When abroad, Mr. Brunei made sight-seeing a pleasure
rather than a business ; thus in Egypt he preferred to visit
frequently the same places, and rather to enjoy that which
he knew gave him pleasure, than to hurry about with the
object of seeing all that was to be seen. At Philse he
stopped more than a week, and at Thebes he spent more
time in a small outlying temple near Karnac than in
the great ruin itself. So also at Home he went frequently
to the Colosseum, and he spent many hours in the interior
of St. Peter's.
Shortly after his return to England he went to Ply-
mouth, and over the Saltash bridge and other parts of the
Cornwall Railway, which had been opened during his
absence abroad.
Although it had by this time become certain that the
disease under which he laboured had assumed a fatal cha-
racter, he continued to give unremitting attention to his
various professional duties ; and in order to be nearey
520 ME. BRUNEL'S DEATH, SEPTEMBER 15, 1859.
the * Great Eastern,' he took a house at Sydenham, and
removed there with his family in the beginning of August.
Almost every day he went to the great ship and super-
intended the preparations for getting her to sea. She was
advertised to sail on September 6, and Mr. Brunei had
intended going round in her to Weymouth.
He was on board early on the morning of the 5th, and
his memorandum book has, under that date, an entry of
some unfinished work which had to be looked after. To-
wards midday he felt symptoms of failing power, and went
home to his house in Duke Street, when it became evident
that he had been attacked with paralysis.
At one time it seemed possible that he might recover ;
but on the tenth day after his seizure, Thursday, Sep-
tember 15, all hope was taken away. In the afternoon he
spoke to those who watched around him, calling them to
him by their names; as evening closed in he gradually
sank, and died at half-past ten, quietly and without pain.
The funeral was on September 20, at the Kensal Green
Cemetery.
Along the road leading to the chapel many hundreds of
his private and professional friends, his neighbours among
the tradespeople of Westminster, the Council of the
Institution of Civil Engineers, and the servants of the
Great Western Railway Company, had assembled, and, with
his family, followed his body to its place of burial, in
the grave of his father and mother.'
' A few weeks after Mr. Brunei's Mr. Brunei's family, by the per-
death, a meeting of his friends was mission of the Dean of Westminster,
held, when it was determined to raise have placed a memorial window in
some memorial to him. A statue was the north aisle of the nave of West-
made by the late Baron Marochetti, minster Abbey.
and a site for it promised by the First Along the bottom of the window
Commissioner of Works; but it has (which consists of two lights, each
not yet been erected. 2S feet 6 inches high and i feet wide,
CONCLUDING REMAKES. ^ 521
It would be improper here to attempt to enter into a
general criticism of Mr. Brunei's works, or to determine
the position which he is entitled to occupy among civil
engineers. That task has yet to be accomplished, and must
be undertaken by those who can claim to be impartial
judges. It has been the object of this book to provide, as
far as possible, the materials on which a just judgment of
his career can be based.
But it may be permitted, in conclusion, to place on record
the following testimony to the high position held by Mr.
Brunei in the esteem of his contemporaries.
On November 8, 1859, at the first meeting of the Insti-
tution of Civil Engineers after the death of Mr. Brunei
and of Mr. Eobert Stephenson, Mr. Joseph Locke, M.P.,
the President, rose and said —
* I cannot permit the occasion of opening a new session
* to pass without alluding to the iiTeparable loss which the
' Institution has sustained by the death, during the recess,
' of its two most honoured and distinguished members.
* In the midst of difficulties of no ordinary kind, with an
surmounted by a quatrefoil opening, subjects in the eastern light are from
6 feet 6 inches across) is the Inscrip- the New Testament — viz, Simeon
tion, 'IN MEMORY OF isAMBARD KING- Blessiug the Infant Saviour, Christ
' DOM BRUNEL, CIVIL ENGINEER. BORN Disputing with the Doctors, and The
' APRIL 9, 1806. DEPARTED THIS LIFE, Disciples pointing out to Christ the
' SEPTEMBER 15, 1859.' Ovcr this are Buildings of the Temple. In the
four allegorical figures (two in each headsof each light are angels kneeling,
light) : Fortitude, Justice, Faith, and and in the quatrefoil is a representa-
Charity. The upper part of the tion of Our Lord in Glory, surrounded
window consists of six panels, divided by angels.
by a pattern work of lilies and The work was placed in the hands
pomegranates. The panels contain of Mr. R. Norman Shaw, architect,
subjects from the history of the who prepared the general design, ar-
Temple. The three subjects in the ranged the scale of the various figures,
western light represent scenes from and designed the ornamental pattern
the Old Testament — viz. the Dedica- work. The figure subjects were drawn
tion of the Temple by Solomon, the by Mr. Henry Holiday, and the whole
Finding of the Book of the Law by design was executed in glass by
Hilkiab, and the Laying the Founda- Messrs. Heaton, Butler, & Bayne.
tions of the Second Temple. The
522 ADDEESS OF MR. LOGKE.
* ardour rarely equalled, and an application botli of body
* and mind almost beyond the limit of physical endurance, ,
* in the full pursuit of a great and cherished idea, Brunei
* was suddenly struck down, before he had accomplished
' the task which his daring genius had set before him.
' Following in the footsteps of his distinguished parent,
' Sir Isambard Brunei, his early career, even from its
* commencement, was remarkable for originality in the
' conception of the works confided to him. As his
* experience increased, his confidence in his own powers
* augmented ; and the Great Western Railway, with its
* broad-gauge line, colossal engines, large carnages, and
* bold designs of every description, was carried onward,
* and ultimately embraced a wide district of the country.
* The same feeling induced, in steam navigation, the
* successive construction of the " Great Western " steamer,
* the largest vessel of the time, until superseded by the
* " Great Britain," which was in its turn eclipsed by the
' " Great Eastern," the most gigantic experiment of the
* age.
' The Great Ship was Brunei's peculiar child ; he ap-
* plied himself to it in a manner whicli could not fail to
* command respect ; and, if he did not live to see its final
* and successful completion, he saw enough, in his later
* hours, to sustain him in the belief that his idea would
* ultimately become a triumphant reality.
* The shock which the loss of Brunei created was yet
* felt, when we were startled by an announcement that
* another of our esteemed members had been summoned
* from us.^
* It is not my intention at this time to give even an
* outline of the works achieved by our two departed friends.
' Mr. Locke here spoke in feeling. language of Mr. Eobert Stephenson.
ADDEESS OF MR. LOCKE. 523
* Their lives and labours, however, are before us ; and it
* will be our own fault if we fail to draw from them useful
* lessons for our own guidance. Man is not perfect, and
* it is not to be expected that he should be always suc-
* cessful ; and, as in the midst of success we sometimes
* learn great truths before unknown to us, so also we often
* discover in failure the causes which frustrate our best
' directed efforts. Our two friends may probably form no
* exception to the general rule ; but, judging by the posi-
* tion they had each secured, and by the universal respect
* and sympathy which the public has manifested for their
* loss, and remembering the brilliant ingenuity of argument,
* as well as the more homely appeals to their own long
* experience, often heard in this hall, we are well assured
' that they have not laboured in vain.
' We, at least, who are benefited by their successes,
* who feel that our Institution has reason to be proud of
* its association with such names as Brunei and Stephen-
' son, have a duty to perform ; and that duty is, to honour
* their memory and emulate their example.'
525
APPENDIX I.
(See Chapter V. on the Broad Gai^e, p. 99.)
Report to the Board of Directors of the Great Western
Railway Company.
Arigust 1838.
Gentlemen, — As the endeavour to obtain the opinions and reports
of Mr. Walker, Mr. Stephenson, and Mr. "Wood, prior to the next
half-yearly meeting, has not been successful, I am anxious to record
more fully than I have previously done, and to combine them into
one report, my own views and opinions upon the success of the
several plans which have been adopted at my recommendation in the
formation and in the working of our line ; and in justice to myself
and to these plans, and indeed to enable others to arrive at any just
conclusion as to the result which has been attained, or as to the
probable ultimate success or advantages of the system, it is necessary
that I should enter very fully, I fear even tediously, into a recapitu-
lation of the circumstances, peculiar to this railway, which led to the
consideration and the adoption of these plans, which some call inno-
vations and wide deviations from the results of past experience, but
the majority of which I will undertake to show are merely adapta-
tions of those plans to our particular circumstances.
It will be necessary also that I should refer to all the numerous
difficulties which we have had to encounter, which have necessarily
prevented the perfect working of these plans in the first instance, but
which have been overcome, or which are gradually and successively
diminishing ; and, finally, I am prepared to show that, notwithstand-
ing the novelty of the circumstances, and the difficulties and delays
which at the outset invariably attend any alteration, however
necessary, or however desirable, from the accustomed mode of pro-
ceeding, and notwithstanding the violent prejudices excited against
526 APPENDIX I.
us, and the increased difficulties caused by these prejudices, the
result is still such as to justify the attempt which has been made,
and to show that in the main features, if not in all the details, the
system hitherto followed is good, and ought to be pursued.
The peculiarity of the circumstances of this railway, to which I
would more particularly refer, and which have frequently been men-
tioned, consists in the unusually favourable gradients and curves
which we have been able to obtain. With the capability of carry-
ing the line upwards of fifty miles out of London on almost a dead
level, and without any objectionable curve, and having beyond
this, and for the whole distance to Bristol, excellent gradients, it was
thought that unusually high speed might easily be attained, and that
the very large extent of passenger traffic which such a line would
certainly command would ensure a return for any advantages which
could be offered to the public, either in increased speed or increased
accommodations. With this view every possible attention was paid
to the improvement of the line as originally laid down in the parlia-
mentary plans. We ultimately succeeded in determining a maximum
gradient of 4 feet per mile, which could be maintained for the
unusual distance, before mentioned, of upwards of fifty miles from
London, and also between Bristol and Bath, comprehending those
parts of the line on which the principal portion of the passenger
traffic will be carried. The attainment of high speed appeared to
involve the question of the width of gauge, and on this point accord-
ingly I expressed my opinion at a very early pei-iod.
It has been asserted that 4 feet 8 inches, the width adopted on
the Liverpool and Manchester Eailway, is exactly the proper width
for all railways, and that to adopt any other dimension is to deviate
from a positive rule which experience has proved correct ; but such
an assertion can be maintained by no reasoning. Admitting, for the
sake of argument, that, under the particular circumstances in which
it has been tried, 4 feet 8 inches has been proved the best possible
dimension, the question would still remain — What are the best
dimensions under the circumstances ?
Although a breadth of 4 feet 8 inches has been found to create a
certain resistance on curves of a certain radius, a greater breadth
would produce only the same resistance on curves of greater radius.
If carriages and engines, and more particularly if wheels and
axles of a certain weight, have not been found inconvenient upon
one railway, greater weights may be employed and the same results
obtained on a railway with better gradients. To adopt a gauge of
the same number of inches on the Great Western Railway as on the
KEPORT ON THE BROAD GAUGE, ETC. 527
Grand Junction Eailway, would ia fact amount practically to* the
use of a different gauge ia similar railways. The gauge which is
well adapted to the one is not well adapted to the other, unless,
indeed, some mysterious cause exists which has never yet been
explained for the empirical law which would fix the gauge under
all circumstances.
Fortimately this no longer requires to be argued, as too many
authorities may now be quoted in support of a very considerable
deviation from this. prescribed width, and in every case this change
has been an increase. I take it for granted that, in determining
the dimensions in each case, due regard has been had to the curves
and gradients of the line, which ought to form a most essential, if
not the principal, condition.
In the Report of the Commissioners upon Irish Railways, the
arguments are identically the same with those which I used when
first addressing you on the subject in my Report of October 1835.
The mechanical advantage to be gained by increasing the diameter
of the carriage-wheels is pointed out, the necessity, to attain this,
of increasing the width of way, the dimensions of the bridges,
tunnels, and other principal works, not being materially affected by
this ; but, on the other hand, the circumstance which limits this
increase being the curves on the line, and the increased proportional
resistance on inclinations (and on this account it is stated to be
almost solely applicable to very level lines) ; and, lastly, the increased
expense, which could be justified only by a great traffic.
The whole is clearly argued in a general point of view, and then
applied to the particular case, and the result of this application is
the recommendation of the adoption of 6 feet 2 inches on the Ii-ish
railways. Thus, an increase in the breadth of way to attain one
particular object — viz. the capability of increasing the diameter of
the carriage-wheels without raising the bodies of the carriages — is
admitted to be most desirable, but is limited by certain circumstances,
namely, the gradients and ctirves of the line, and the extent of traffic.
Every argument here adduced, and every calcluation made, would
tend to the adoption of about 7 feet on the Great Western Railway.
The gradients of the lines laid down by the Irish Commission are
considerably steeper than those of the London and Birmingham
Railway, and four and five times the inclination of those on the
Great Western Railway ; the curves are by no means of very large
radius, and indeed the Commissioners, after fixing the gauge of 6
feet 2 inches, express their opinion, that upon examination into the
question of curves, with a view to economy, they do not find that
528 APPENDIX I.
the effect is so injurious as might have been anticipated, and imply
therefore that curves, generally considered of small radius on our
English lines, are not incompatible with the 6 feet 2 inch gauge ;
and, lastly, the traflSic, instead of being unusually large, so as to
justify any expense beyond that absolutely required, is such as to
render assistance from Government necessary to ensure a return for
the capital embarked. As compared with this, what are the circum-
stances in our case ?
The object to be attained is the placing an ordinary coach body,
which is upwards of 6 feet 6 inches in width, between the wheels.
This necessarily involves a gauge of rail of about 6 feet 10^ inches
to 6 feet 1 1 inches, but 7 feet allows of its being done easily ; it
allows, moreover, of a different arrangement of the body : it ad-
mits all sorts of carriages, stage-coaches, and carts to be carried
between the wheels. And what are the limits in the case of the
Great Western Railway, as compared to those on Irish railways ?
Gradients of one-fifth the inclination, very favourable curves, and
probably the largest traffic in England.
I think it unnecessary to say another word to show that the Irish
Commissioners would have arrived at 7 feet on the Great "Western
Railway by exactly the same train of argument that led them to
adopt 6 feet 2 inches in the case then before them, {^y
All these arguments were advanced by me in my first Report to
you, and the subject was well considered. The circumstance of the
Great Western Railway, and other principal railways likely to
extend beyond it, having no connection with other lines then made,
leaving us free from any prescribed dimension, the 7-feet gauge was
ultimately determined upon. Many objections were certainly urged
against it : the deviation from the established 4 feet 8 inches was
then considered as the abandonment of the principle : this, however,
was a mere assertion, unsupported even by plausible argument, and
was gradually disused ; but objections were still tirged, that the
original cost of construction of all the works connected with the
formation of the line must be greatly increased ; that the carriages
must be so much stronger ; that they would be proportionally
heavier ; that they would not run round the curves, and would be
more liable to run off the rails ; and particularly, that the increased
length of the axles would render them liable to be broken : and
these objections were not advanced as difficulties which, as existing
in all railways, might be somewhat increased by the increase of
gauge, but as peculiar to this, and fatal to the system.
With regard to the first objection, namely, the increased cost in
REPOET ON THE BROAD GAUGE, ETC. 529
the original construction of the line, if there be any, it is a question
of calculation which is easily estimated, and was so estimated before
the increased gauge Avas determined upon. Here, however, pre-
conceived opinions have been allowed weight in lieu of arguments
and calculations ; cause and effect are mixed up, and without much
consideration it was assumed at once that an increased gauge neces-
sarily involved increased width of way, and dimensions of bridges,
tunnels, &c.
Yet such is not the case within the limits we are now treating of:
a 7-feet rail requires no wider bridge or tunnel than a 5-feet ; the
breadth is governed by a maximum width allowed for a loaded
waggon, or the largest load to be carried on the railway, and the
clear space to be allowed on either side beyond this.
On the Manchester and Liverpool Railway this total breadth is
only 9 feet 10 inches, and the bridge and viaducts need only have
been twice this, or 19 feet 8 inches; 9 feet 10 inches was found,
however, rather too small, and in the London and Birmingham, with
the same width of way, this was increased to 11 feet by widening
the interval between the two rails.
In the space of 11 feet, allowed for each rail, a 7-feet gauge might
be placed just as well as a 5-feet, leaving the bridges, tunnels, and
viaducts exactly the same; but 11 feet was thought by some still too
narrow : and when it is remembered that this barely allows a width
of 10 feet for loads, whether of cotton, wool, agricultural produce,
or other light goods, and which are liable also to be displaced in
travelling, 13 feet (which has been fixed upon in the Great Western
Eailway, and which limits the maximum breadth, under any cir-
cumstances, to about 12 feet) will not be found excessive.
It is this which makes the minimum width, actually required
under bridges and tunnels, 26 feet instead of 22 feet, and not the
increased gauge.
The earthwork is slightly affected by the gauge, but only to the
extent of 2 feet on the embankment, and not quite so much in
the cuttings ; but what, in practice, has been the' result ? The
bridges over the railway on the London and Birmingham are 30
feet, and the width of viaducts 28 feet; on the Great Western
Eailway they are both 30 feet ; no great expense is therefore incurred
on these items, and certainly a very small one compared to the
increased space gained, which, as I have stated, is from 10 to 12 feet.
In the tunnels exists the greatest difference ; on the London and
Birmingham Railway, which I refer to as being the best and most
analogous case to that of the Great Western Railway, the tunnels
M M
530 APPENDIX I.
are 24 feet wide. On the Great Western Railway the constant
width of 30 feet is maintained, more with a view of diminishing the
objections to tunnels, and maintaining the same minimum space
which hereafter may form a limit to the size and form of everything
carried on the railway, than from such a width being absolutely
necessary.
Without pretending to find fault with the dimensions fixed, and
which have, no doubt, been well considered, upon the works on
other lines, I may state that the principle which has governed has
been to fix the minimum width, and to make all the works the
same, considering it unnecessary to have a greater width between
the parapet walls of a viaduct, which admits of being altered, than
between the sides of a tunnel which cannot be altered.
The embankments on the London and Birmingham Railway are
26 feet, on the Great Western 30 feet, making an excess of about
six and a half per cent, on the actual quantity of earthwork.
The difference in the quantity of land required is under half an
acre to a mile. On the whole, the increased dimensions from 10 to
12 feet will not cause any average increased expense in the con-
struction of the works, and purchase of land, of above seven per
cent. — eight per cent, having originally been assumed in my Report
in 1835 as the excess to be provided for.
With respect to the weight of the carriages, although we have
wheels of 4 feet diameter, instead of 3 feet, which, of course, in-
volves an increased weight quite independent of the increase of
width, and although the space allowed for each passenger is a trifle
more, and the height of the body greater, yet the gross weight per
passenger is somewhat less.
Tons cwt. qrs. lbs.
A Birmingham first-class coach weighs . . 3 17 2 0
Which with 18 passengers at 15 to the ton . .14 0 0
Or 631 lbs. per passenger
A Great Western first-class weighs . .
And with 24 passengers ....
Or 588 lbs. per passenger
And oiir 6 -wheeled first-class ....
With 32 passengers .....
Or 600 lbs. per passenger
Being an average of 594 lbs. on the two carriages.
5
1
2
0
4
14
0
0
1
12
0
0
6
6
0
0
6
11
0
0
2
2
2
0
8
13
2
0
EEPORT ON THE BROAD GAUGE, ETC. 531
This saving of weight does not arise from the increased width,
and is notwithstanding the increased strength of the framing and
the increased diameter and weight of the wheels ; I 1 ave not
weighed our second-class open carriages, but i sliould think the
s;ime proportion would exist.
As to the breaking of axles or running off the line, the practical
result has been that, from some cause or other, we have been
almost perfectly free from those very objections which have been
felt so seriously on some other lines. Far from breaking any engine
axles, not even a single cranked axle has been strained, although
the engines have been subjected to rather severe trials. One of our
largest having, a short time back, been sent along the line at night,
when it was not expected, came in collision with some ballast
waggons, and was thrown off the line nearly 6 feet ; none of the
axles were bent, or even strained in the least, although the front of
the carriage, a piece of oak of very large scantling, was shattered;
After ten weeks' running, one solitary instance has occurred of a
carriage in a train getting off the line and dragging another with it,
and which was not discovered till after running a mile and a half.
As the carriage was in the middle of the train, and one end of
the axle was thrown completely out of the axle guard, there must
evidently have been some extraordinary cause — possibly a plank
thrown across the railway by a blow from the carriage which pre-
ceded, and which might have produced the same effect on any rail-
way ; and at any rate it was a strong trial to the axle, which was
not broken, but merely restored to its place, and the carriage sent on
to London. The same mode of reasoning which has by some been
used in favour of the 4 feet 8 inches gauge, if applied here, would
prove that long axles are stronger than short, and wide rails best
adapted for curves. All that I think proved, however, is this —
that the increased tendency of the axles to break, or of the wheels
to run off the rails, is so slight that it is more than counterbalanced
by the increased steadiness from the width of the base, and the
absence of those violent strains which arise from irregularity on the
gauge and the harshness of the ordinary construction of rails. In
fact, not one of the objections originally urged against the practical
working of the wide gauge has been found to exist, while the object
sought for is obtained, namely, the capability of increasing at any
future period the diameter of the wheels, which cannot be done,
however desirable it may hereafter be found, with the old width of
rail. This may be said to be only pi-ospective ; but, in the meantime,
contingent advantages are sensibly felt in the increased lateral steadi-
M M 2
532 APPENDIX I.
ness of the carriages and engines, and the greater space which is
afforded for the works of the locomotives. And here I wish particu-
larly to call yonr attention to the fact that this prospective advantage
' — this absence of a most inconvenient limit to the reduction of the
friction, "which, with our gradients, forms four-fifths or eighty per
cent, of the total resistance — was the object sought for, and that, at
the time of recommending it, I expressly stated as follows: — ' I am
* not by any means prepared at present to recommend any particular
' size of wheel, or even any great increase of the present dimensions.
* I believe they will be materially increased ; but my great object
' would be in every possible way to render each part capable of im-
* provement, and to remove what appears an obstacle to any great
* progress in such a very important point as the diameter of the
* wheels, upon which the resistance, which governs the cost of
' transport and the speed that may be obtained, so materially
* depends.'
These advantages were considered important by you, they are
now considered so by many others ; and certainly everything which
has occurred in the practical working of the line confirms me in my
conviction that we have secured a most valuable power to the Great
Western Eailway, and that it would be folly to abandon it.
The next point I shall consider is the construction of the engines,
the modifications in which, necessary to adapt them to higher speeds
than usual, have, like the increased width of gauge, been condemned
as innovations.
I shall not attempt to argue with those who consider any increase
of speed unnecessary. The public will always prefer that convey-
ance which is most perfect, and speed within reasonable limits is a
material ingredient in perfection in travelling.
A rate of thirty-five to forty miles an hour is not unfi*equently
attained at present on other railways in descending planes, or with
light loads on a level, and is found practically to be attended with no
inconvenience. To maintain such a speed with regularity on a
level line, with moderate loads, is therefore quite practicable, and
unquestionably desirable. With this view the engines were con-
structed, but nothing new was required or recommended by me.
A certain velocity of the piston is considered the most advantageous.
The engines intended for slow speeds have always had the driving
wheels small in proportion to the length of stroke of the piston.
The faster engines have had a different proportion ; the wheels have
been larger, or the strokes of the piston shorter. From the some-
what clamorous objections raised against the large wheels, and the
REPORT ON THE BROAD GAUGE, ETC. 533
construction of the Great Western Railway engines, and the opinions
rather freely expressed of my judgment in directing this construction,
it Avould naturally be supposed that some established principle had
been departed from, and that I had recommended this departure.
The facts are, that a certain velocity of piston being found most
advantageous, I fixed this velocity, so that the engines should be
adapted to run thirty -five miles an hour, and capable of running
forty — as the IManchester and Liverpool Eailway engines are best
calculated for twenty to twenty-five, but capable of running easily
up to thirty and thirty-five miles per hour ; and fixing also the load
which the engine was to be capable of drawing, I left the form o£
construction and the proportions entirely to the manufactiu-ers,
stipulating merely that they should submit detail drawings to me for
my approval. This was the substance of the circular, which, with
your sanction, was sent to several of the moat experienced manufac-
turers. Most of these manufacturers, of their own accord, and
•vvithout previous communication with me, adopted the large wheels,
as a necessary consequence of the speed required. The recommenda-
tion coming from such quarters, there can he no necessity for
defending my opinion in its favour ; neither have I now the slightest
doubt of its correctness. As it has been supposed that the manu-
facturers may have been compelled or induced by me to adopt certain
modes of construction, or certain dimensions, in other parts by a
specification — a practice which has been adopted on some lines — and
that these restrictions may have embarrassed them, I should wish
to take this opportunity to state distinctly that such is not the case.
I have indeed strongly recommended to their consideration the ad-
vantages of having very large and well-formed steam passages, which
generally they have adopted, and with good results ; and with this
single exception, if it can be considered one, they have been left
unfettered by me (perhaps too much so) and uninfluenced, except
indeed by the prejudices and fears of those by whom they have been
surrounded, which have by no means diminished the diflSculties I
have had to contend with.
The principal proportions of these engines being those which have
been recommended by the most able experimentalists and writers,
and these having been adopted by the most experienced makei-s, it
is difficult to understand who can constitute themselves objectors,
or what can be their objections.
Even if these engines had not been found effective, at least it must
"be admitted that the best and most liberal means had been adopted
to procure them ; but I am far from asking such an admission. The
534 APPENDIX I.
engines, I think, have proved to be well adapted to the particular
task for which they were calculated — namely, high speeds — but cir-
cumstances prevent their being beneficially applied to this purpose
at present, and they are, therefore, working under great disadvantages.
An engine constructed expressly for a high velocity cannot, of course,
be well adapted to exert great power at a low speed ; neither can
it be well adapted for stopping frequently and regaining its speed.
But such was not the intention when these engines were made,
neither will it be the case when the arrangements on the line are
complete ; in the meantime, our average rate of travelling is much
greater than it was either on the Grand Junction or the Birmingham
Railway within the same peiiod of the opening. I have but one
serious objection to make to our present engines, and for this,
strange as it may seem, I feel that we are mainly indebted to those
who have been most loud in their complaints — ■! refer to the un-
necessary weight of the engines. There is nothing in the wide gauge
which involves any considerable increased weight in the engine.
An engine of the same power and capacity for speed, whether for
a 4-feet 8-inch rail, or for a 7-feet rail, will have identically
the same boiler, the same fire-box, the same cylinder and piston,
and other working gear, the same side frames, and the same wheels ;
the axles and the cross-framing will alone differ, and upon these
alone need there be any increase ; but, if these were doubled in
weight, the difference upon the whole engine would be immaterial.
But the repeated assertion, frequently professing to come from ex-
perienced authorities, and repeated until it was supposed to be proved,
that the increased gauge must require increased strength and great
poAver, was not without its indirect effect upon the manufacturers.
Unnecessary dimensions have been given to many parts, and the
weight thereby increased — rather tending, as I believe, to diminish
than to add to the strength of the whole. I thought then, and I
believe now, that it would have been unwise in this case to have
resisted the general opinion, and taken upon myself the responsi- /
bility which belonged to the manufacturers ; but I need not now v
hesitate to say that a very considerable reduction may be effected,
and that no such unusual precautions are necessary to meet these
anticipated strains and resistances — such being, in fact, imaginary.
It cannot surprise anybody that, under such circumstances, attention
was more occupied in endeavouring to meet these imaginary pre-
judiced objections, than in boldly taking advantage of the new
circumstances, and that a piece of machinery constructed under such
disadvantages was not likely to be a fair sample of what might be
EEPOKT ON THE BROAD GAUGE, ETC. 535
clone. I am happy to say, however, that the result of the trials that
have been made has entirely destroyed all credit in these alarmists
Avith the manufacturer, and that we may hope in future to have the
benefits of the free exercise of the intelligence and practical know-
ledge of engine-manufacturers.
The mode of laying the rails is the next point which I shall con-
sider. It may appear strange that I should again in this case dis-
claim having attempted anything perfectly new ; yet regard to truth
compels me to do so. I have recommended, in the case of the Great
Western, the principle of a continuous bearing of timber under the
rail, instead of isolated supports — an old system recently revived, and
as such I described it in my Report of January 1836 ; the result of
many hundred miles laid in this manner in America, and of some
detached portions of railways in England, was quite sufficient to
prove that the system was attended with many advantages ; but since
we first adopted it these proofs have been multiplied — there need
now be no apprehension. There are railways in full work, upon
which the experiment has been tried sufficiently to prove beyond
doubt, to those willing to be convinced, that a permanent way in
continuous bearings of wood may be constructed, in which the motion
will be much smoother, the noise less, and consequently — for they
are eifects produced by the same cause — the wear and tear of the
machinery much less. Such a plan is certainly best adapted for
high speeds, and this is the system recommended by me and adopted
on our road. There are, no doubt, different modes of construction,
and that which I have adopted as an improvement upon others may,
on the contrary, be attended with disadvantages. For the system I
will strenuously contend.
But I should be sorry to enter with any such determined feeling
into a discussion of the merits of the particular mode of construction.
I would refer to my last Report for the reasons which influenced me,
and the objects I had in view in introducing the piling; that part
which had been made under my own eye answered fully all my ex-
pecfcitions. Here the piles did answer their purpose, and no incon-
venience resulted from their use. The difficulties which we have
since encountered, the bad state in which the line was for a consider-
able time, and which is only recently improved, have undoubtedly
been aggravated, if not caused, by these piles ; but not, as I believe,
frorh a defect in the principle as applied in our case, where the line
is mostly in cutting, or on the surface, but from defective execu-
tion ; for, notwithstiuicling the determination to allow sufficient time
for this most important operation, yet, to make up lor previoas
536 APPENDIX I.
delays and loss of time, It became necessary at last to force forward
the work more rapidly than was at all consistent with due care in
the execution ; and during the whole of this period I was most
unfortunately prevented by a serious accident from even seeing the
work almost until the day of opening, when I ought to have per-
sonally superintended the whole. I do not mean that the work was
neglected by tho!»e whose duty it was to supply my place — far from
it ; but in such a case, a new work cannot be properly directed
except under the eye of the master. Following exactly the plan
which, had succeeded on the first piece completed, several serious
faults were committed. A much greater density and firmness of
packing is required than was previously supposed ; the mode of
packing adopted, and the material selected, in the first instance,
have proved defective elsewhere ; and over a great extent in the
line, particularly in the clay cuttings, and where the work was at
last most hurried, it has been badly executed. But many parts have
stood well from the commencement ; others are fast improving ; and
I have the satisfaction, although a very painful one, of seeing that
if, in the first instance, a foundation of coarse gravel had been
everywhere well rammed in before the timbers had been laid, and
the packing formed upon this, we should, from the outset, have ob-
tained as solid a road as we have now over a great part of the line.
What we have been able to effect since the opening of the line has
necessarily been a slow, expensive, and laborious operation. We
have been compelled to open the ground, and excavate it to a depth
of 18 inches under the longitudinal timbers, and this without inter-
rupting the traffic : to remove the whole of the material thus ob-
tained from off the line, and to replace it by coarse ballast ; and not
having the means of sufficiently consolidating this ballast by ramming
while the timber is in its place, the packing has to be repeated once
or twice after it has been compressed by the passing of the trains. I'his
new packing, however, does stand, and in a few weeks I expect the
line will be in a very different state from that in which it has been,
or indeed now is. From what I have described as the result which
can now be, and might have been, obtained from the commencement,
it will be inferred that I am disposed still to defend the system of
piling. I certainly could not abandon it from conviction of its in-
efficiency, for I see proofs of the contrary ; and I feel that under
similar circumstances I could now prevent the mischief which has
occurred. Upon that portion of the line where the permanent way
must next be formed, piling could not be resorted to, the ground
being a solid hard chalk for many miles. I had intended, however,
recommending the same principle, but in a different form, holding
REPOET ON THE BROAD GAUGE, ETC. 537
down the longitudinals by small iron rods driven into the chalk ;
but the same objection could not exist, because the chalk cannot yield
under the timbers like clay, or even gravel. But I should wish
most anxiously to avoid anything like an obstinate adherence to a
plan, if the object which I believe essential can be obtained by other
means, particularly when, that plan being my own, I may be some-
what prejudiced in its favour. I find that the system of piling
involves considerable expenses in the first construction, and requires
perhaps too great a perfection in the whole work, and that if the
whole or a part of this cost were expended in increased scantling
of timber and weight of metal, that a very solid continuous rail
would be formed.
For this as a principle, as for the width of gauge, I am prepared
to contend, and to stand or fall by it, believing it to be a most
essential improvement, where high speeds are to be obtained. I
strongly urge upon you not to hesitate upon these two main points,
which, combined with what may be termed the natural advantages
of the line, will eventually secure to you a superiority which, under
other circumstances, cannot be obtained.
As regards the expense of forming the permanent way on this
principle, I am quite prepared to maintain what I have on a former
occasion advanced : that even on the system which we have adopted
between London and Maidenhead, the total cost does not materially
exceed that of a well-constructed line with stone blocks. I did not
make in the outset an exact estimate of the cost of either mode ; I
was unable to obtain the cost which has actually been incurred on
other lines ; but a comparative estimate was made, and the result of
that comparison led me to state that the one might exceed the other
by 500/. a mile. The actual cost of our permanent way appears, by
the detailed account which has been made out, to have been above
9,000/., including expenses of under-draining and forming the surfaces
which cannot be included in the cost given in other cases, because
that drainage (although I believe generally forming part of the plan)
is not yet constructed. This sum includes the sidings at the stations,
switches, joints, and other contingencies, and also the expenses in-
curred during the first month of working the line, and which, as I
have before stated, consisted in removing and replacing work which
had been improperly executed. These items will make a consider-
able reduction ; and besides these, larger reductions may be effected
in parts of the work which were new, and, from the circumstances
naturally attending a first attempt, were not so economically
conducted as they might be, or indeed, as they were towards the
doae of the works, when the different parts were let by contract.
538 APPENDIX I.
Taking the prices at which the work was latterly actually executed,
8,000/. per mile would be a liberal allowance for our future proceed-
ing, even adopting the same system ; and with a modified system,
such as that suggested of simple longitudinal bearers of large scant-
ling, and a rail of fifty-four pounds per yard, at the present high
price of iron, the cost, calculated upon our actual past expenditure,
Avould not exceed 7,400/. per mile. This, I am aware, is a larger
sum than that which has iisually been assumed as the cost of the
permanent way. I cannot prove that others have cost more, or even
so much as this, as I have nothing but the published accounts to
refer to ; but this I can state, and prove if necessary, that rails and
blocks, such as are now being adopted on the Manchester and
Liverpool Eailway, would upon our line cost at least as much.
The prime cost of rails and chairs delivered on the line would
alone amount to half the money ; and nothing is, perhaps, more
certain than that the experience of other lines within the last two
or three years has proved that this part of the construction of a
railway is unavoidably much more expensive than Avas ever calcu-
lated for at the time our estimates were made.
I am, gentlemen, your obedient servant,
(Signed) I. K. Bjsunel.
539
APPENDIX II.
(Sec Chapter IX. on the ' Great Britain Steam-Ship, p. 254.)
Report to the Directors of the Great ^ Western Steam-Ship Company.
October 1840.
Gentlemen, — I have now the pleasure to lay before you the result
of the diiFerent experiments which I have made, and of the best
consideration I have been enabled to give to the subject of the
screw propeller.
The observations which I have to make are naturally divided
under two principal heads, namely : first, the simple question of the
applicability and efficiency of the screw considered merely as a
means of propelling a vessel, compared with the ordinary paddle-
wheel ; and, secondly, the general advantages or disadvantages
attending its use.
The consideration of the comparative efiiciency of the screw as
a means of propelling, of course embraces the whole question, not
merely of the effect produced, but also that of the proportionate
power absorbed in producing that effect.
With respect to the mere effect of a screw, the performance of
the 'Archimedes' has proved, in a satisfactory and undeniable manner,
that a screw acting against the water with a surface even much
smaller than that offered by the paddle-boards of a well-proportioned
paddlewheel, will propel the ship at a very fair speed, but at what
expense of power this effect has been produced is not so evident.
I shall first examine into the principal cause of what amounts
practically to a loss of power, and which is common in a greater
or less degree to all modes of propelling a vessel by exerting a
pressure against the water as against a fixed point.
The resistance, whether to the surface of a screw, or of a paddle-
board, or of the blade of an oar, or any other propelling body,
offered by the fluid against which it acts, is of coui'se not perfect,
540 APPENDIX II.
and there is a certain amount of yielding, commonly called tlie
slip, of the paddlewheel ; the amount thus slipped causes a con-
siderable waste of power, inasmuch as the full power of the engine
is expended through the entire space passed over by the paddles or
other propelling surface, while the useful effect produced is only
equal to the same power expended over the space through which
the vessel passes : this loss frequently amounts to one-quarter, and
even one-third, of the whole power employed. To investigate theo-
retically the amount of slip due to any given form and quantity of
surface, involves much more complicated calculations than have
generally been applied, and would indeed require data which we
hardly possess ; but fortunately we have had the means of making
experiments, the results of which enable us to determine the com-
parative slip of the paddle and of the screw, with sufficient accuracy
for all practical purposes.
The screw in use on board the ' Archimedes ' is 5 feet 9 inches
diameter, with a pitch of 8 feet — that is to say, in making one revo-
lution the thread of the screw advances 8 feet; the area of the
screw, considered as a disc of the same diameter, or the extent of the
surface of water which is acted upon in the direction of the axis of
the vessel, is therefore about 26 feet, without deducting the section
of the shaft-bearing, &c. The midship section of the vessel when I
experimented upon her was, according to Mr. Patterson's estimate,
122 feet; the ratio of the resisting surface to the midship section
being therefore as 1 to 4*7, which is a small proportion ; and the
form of the vessel is by no means peculiarly good as a steamboat.
This proportion of propelling surface to midnhip section is much
smaller — that is, the area of the screw is much less in proportion to
the size of the vessel than is the area of paddle-boards immersed in
steamboats generally.
The average paddle-board immersed and really effective is rather
difficult to estimate, as allowances must be made for the disturbance
of the water, when the wheel is in motion ; but this average in the
* Great Western' measured perpendicularly — that is, allowing for the
obliquity of the paddle — cannot be less than 180 to 200 feet, say
only 180, while the midship section averages about 462 feet ; the
surface of paddle is therefore about ^.^^ of the midship section.
I will now give the comparative effects of these different pro-
pelling surfaces in these two cases.
I have made very accurate experiments upon the comparative
rate of the ' Archimedes,' and of the space passed through by the
screw, and was enabled to determine this ratio with great cer-
tainty.
REPORT ON THE SCREW PROPELLER. 541
The average of a number of trials gave the following results:
Kate of ship, 50,867 feet per hour, or about 8^ knots.
Space passed through by screw due to the number of revolutions,
65,085 feet.
The average rate of vessel being to that of screw therefore as
1 to 1-2913.
In the performances of the ' Great Western,' upon an average of
20 voyages the ratio has been as 1 to 1*2997; but, separating
from these 20 such voyages as were unusually short or long, and
taking only such as, occupying 14, 15, or 16 days, may be con-
sidered as giving a fair average of the speed of the ship when not
adversely affected by the wind or heavy seas, the average of these
13 voyages give 1 to 1*283; and leaving out again those of 16
days, and taking only 8 voyages of 14 and 15 days, the average
gives a ratio of 1 to 1*27187.
Of these, 5 voyages of 15 days give 1 to 1*29077,
"and' 3 „ 14 „ 1 to 1*23901.
The last three, however, were short passages and homeward,
when the currents and winds have been in favour, and consequently
we may safely say that the ratio must be above 1 to 1*239; and
after making every allowance for the effect of swell and other im-
pediments (the experiments upon the 'Archimedes' being made in
smooth water), the average of the 8 (5 of which were homeward
voyages with favourable current and wind and the vessel in good
trim), giving a ratio of 1 to 1*27, may be taken as a fair average.
The comparison between the ' Archimedes ' and the * Great
* Western ' will therefore stand thus —
Area of Propelling Diiference of Speed of Vessel and
Surface, the Midship Propelling Surface, or amount
Section being I'O. of Slip, the ratio of Vessel being 1*0,
' Archimedes,' screw . . 0*203 . . . 0*2913
' Great Western,' paddle . . 0*391 . . . 0*2708
Showing an amount of slip in the ' Great Western ' very nearly equal
to that of the * Archimedes,' while the ratio of the propelling surface
to the midship section in the case of the screw is little more than
half that of the paddle-boards in the ' Great Western.'
In taking the average of the eight voyages of the ' Great Western '
with favourable winds as I have done, I believe I have made full
allowance for the difEerent circumstances of smooth water and sea ;
but there is ample room in the above comparison to make even
greater allowance for these circumstances, and still to leave a result
Univer:
Department of Civil Engineehinc
542
APPENDIX II.
which would prove that with similar areas the screw would meet
with at least equal, if not a greater resistance, and consequently will
slip as little or less than the ordinary paddle-board.
I subjoin a table also, taken from a well-known work on the
steam-engine (Tredgold's), of the slip of a number of vessels, of
which in every case the surface of paddle immersed is far greater in
proportion to the midship section than that of the screw in the
* Archimedes.'
JRate of F addle, that of Ship being 1.
Medea
1-595
Monarch
. 1-323
Flamer
1-483
Magnet
. 1-310
Firebrand ,
1-501
Meteor
. 1-490
Columbine.
1-529
Carron
. 1-287
Salamander
1-200'
Average ,
. r381
Dee .
1-366
Firefly
1-364
Great Western .
. 1-27
Firebrand, as altered
;i-295
Archimedes .
. 1-29
Phito
1-215
This list shows that the result in the ' Great Western,' with which
ship I have made the comparison, is in itself a favourable one, and
that compared with many others the ' Archimedes ' would stand
much better.
This apparent superiority of the screw over the paddle as regards
the resistance offered to it by the water may at first appear startling,
but there is a great mistake committed in asstiming that the action
of the screw is a very oblique action, tending rather to drive the
water laterally with a rotatory motion than to push it steadily
backwards.
Having witnessed and carefully observed the degree and the
nature of the disturbance in the water caused by the screw, and
comparing this with the violent displacement of the water by the
action of paddle-boards, even under the most favourable circum-
stances, I no longer feel surprised.
The mass of water pushed backwards by the action of the screw
appears to be very large, spreading from the screw probably in the
form of an inverted cone, but there is little or no appearance of any
rotatoi-y motion, and the surface of the water is not put into rapid
motion as in the case of the paddlewheel, which may be observed
' There appears, from the table, to
be an immense extent of paddle-
board to this vessel, if the table be
correct — greater than
section.
the midship
EEPORT ON THE SCEEW PROPELLER. 543
to impart a considerable velocity to the water, probably for a small
depth only, but over a very large space.
As regards the oblique action also, a great mistake appears to have
been generally made, and very naturally made, by most persons when
first considering the working of the screw. It is generally assiimed
that the inclined plane formed by the thread of the screw strikes the
particles of water at that angle and with the velocity of the revo-
lution of the screw, but it is forgotten that the screw is moving
forward with the ship, and therefore that the angle at which the
water is struck by the plane is diminished by all that much that the
ship with the screw advances — indeed, it is evident that if the ship
advanced the whole amount of the pitch of the screw, the screw,
oblique as it appears, and rapidly as it revolves, would not strike
the water at all, but simply glide through.
The angle at which any given part of the screw does in fact strike
the water is only equal to the difference between the angle to which
that part of the screw is formed and the angle or direction in which
it moves by the compound motion of the revolution of the screw and
of the forward motion of the ship and screw ; and, contrary to one's
hastily imbibed notions of the action of the screw, this angle at
which the plane of the screw is driven against the particles of water,
is in such a screw as that of the ' Archimedes ' very nearly equal over
the greater portion of the surface, diminishing to nothing at the
centre ; and the motion imparted to the water, although perpendicular
to the plane of the screw in point of direction, is sniall in extent or
velocity, being also nearly the same over the whole surface of the
screw, except close to the centre, where it is infinitely small.
In the 'Archimedes' screw, which appears to the eye so oblique, and
the centre part of which would appear to act flat against the water,
only causing it to revolve, the outer circumference being 18 feet and
the slip 1 foot 8 inches, the angle at which this outer edge acts
upon the water is only one in 11^.
The total amount of motion imparted to the water at right angles
to the plane of the screw by one entire revolution even at the outer
edge is not quite equal to the slip, being only 1"67 foot. The
rotatory motion is still less, the total distance to which any particle
of water is displaced laterally, or at right angles to the axis of the
ship, by one entire revolution of the screw being at the outer edge
only 0'69 foot, and the maximum distance being in any screw only
equal to half the slip, and occurring at that part of the screw where
the circumference is equal to the advance of the ship due to one
revolution. This maximum of lateral motion is 0*9 foot, and takes
544 APPENDIX II.
place at 0"99 foot, or about 1 foot from the centre. In this mode
of considering the direction at which the particles of water are acted
upon by the plate of the screw I have taken no notice of the effect
of the friction upon the surface of the screw, which, causing to be
carried with it a film of water, will modify more or less according to
the degree of smoothness of the surface the effect of the screw upon
the water; and towards the centre this friction, however smooth
the surface may be made, will gradually become equal to, and at
last greater than, the propelling effect of that part of the screw ; but
this defect applies only to a very small portion of the whole area of
the screw, and the absence of any very violent impulse to the water in
a direction approaching to a right angle with the axis of the vessel, and
which has always been assumed as an unavoidable evil in the screw,
will account for the absence I have observed upon of any apparent
rotatory motion.
I would not pretend, however, to advance these circumstances
which I have observed, or these reasonings, as arguments whereon to
found an opinion of the action of the screw, the facts as proved by
the experiments are what I rely upon ; but it is satisfactory to be
able to account for the results by circumstances actually observed,
and the reasons which suggest themselves.
The effect of a propelling surface in the form of a screw, and
moving at a certain velocity, as compared with an equal surface
moving at the same velocity but applied in the shape of paddle-
boards, having been ascertained, it remains to determine the com-
parative power required to give motion to that surface.
The diflSculty of determining this with any degree of accuracy
from any experiments which we could make on board the * Archi-
* medes ' was very great, but considering such results as I could
obtain in conjunction with experiments which I have since made in
our own works, and with the results upon steamboats recorded by
others, and of those of experiments made by Colonel Beaufoy on
the resistance of bodies in water, I think we may arrive at ap-
proximate conclusions sufficiently accurate for our purpose, and
which may safely be relied upon.
In the case of the ' Archimedes ' the engines were certainly not
effective well-working engines, the proportions of the gearing or
wheel-work between the engine and the screw was bad — such that
the engine could not attain its proper speed — the friction of the
gearing (which, whether it be a source of resistance necessarily
attending the use of the screw or not, I shall consider afterwards)
was very great, and the surface of the screw itself, which I had an
p
EEPORT ON THE SCREW PROPELLER. 645
opportunity of examining out of water, was so rough as necessarily
to create very much more friction than would be caused by a
tolerably smooth metallic surface. With all these sources of re-
sistance, and under these imfavourable circumstances, the power
calculated for the effective pressure on the piston and without de-
duction for friction or other causes, which, for the sake of distinction
hereafter, I shall call the gross power, was about 145 horses, the
speed of the vessel being about 8^ knots per hour, as actually
measured by the land, and full 9 knots as measured with great
care by heaving the common log, the midship section being, as
before stated, 122 feet, and the lines of the vessel not so good as
those of fast boats ; comparing this with the gross power of the
* Great Western ' engines when propelling that vessel at the same
velocity, with the advantage of better lines and the other ad-
vantages arising from greater dimensions, there does not appear
any such discrepancy as to indicate any loss of power by the use
of the screw in the * Archimedes ' ; on the contrary, the power ex-
pended in the * Great Western ' is actually as great as that in the
' Archimedes,' as compared with their relative midship sections — and
if any great allowance is to be made for the circumstances which
I have referred to of larger dimensions and better lines, there would
appear to be actually less power expended in proportion to the di-
mensions and form of the * Archimedes' than in the * Great Western.'
The results obtained with the * Great Western,' which as regards
speed are similar to those of the ' Archimedes,' are necessarily taken
from experiments made when she was rather deep, and the speed
thereby reduced to 7*9 knots ; but I have compared these with
results reduced by calculations from experiments at higher speeds,
and I find them agree satisfactorily — indeed, at the draft and con-
sequent immersion of paddles when in this state, I consider the
' Great Western ' as very nearly at her best as regards economy of
power and effect produced. I should observe that the particular
experiments from which the following calculations are deduced were
made with the ' Great Western ' in smooth water in the Severn. I
have added also some calculations deduced from data given by
Tredgold as to the performance of the ^ Riiby,' a good boat with
immense surface of paddle-board.
The comparison stands thus :
N N
54G
APPENDIX II.
Great
Western
Archimedes
RUBT
Actual Dimensions :
Midship section ....
520
122
63
Area of board immersed
230
64
Area of a disc of diameter of screw
—
26
—
Relative Dimensions and Po-wer :
Area of propelling surface, mid-
ship section being = 1 .
0-442
0-213
1-016
Gross power expended for one
square foot of midship section .
1-023
1-026
0-976
The speed being the same, viz., 7*9 knots, the power expended
is as nearly as possible the same in the three, and equal to one
horse-power gioss to one foot of midship section ; while the relative
propelling surface in the * Archimedes ' is equal to only half that of
the * Great Western,' and one-fifth that of the ' Ruby.' This gross
horse-power, it will be observed, is about equal to one-half a nominal
horse-power.
I have made several comparisons with recorded observations
made on board the * Great "Western ' at different times, and with
experiments made in other vessels, and I find the same result ; in
estimating the powers used more , particularly in some comparisons
with the * Great Western,' I have taken the mean pressure as ascer-
tained on both sides of the piston, while in the ' Archimedes ' I only
obtained that on the top of the piston, which appears generally to
be the best, and consequently the estimate is made imfavourably to
the ' Archimedes.'
Such general results are all that I could obtain from the experi-
ments on board the ' Archimedes,' but since that time I have made
some experiments upon the friction of a plate of metal in water^
and have compared these results with the experiments of Colonel
Beaufoy, and the conclusion I have come to is that the power
absorbed by friction in a well-made screw, apart from all question
of the means adopted for working it, would not be such as to
interfere with its beneficial application.
The resistance created by the screw itself arises principally from
two sources— the resistance to the cutting edge and the tail-edge,
and the friction of the surface in contact with the water. The
amount of the first may of course be reduced to an unlimited extent
by having a fine edge, and practically such edge ought to be much
finer than that of the screw of the * Archimedes.'
The friction upon the surface will of course materially depend
upon the smoothness of that surface,, and in the ' Archimedes ' it was.
REPORT ON THE SCREW PROPELLER. 547
Tery rough, the iron being corroded at many places, \nth exfolia-
tions and small holes — the corrosion arising apparently from the
galvanic effect produced by the iron and the ship's copper.
The great number of revolutions required in the screw as com-
pared with those of the paddlewheel, leads a person to assume,
without much consideration, that a very high velocity is given to
the cutting edges and to the surface of the screw, and consequently
that great friction must be produced — this velocity is not, however,
nearly so great as it at first appears.
In the present screw of the 'Archimedes' the velocity of the extreme
point, following its oblique or spiral course, is only about three times
that of the vessel, while the average velocity of either of these knife
edges or of the surface is not twice that of the vessel.
Now without determining what the actual amount of these resist-
ances may be, we can at once satisfy ourselves that it cannot be
very considerable, by comparing it (which we have the means of
doing) with the resistance caused by the cutwater and any given
portion of the ship's bottom. The resistance of a knife-edge will be
about as the square of the velocity, and if we assume the surface
friction to increase in the ratio determined by Colonel Beaufoy —
namely, at the l*75th power, or as the 4th root of the 7fch power
of the velocity — then the resistance of the knife-edge will be equal
to the resistance of a similar edge of about five and a-half times
the length of the diameter of the screw moving at the same rate as
the vessel, and the surface friction will be equal to that of a piece of
the ship's bottom about six and five-eighth times the area of the
screw — or, in the case of the * Archimedes,' the additional power
absorbed by the friction of the screw would be about equal to that
absorbed by the friction of little more than twice the space of the
dead wood which had been cut out to receive the screw — while the
knife-edges would be about equivalent to three knife-edgea immersed
in the water, of the same depth as the ship's stem.
The actual amount of power absorbed in driving the * Archimedes'
screw was probably about twenty horse-power gross, or from ten to
twelve nominal horse-power ; but I have no doubt that a screw of
similar diameter and in good condition would not absorb half that
power : and this amount may be still ftirther, and very much reduced,
by increasing the relative size of the screw to that of the ship, and
thereby reducing the slip, and proportionately reducing the number
of revolutions required.
The great extent to which this is capable of being carried will at
once be seen when I state that if the ship's progress were made to
H H 2
548 APPENDIX II.
be 7 feet instead of 6 feet to each revolution of the screw, which
a very slight increase of diameter and pitch of screw would effect,
the power absorbed in driving the screw would be diminished in
the ratio of the G^^/G^ to 7^ ^7^— that is, as 6i to 7'*, or about
as 3 to 2.
I must repeat here the observation I have previously made, and
remind you that these calculations are not introduced as proving,
but merely as explaining, that which appears to me proved by the
general results of the experiments on the 'Archimedes' — namely, that
the effect produced was, considering all the circumstances, fully
proportionate to the power expended, while the experiments and
calculations which I have since made also satisfy me that these
results may be very much improved upon.
As regards the first of the two heads under which I stated that I
proposed to consider the subject, namely, the mere eflSciency of the
screw as a propeller, I think but one conclusion can be drawn from
the results of the experiments quoted, and that is, that as compared
with the ordinary paddlewheel of sea-going steamers, the screw is,
both as regards the effect produced, and the proportionate power
required to obtain that effect, an efficient propeller.
I limit the comparison to the ordinary paddlewheels of sea-going
steamers, first, because those are the circumstances which we have alone
to consider ; and, secondly, because it is possible, by increasing the
diameter and breadth of the paddles, which, for the attainment of
an adequate object is practicable to any extent in a mere river boat,
to render the action of the common paddle all but perfect, and
probably more effective than any other propeller.
In considering the advantages and disadvantages likely to attend
the use of the screw propeller, I will, commencing with the latter,
consider such objections as have been advanced by others, as well
as those which may have occurred to myself.
The only objections, however, which I think worth consideration
are: —
First. The necessity of a pectdiar form of vessel.
Secondly. The situation of the screw under water, and conse-
quently to a certain extent unseen and inaccessible, and the liability
to injury fi*om its position from grounding or in other ways.
Thirdly. The probability of its being lifted out of water when
the ship pitched deep.
Fourthly. The difficulty of getting up the required number of
revolutions, and the great defects of the mode employed in the
' Archimedes,' and the shaking caused by the machinery.
REPORT ON THE SCREW PROPELLER. 549
As regards the form of vessel, undoubtedly a shallow boat, in-
tended for shallow waters, would be very unfit for the application of
the screw, which would probably require a greater depth of water
than the whole draft of the vessel; but I see no defector difficulty of
this description in the vessel now under consideration, nor can I
anticipate any in any vessel this Company is likely to be interested
in ; a clean run is the most essential condition, and I shoidd suppose
no ship was ever built in which this principle of form was carried
to a greater extent than in our new iron ship. Her present form I
believe to be excellent for the screw, and with a very slight dropping
of the keel towards the stern, which can easily be done now without
any expense, assisted by the different trim, which, as I shall pre-
sently show, will be effected by the use of the screw, the required draft
of water will be attained.
It may, perhaps, be as well to mention here, that the diameter of
the screw, if in the same ratio to the midship section as in the
* Archimedes,' would be only 12 feet 3 inches, my friend Captain
Claxton having made a mistake upon this point in calculating it at
16 feet, and that if increased only to 14 feet 4 inches, the diminution
referred to in a former part of my Report of one-third in the power
lost in working the screw would be effected ; considering the speed
we wish to attain, probably 15 feet 6 inches would be a good
diameter. Upon the whole I think the vessel is as well fitted for a
screw as she is for paddles, and much better adapted for either than
the 'Archimedes; ' but if originally intended for a screw, possibly some
trifling modification in the form and construction, principally of the
keel near the stem, might have been introduced which would have
rendered the whole a more perfect job than she would now be if
altered — but the absence of this would in no way lessen the efficiency
of the screw, and I cannot think that any alteration we might now
be obliged to make would exceed in cost the sum of 200Z.
Secondl}'^, the inaccessibility of the screw and liability to damage ;
this appears to me the objection most plausible, but I cannot say
that I attach much weight to it, particularly in the case of a vessel
intended for long voyages and across the ocean. During the whole
passage in deep water I consider the screw far less exposed to injury
than a paddlewheel, and that the chances of injury are so remote
that even if it were quite inaccessible it would still be altogether
safer than paddles, which are so much exposed ; but it is by no
means inaccessible, the screw may be rend(!red stationary at any
time or during any weather, when it would be barely safe to stop
the engines with common paddles, and when it would be very diffi-
650 APPENDIX n.
cult to do anything to the paddles even if the engines were stopped,
while the whole of the screw, bearings, &c., may easily be examined
and felt from above, and, if necessary, men sent down with common
diving jackets and hoods to replace bearings, or attach tackle to
move the screw, or clear away any obstacle entangled in it. When
in port I still think the chances of injury very remote ; an inspec-
tion of our model will satisfy you that from the form and size of her
midship section the vessel cannot lay in any position in which the
screw would touch the ground, while at that time the whole screw
may be very easily examined and replaced without any necessity for
going into dock.
Thirdly, the probability of its being lifted out of water when the
ship pitches deep.
This appears at first to be a very natural and an unavoidable ob-
jection, but the result of observations proves that the motion of
vessels, of steamers at least, is not such as to cause the apprehended
diflSculty. Among the observations made on board the * Great
* Western ' steam-ship by Mr. Berkeley Claxton, under my direction,
were measurements of the angles of rolling and pitching, and from
these it was evident that the vessel never pitches to so great an angle as
that to which she rises ; such a result might indeed have been anti-
cipated by considering the form of the vessel forward and aft, and
the circumstance that a steamer is almost invariably meeting or
passing the seas, or, if overtaken by them, is still going at a good
rate, which reduces the relative speed of the sea ; consequently,
although the vessel may be frequently thrown up very violently for-
ward, yet the stern, which has no displacement under water, settles
down quietly and heavily upon the surface ; or, considering it in
another way, the variation of displacement at the stern is very rapid,
falling off almost to nothing at a few feet below the water-line, and
spreading out to a great extent at a few feet above, whilst forward
the difference of displacement is comparatively small, the centre of
motion, therefore, is thrown very far aft, and while the bows, which
are also opposed to the first shock, are thrown alternately high out
of water or plunged deeply into it, the stem floats nearly steady, the
vessel resting on its broad counter nearly as the centre of motion :
whatever may be the explanation such is the operation, not only as
measured by instruments, but more particularly as observed since,
practically.
In the * Great Western ' the whole cutwater and, it is said, a con-
siderable length of keel, is frequently seen out of water from the bow-
sprit, while astern it is very doubtful whether more than half the
EEPOET ON THE SCREW PROPELLER. 561
stem part was ever seen ; marks have been made by my direction
on the rudder to observe this ; as yet the 9-foot mark is the lowest
seen, and this occurring rarely, and for very short intervals.
In the * Archimedes,' during a voyage performed in her by Mr.
Guppy from Bristol to Liverpool, and during which they were ex-
posed on more than one occasion to violent pitching, the screw
(which can be watched from the deck) never was uncovered ; and
Mr. Smith and others on board the ' Archimedes,' whose wliole con-
duct was such as to inspire unusual confidence in all information
obtained from them, assured me that such was always the case.
In the voyage to Oporto and back, in which I sent Mr. Berkeley
Claxton, he made the same observation ; these facts, in conjunction
with previous and subsequent observations on board the ' Great
' Western,' convince me that nothing is to be feared on this head ; but
even if the screw were occasionally to be partly exposed, I know of
no evil consequences likely to ensue, as I shall clearly point out
when referring to tlie advantages of this propeller over the common
paddle.
Fourthly, the difficulty of getting up the required number of
revolutions, and the great defects of the mode employed in the
* Archimedes.'
Upon this point certainly the * Archimedes ' offers but a miserable
example, and the result is almost enough to prejudice the mind of
any person against the whole scheme; the proportions of the gear-
ing, as I have before stated, are so bad^that the engines appear, even
to the eye, to labour ineffectually to get up their speed. The re-
quired speed of the screw is not nearly attained, while the noise and
tremor caused by the machinery is such as to render the vessel
uninhabitable, and perfectly unfit for passengers, I should almost
say for a crew. I never attached much importance to these circum-
stances, because I felt convinced that such a mere mechanical
difficulty would by some means be overcome, if, as I confess I did
not then at all anticipate, the screw itself should prove efficient.
The most simple and effectual means of overcoming all objections
on these heads always appeared to me to be by the use of straps in-
stead of gearing ; and all my experience, and I have seen a great deal
of the working of machinery by straps and ropes in the numerous
works executed by my father, led me to the conclusion that there
existed no difficulty whatever in sending the necessary power
through a rope or hemp strap, but I was hardly prepared to find
the result so entirely satisfactory as it has proved to be.
In an experiment made in your works at the yard, I have sent
562 APPENDIX II.
through two small whale lines, a power equal to about one-thirtieth of
that which would be required in the strap if used in the new ship,
and this without any slip or straining of the rope which would be
injurious in practice, and without any peculiar means of ensuring
adhesion to the drums ; so that we have ascertained beyond doubt
that sixty such whale lines upon a drum of only 4 feet 3 inches
diameter is adequate to our wants, but if we suppose seventy lines
of superior manufacture to that used in the experiments with a
perfect mode of tightening and working upon a drum of 6 feet
diameter, all of which can easily be had, it will ensure the perfect
and easy working of a mode of obtaining the required number of
revolutions of the screw without noise or tremor. The strap in
question would be only about 3 feet or 3 feet 3 inches broad, easily
replaced piecemeal, and even, if necessary, without stopping the
engines.
All the difficulties enumerated under the fifth head may be con-
sidered as entirely overcome, or rather as ceasing to exist ; and so
far from the working of the screw involving difficulties and unavoid-
able friction, noise, or tremor, it may be worked with unquestion-
able and perfect facility, and as compared even with the best-made
paddles in smooth water, the whole machine will be noiseless.
It is almost unnecessary that I sliould say that the screw, apart
from the gearing in use onboard the ' Archimedes,' carenoi and does not
produce the slightest tremor or noise — it was with some difficulty,
and at least only by attentively listening, that the revolutions of the
screw could be counted, even when disconnected and free from the
noise of the engine or gearing and the vessel being towed, and then
only from some defect in the bearings or the shaft of the screw
causing a slight beat.
In thus answering the objections supposed to have been urged
against the use of the screw, I may probably have appeared to see
everything in a favourable light ; unhesitatingly I admit that it is so,
and that both formerly when I was completely sceptical as to the
mere efficiency of the screw as a propeller, and since my doubts on
that head have been removed, I always felt that upon all other points
the screw possessed every superiority that could be desired over a
common paddlewheel for a sea-going vessel.
I shall now proceed to point out the principal advantages peculiar
to the use of the screw ; they are —
First. A considerable saving of weight, and that principally top
weight.
Secondly, The admitting of a better and simpler form of vessel,
EEPORT ON THE SCREW PROPELLEE. 553
having greater stiffness with the same quantity of material, and
offering less resistance to head wind and seas, and affording more
available space within.
Thirdly. The operation of the screw being imaffected by tlie
trim or the rolling of the vessel, and allowing of the free use of sails,
with the capability of entirely disconnecting the screw or of varying
the multiplying motion so as to adapt the power of the engine to the
circumstance either of strong adverse winds or scudding.
Fourthly. Perfect regialarity of motion and freedom from the
possibility of violent shocks to the engines.
Fifthly. The singularly increased power of steering given to the
vessel — and
Sixthly. The great reduction in the breadth of beam.
I have gone into some detail in calculating the weights of the
parts which are not common to the two systems, and I find that the
difference, or actual diminution in weight in favour of the screw as
applied to our new ship, is upwards of ninety -five tons ; but that a
much greater weight even than this is transposed from the top of
the ship to the bottom — no less a mass than one hundred and sixty
tons is removed from the level of the paddle-shaft or from about 10
feet above the water-line, and replaced by sixty-five tons at about
7 feet below the water-line ; not only is buoyancy, and consequently
proportionate space for cargo, gained to the extent of the difference,
but the relief to the labouring of the vessel in bad weather from the
change of position must be immense. If the reverse were under con-
sideration, if in a vessel fitted for sea, however stiff in trim or form,
it were suggested to remove sixty-five tons of her ballast, and to
place one hundred and sixty tons upon her deck, and thus navigate
her across the Atlantic in all weathers, it would probably be con-
sidered, not merely as highly dangerous, but as actually impossible.
Although such an opinion as that it would be impracticable we now
know would be incorrect, yet the extent of the beneficial change is
much more striking when considered in this way. As regards the
trim of the ship, about one hundred and forty-five tons would be re-
moved from nearly the centre of flotation, and the balance of fifty
tons added and distributed over the after part, principally quite aft.
I have not calculated the exact effect of this upon her trim ; it
would only bring her down by the stem, and this is a defect which
there seems, as we too well know, never any difiiculty in remedying.
Secondly. The simplifying and improving the form of the ship —
both as regards strength and mass exposed to the wind and sea.
The necessity of contracting the midships of a steamer, and
654 APPENDIX II.
making her completely wall-sided, and forming a sort of recess to
receive the paddles, interferes considerably with the framing of the
ship. In a wooden ship of the size of our new one the whole beam
of the ship would have to be contracted in order to carry the plank-
ing through in a direct line and obtain the requisite fore and aft tie
as has been done in the * Great Western ' ; in the new ship the almost
infinite resources aiforded by the material used, enabled us to
expand the sides and obtain breadth of beam for cabin room, both
before and abaft the paddles, and contract the sides at the paddles as
seen upon the plan ; but in order to strengthen this part, so evidently
weak by form, much contrivance and much material was required.
By dispensing with paddles, the best form of ship is left free to be
adopted ; perfect lines may be preserved, more equal strength
obtained with increased space, and the whole mass of paddle-boxes
and their accompanying sponsons and deck-houses swept aAvay, and
the resistance of these huge wings to head winds or seas entirely
avoided.
The space gained by avoiding the contraction is calculated by
Mr. Patterson to amount to two hundred tons measurement ; this
would be entirely gained, and would not even involve increased
dues or tolls, as it would be added to the engine-room ; it would
therefore perhaps counterbalance any loss of room caused by the
shaft conveying the movement from the engine to the screw, but I
believe this nominal increase at one part would not be so great, while
in fact the ship would really be more compact, and, though to a very
small extent, a smaller ship, as the sponsons would be removed.
The third point of advantage named is perhaps the most im-
portant. With paddles, the action is materially affected by the depth
of immersion ; when the vessel is deep, and consequently the
paddles deep, their action is impeded, a greater part of the power
of the engine is absorbed in driving the paddle, the speed of the
engine is reduced and the effect diminished ; when too light also
the paddles do not take sufficient hold of the water, the amount of
slip increases and power is wasted ; in rolling the same effects are
produced, and thus at those times when the greatest effect is re-
quired, namely, with deep immersion or in bad weather to over-
come the increased resistance offered to the vessel, the propelling
power is least effective, and Captain Hoskins actually estimates this
loss as occasionally equal to two-thirds the whole power.
The bad effects of one paddle being immersed too deeply, and the
other not sufficiently, also prevents the free use of the sails ; and it
must often occur that the impediment thus offered to the working
REPORT ON THE SCREW PROPELLER. 656
of the paddles more than counterbalances the good effects of a
tolerably fair wind. With the screw the effect is constant, at least
unaffected by the position or motion of the ship, whether deep or
liffht the screw acts nearly the same, and as to rolhng or heehng
over, the screw would work equally well (as long as it be im-
mersed) if the vessel were on her beam-ends or bottom upwards.
The screw therefore leaves the ship free to be used as a sailing-
vessel to any extent that other circumstances will admit of, and a^
long as the sails draw there can generally be no doubt that the
wind is assisting the ship. The screw may also be thrown in and
out of gear at any time and during any weather, either in case ol
accident to the engines, or in the event of her scudding before a
gale of wind, when the engine would be useless; this last, however,
I do not consider a probable occurrence, particularly if another
arrangement of which the screw is susceptible be taken ad-
vantage of. ^ , , ,
If the motion be conveyed by a strap, as I have recommended,
there is no difficulty in having two or even three drums on the
Bcrew-shaft of different diameters, and thus when the resistance to
the ship is very much increased by strong headwinds, deep draught
and other causes, to use the slow motion and obtain an mcreased
propelling force, or when, on the contrary, the vessel is running
before the wind to use the quick motion-by which, m both cases,
a great increase of speed would be attained.
This is in fact obtaining at once and by simple means all those ^
advantages, and to a much fuller extent, which are aimed at in the
reefing-paddles.
Fourthly, great regularity of motion is naturally consequent upon
the screw being unaffected by the rolling of the ship, and upon its
being immersed and not exposed therefore to blows from the sea,
and except in the case of its being lifted out of water, the resistance
is perfectly uniform and perfectly smooth.
An engine could not have a work less capable of causing any jar
or shock as to the effect ; even if lifted partially out of water the
variation of resistance would be as easy or soft, to use a mechanical
term, as possible, while the extent of the variation could never
approach to that to which paddles continually expose an engine. A
heavy sea or a deep plunge wiU occasionally bring the engines
nearly to a stand; while at other moments, if the engineers are to
be believed, the paddles are left free and the engines run away at a
fearful speed. I am inclined to think this description of the effects
somewhat exaggerated; but certainly the screw camiot by possi-
656 APPENDIX II.
bility be exposed to the same variations as the paddles — it cannot
be stopped by the action of the sea, indeed, being wholly immersed,
the resistance cannot be increased at all, while under no circum-
stances can it be relieved to the extent to which paddles are, which
may both on some rare occasions be quite out of the water ; and
therefore whether the resistance of the screw is so constant as I
believe it to be, or not, yet as compared with that offered by
paddles, it is certainly all but perfectly constant.
Fifthly, the effect upon the steerage is singular, the mass of
water put into motion by the thrust of the screw is thrown directly
upon the rudder, and the consequence is not only that when the
ehip is going at any given rate, the rudder is passing through the
water at a greater rate, and consequently is more sensible, and acts
more powerfully upon the ship ; but even when the ship has no way,
but the screw is at work, the rudder is acted upon by water moving
perhaps at two or three knots per hour, and the vessel is still under
command — this must be a most important power to possess in a
ship, and must materially diminish many of the greatest dangers
arising from a strong head wind and sea, and at the same time and
under the same circumstances must increase the speed by improving
the steerage.
And lastly, her diminished breadth of beam. Important as this
alteration would be to any vessel, it is peculiarly so as connected
with Bristol ; the total breadth, including paddle-boxes, would be
at least 78 feet ; with the screw, and taking all the increased beam
that might be convenient, it would be under 50 — very nearly 30
feet of difference. One of the principal objections to her coming
up the river would be removed, and the dock gates might easily be
made to receive her.^
There are many other points upon which comparisons may be
drawn, but I am not aware that any very important differences
exist.
As regards first cost I believe there would be little difference —
if any, it would be in favour of the screw ; as a reduction of ninety-
' In a Report by Mr. Brunei on ' by railways in land carriage. To
improvements in the port of Bristol, ' ensure the speed which the passenger
dated December 26, 1839, the follow- ' traffic demands, great size in the
ing passage occurs : ' A great change ' vessels is required ; in the course
' is unquestionably about to take ' of a very few years we shall find
' place in the carriage of merchandise * Atlantic steamers desirous of taking
' by sea, a change similar, though ' 500 or 600 tons of cargo to make up
' possibly not so striking, as that ' their draught.'
' which has so suddenly been eflfected
REPORT ON THE SCREW PROPELLER. 557
five tons of iron can hardly fail to cause some saving, although
some portion of the substituted machinery may be more costly
per ton.
As regards wear and tear I can have no doubt that some consider-
able saving would be effected ; the paddles are a constant source of
trouble and expense, and seem never to be capable of being kept in
good repair; indeed, they are huge and comparatively light frame-
works subjected to extraordinary and constantly repeated shocks,
each arm receiving direct about 260,000 very sharp blows per
voyage, independently of the more violent shocks from heavy seas,
while the screw can be subjected to no such constant source of
mischief
From all that I have said it must be evident to you, gentlemen,
that my opinion is strong and decided in favour of the advantage ctf
employing the screw in the new ship ; it certainly is so. I am fully
aware of the responsibility I take upon myself by giving this advice,
I am also fully sensible of the large amount we have at stake, and I
have not forgotten the nature and tone of the observations which
have on more occasions than one been so freely made by individuals
upon the course we have hitherto pursued ; although, and I have
pleasure in referring to the fact, this course has in every instance
where results have been obtained proved successful ; but my con-
viction of the wisdom, I may almost say the necessity, of our adopting
the improvement I now recommend is too strong, and I feel it is too
well founded, for me to hesitate or to shrink from the responsibility.
I think I have hardly advanced an opinion which I have not
supported, and in most cases preceded, by a statement of facts,
leaving no doubt as to the correctness and safety of relying on these
opinions ; still it would be too much to hope that my mode of laying
before you these facts which I have collected and the opinions I
have formed could produce as strong a conviction in your minds as
the consideration of them has in my own ; but if you bear in mind
that the actual results of the fair and fuU trial of the * Archimedes '
for several months has completely established the fact of the effi-
ciency of the screw as a propeller ; that the experiments I have
made, as well as the general and apparent results of her working,
have equally satisfactorily explained the fact of the power required
being no greater in proportion to the effect produced than in the
* Great Western ' steam-ship, and many other good steamboats ; and
that these results are satisfactorily explained by theory, you cannot
foil to draw the same conclusion that I have done as to the general
question of at least the equal «fficiency of the screw.
558 APPENDIX II.
As to the comparisons I have drawn between the general and
what I may call the indirect advantages of the one mode of propelling
over the other, they seem to me so evident that I am disposed to
apologise to you for having occupied your time in pointing them
out, and we have the satisfaction of knowing that they are now very
generally admitted, particularly by practical men.
In conclusion, I must observe that much more detailed informa-
tion and recorded results than appear on the face of this Eeport have
been required to enable me to form correct comparisons, and to re-
duce to calculation and to actual figures and amounts many results
observed; and that it would have been impossible for me to have
given you such clear and positive facts on many most important
points without the very detailed observations made and recorded by
Mr. Berkeley Claxton in the several voyages of the ' Great Western,'
and also in one on board the ' Archimedes.'
The information obtained from these logs has been, and may still
be, of the greatest importance to us in our future working, and I
have much pleasure in adding that the manner in which my direc-
tions were carried out was highly creditable to Mr. Berkeley Claxton,
who, I think, has conferred a great benefit on the Company by his
labours. I have to express also my thanks to my friends Captain
Claxton and Mr. Guppy for their assistance in the various experi-
ments which have been made, and in working out the results.
I am, Gentlemen,
Yours very faithfully,
(Signed) I. K. Brunel.
INDEX
INDEX.
' ADELAIDE,' THE
' A DELAIDE ' steam-ship, built under
■^ Mr. Brunei's directions, 290
Admiralty, Mr. Brunei's connection
with the, respecting the screw pro-
peller, 283. Communication'with the,
on floating gun-carriage, 459
Airy, G. B., Astronomer Royal, member
of the Gauge Commission, 117. Cor-
respondence with Mr. Brunei on
astronomical observations for the
' Great Eastern,' 321
Angarrack, viaduct at, 189
' Archimedes ' steamer, the screw pro-
peller used in the, 253. Experi-
ments made in the, 254
Armstrong, Sir W. G. His hydraulic
machinery at Paddington station, 85
noie.^ Engaged with Mr. Brunei on
gunnery investigations, 452. Letter
to, 454. 461
Atlantic cable expeditions of the ' Great
Eastern,' 412. Loss of the first
cable, 412. A second one laid, and
the first recovered, 413. The French
cable of 1869, 413
Atmospheric system of propulsion on
railways, 131. Description of this
method of traction, 134. History of
its introduction prior to 1844, 136.
Mr. Brunei's Ariews respecting it, 137.
His report recommending its adoption
on the South Devon Railway, 138.
Grounds of his recommendation, 142.
Select Committee on, 144. Working
of the system, 153. Imperfections of
engines, 154, and longitudinal valve,
BOX TUNNEL
157. Mr. Bnmel's report on the
failure of the Atmospheric apparatus,
159. Abandonment of the system, 164
Australian Mail Company, Mr. Brunei
appointed engineer of the, 290
BARLOW, Professor P., member of
the Gauge Commission, 117
Barlow, W. H., 57
Bath, station at, 84
Bath, bridges at, 175, 179
Bathford, bridge at, 1 75
Beamish, Richard, his account of Sir
Isambard Brunei's block machinery
at Portsmouth, quoted, 3. Joins the
Thames Tunnel works, 21
Bennett, Joseph, Mr. Brunei's secretary,
92
Berks and Hants Railway, 88
Birmingham and Oxford Junction Rail-
way, 90
Birmingham, Great Western extension
to, 124
Birth of Mr. Brunei, 1
Blake, H. W., consulted by Mr. Brunei
on the ' Great Eastern,' 297
Block machinery at Portsmouth, Sir
Isambard Brunei's, 2
Bourbon, He de. Sir Isambard Brunei's
suspension bridges for the, 6. De-
scription of them, 40
Bourne viaduct, 181
Box Tbnnel, 70 note ', 72, 81. Criticism
as to its safety, 81. Letter from Mr.
Brunei on the, 81
0 O
562
INDEX.
BEKi»mER, A.
Bremner, A., 263, 280
Brentford, dock at, 440
Brentford, extension of the Great West-
ern Eailway to, 86
Brereton, Kobert Pearson, chief of Mr.
Brunei's engineering staff, 92, 210,
215 note\ 217 note \ 223, 225, 437,
438 note '
Brickwork, use of, 59. Bridges in, 172
Bridges, suspension, Sir Isambard
Brunei's: in the He de Bourbon, 5,
40 ; designs for the Serpentine, and
for the Thames at Kingston, 5. Mr.
Brunei's : at Clifton, 46 ; Charing
Cross, 59
Bridges, railway, 171. 1. Brickwork
and masonry bridges, 172. Flying
bridges, 176. Skew bridges, 177.
Letter from Mr. Brunei on bridge
construction, 178. 2. Timber bridges
and viaducts, 179. 3. Cast-iron
bridges, 190. 4. Wrought - iron
bridges, 192. Girder bridges, 193.
Opening bridges, 195. Trussed
bridges, 199. Extracts from letters
on bridges of large span, 212 note ^.
Experiments on matters connected
with bridge construction, 227
Bristol, Mr. Brunei's early connection
with, 58, 64. Station at, 84. Bridges
at, 175, 1-95. Floating Harbour, 422.
Proposed improvement of the port,
426. New lock at, 427
Bristol and Exeter Eailway, 86
Bristol and Gloucester Eailway, 90
Bristol and South Wales Union Eail-
way, 90
Briton Ferry Docks, 437
Broad Gauge. See Gauge
Brunei, Sir Marc Isambard, birth of, 2.
Arrives in England, 2. Marries Miss
Sophia Kingdom, 2. Designs the
Block machinery at Portsmouth, 2.
Veneering machinery, 5. Shoe ma-
chinery, 6. Designs suspension
bridges for the He de Bourbon, 5, 40.
Experiments on carbonic acid gas, 5,
42. Proposes the Thames Timnel, 5.
CLIFTON BRIDGE
Extracts from his Journal relating
to the Eotherhithe shaft, 10. Ex-
tracts from his Journal relating to
the works at the Thames Tunnel up
to January 1828, 16. His death, 39.
Hoop iron introduced by, in brick-
work, 177. Designed a large timber
bridge to cross the Neva, 211 note'^
BuUo Pill opening bridge, 197
OAEEMAETHEN, opening bridge at,
198
Carbonic acid gas, experiments on, by
Sir Isambard Brunei and Mr. Brunei,
6,42
Cast-iron bridges, 190. Mr. Brunei's
views as to the use of cast iron in
bridge construction, 190, 192
Cheltenham and Great Western Union
Eailway, 88
Chepstow bridge, 203. Mode of form-
ing piers, 203. Description of super-
structure, 206. Floating and erec-
tion, 209
Clarke, Seymour, 117
Claxton, Captain, 57. Assists Mr.
Brunei at the floating of the Chep-
stow bridge, 210. And the Saltash
bridge, 222. Appointed Managing
Director of the Great Western Steam-
Ship Company, 234, 242, 247. Letter
to, from Mr. Brunei, on the ' Great
Britain,' 264. Goes to Dundrum to
carry out Mr. Brunei's plans for the
protection of the 'Great Britain,' 272..
Letter to, from Mr. Brunei, on the
breakwater, 272. Eeport of, on
breakwater, 274. Superintends float-
ing of the ' Great Britain,' 280. Con-
sulted by Mr. Brunei on the ' Great
Eastern,' 291, 297. Floating Har-
bour, Bristol, 424
Clifton Suspension Bridge, origin of
the, 47. Mr. Brunei's designs, 47.
Eejected by Mr. Telford, 51. Mr.
Telford's own design, 52. Second
competition, 62. Mr. Brunei sue-
INDEX.
563
COLES, CAPT. C.
cessful, and appointed engineer, 53.
The site described, 54, Description
of the design, 55. Architectural
features, 56. Commencement of the
work, 56. Completed, 57
Coles, Captain Cowper, 461
Construction of works, letter on, 178
Continuous girders, 208
Cork and Youghal Eailway, 91
Cornwall Railway, 87. Viaducts on,
185
Crystal Palace at Sydenham, water-
towers of the, 448
Cylinders, of Chepstow bridge, method
of sinking the, 204. The great
cylinder of the Eoyal Albert Bridge,
214
DALKEY RAILWAY, Atmospheric
System on, 131
Dartmouth and Torbay Railway, 87
Death of Mr. Brunei, 520
Dock and pier works : Monkwearmouth,
418; Bristol, 422; Plymouth, 433;
Briton Ferry, 437 ; Brentford, 440 ;
Neyland, 443
Draught, Mr. Brunei's paper on, 101
note '
Dublin, railway to Wicklow ixaxa, 91
Dundrum Bay, stranding of the ' Great
' Britain ' in, 263
EARLY LIFE of Mr. Brunei. He
goes to school at Chelsea, 4 ;
at Brighton, 4 ; at Paris, 6. Em-
ployed in his father's oflSce, 6. En-
gaged at the Thames Tunnel, 6.
References by Sir I. Brunei to his
exertions, 17, 19, 21, 22, 25, 33.
Appointed resident engineer, 25 note '.
First irruption of the river, 29. Se-
cond irruption, 35. Accident, 36.
Visit to Plymouth, 46
Eastern Bengal Railway, 91, 195, 617
Eastern Counties Eailway, gauge
adopted on the, 106
GENOA-ALESSANDRIA RAILWAY
Eastern Steam Navigation Company,
formation of the, 291. See 'Great
Eastern '
Egypt, visit to, 6i7
Electric telegraph, application of the, in
connection with railways, 155
Engineer, Mr. Brunei's view of the
position of, 475. Of joint-engineer,
476. Of consulting engineer, 477.
Of the position of the engineer in
relation to the contractors, 477. To
the Directors, 478. Remarks on in-
terference of Directors with assistant
engineers, 481. On State control
over engineering works, 486
Experiments: Strength of timber, 182,
227. Cast-iron girders, 190, 191.
Wrought-iron girder, 193. Rivet-
ing, 194, 228. Continuous beams,
209, 229. Bridge construction, 227.
Ropes and chains, 228. Friction,
348, 368, 385
FARADAY, M., his experiments on
the liquefaction of gases, 42. Con-
sulted by Mr. Brunei on the Kyanis-
ing process, 1 89
Field, Cyrus, 411, 414
Field, J., consulted by Mr. Bnmel on
the ' Great Eastern,' 297
Floating gun-carriage, 454
Floating harbour at Bristol, 422
Floating pier, proposed at Portishead,
426. In Mill Bay, 436
Florence and Pistoja Railway, 91
Flying bridges, 1 76
Ford, Captain Robert, consulted by Mr.
Brunei on the ' Great Eastern,' 297
Friction, experiments and observations
on, 348, 368, 385
Froude, W., letter to, describing floating
of the ' Great Eastern,' 389
GATHAMPTON, bridge at, 174
Genoa, Novi, and Alessandria
Eailway, 91
2
564
INDEX.
GAUGE OF RAILWAYS
Gauge of railways, difference between
the broad and narrow, 99. Origin of
the ordinary gaiige, 99. Adoption
of the broad gauge on the Great
Western Eailway, 101, 106. Eeasons
for its adoption, 102. Attacks on,
106. Keports of Mr. Wood and Mr.
Hawkshaw on, 107. Eeport by Mr.
Brunei on, 107. Northern extension,
116. Inconveniences of a break of
gauge, 116. Eoyal Commission on the
gauge question, 117. Report of the
Commissioners, 117. ' Observations
on the Eeport,' 119. Eeport of the
Board of Trade, 1 22. Act for regu-
lating gauge, 122. The mixed gauge,
124. Summary of the advantages of
the broad gauge, 127. Partial aban-
donment of the broad gauge, 127, 129.
Eeport on the broad gauge, 525
Gilbert, Da vies, appointed referee in
the second competition for the Clifton
Suspension Bridge, 52. Eecommends
Mr. Brunei's design, 63
Girder bridges, 193
Glennie, W., 215 note >
Gloucester, opening bridges near, 196
Gloucester and Dean Forest Eailway, 88
Gooch, Sir Daniel, 117, 119. Experi-
ments by, 125
Gravatt, William, an assistant engineer
at the Thames Tunnel, 26
'Great Britain' steam-ship, commence-
ment of the, 247. Eeport on the
engines, 249. Adoption of the screw
propeller, 254. Principal features of
her design, 255. Arrives in the
Thames, 261. Her voyages, 262.
Stranded in Dundrum Bay, 263.
Letter from Mr. Brunei on the
subject, 264. His reports to the
Directors, 267, 273. Construction
of breakwater, 274. Floating of
the ship, 280. Her subsequent his-
tory, 282. Dimensions of ship and
engines, 282
' Great Eastern ' steam-ship, origin of
the project, 291. Memorandum by
* GREAT EASTERN,' THE
Mr. Brunei to the Directors of the
Eastern Steam Navigation Company,
292. He is appointed engineer, 293.
Letter on the form and dimensions
of the ship, 294. Eeport on mode
of proceeding, 296. On enquiries
relating to the draught and form of
the vessel, 297. On the dimensions,
299. Tenders invited, 300. Eeport
on tenders, 301. Commencement
of the work, 304. Extracts from
Mr. Brunei's memoranda, 304, 310.
Letters on his position as engineer,
311. Eeport describing the ship,
315. Letter to the Astronomer Eoyal,
321. The observers' department in
the ship, 322, Captain Harrison
appointed to the command, 323.
Memorandum on the management of
the ship, 324. Letter on the duties
of chief engineer, 335. Suspension
and resumption of the works, 339.
Eeasons for launching the ship
broadside to the river, 340. Adop-
tion of iron sliding-surfaces, 343.
The ways and cradles, 345. Motive
power, 348. Checking gear, 351.
Eiver tackle, 352. Letter to Cap-
tain Harrison on the river tackle,
354. Letter to the Directors re-
specting the operation of launching,
355. Memorandum of arrangements
and intended mode of proceeding,
356. Particular instructions, 358.
Final preparations, 359. Com-
mencement of the launch, 360.
Accident at one of the drums, 361.
Failure of the first attempt, 362.
Second attempt, 364. Eeport on
operations, 366. Progress of the
launch, 368. Suspension of opera-
tions, 376. Eeport and memorandum,
377. Ee-commencement, 379. Float-
ing of the ship, 382. Experiments
and observations on friction, 385.
Letter to Mr. W. Froude, describing
the floating, 389. -Formation of the
Great Ship Company, 393. Progress
INDEX.
665
GREAT EXHIBITION
of the works to Mr. Brunei's last
iUness, 393. Completion of the
ship, 393. Voyage to Weymouth,
393. Explosion of water-heater,
393. Storm at Holyhead, 395. De-
scription of the ship, 396. Her first
voyages to New York, 403. To Que-
bec, with troops, 404. Accident to
rudder, and loss of paddlewheels, 405.
Voyages in 1862, 407. Accident oflF
Montauk Point, 407. Formation of
Great Eastern Steam-Ship Company,
409. Remarks on performance of
ship, 409. Employed in laying At-
lantic cables, 412, The Indian cable,
414. Dimensions of ship and en-
gines, 416
Great Exhibition of 1851, Mr. Brunei's
opinion respecting prizes to exhi-
bitors, 445. His part in the work of
the Building Committee, 446. Sup-
ports Sir Joseph Paxton'a design, 447
Great Western Hotel, 86
Great Western Railway, origin of the,
63. Mr. Brunei appointed engineer,
64. Survey of the country, 65.
Bill for a line from London to Read-
ing, and Bath to Bristol, read a second
time, and referred to a committee, 66.
Opposition to the Bill, 67. Plan of
entering London, 68, Mr. Brunei's
cross-examination, 69. The Bill
passed by the Commons, but thrown
out in the Lords, 70. A Bill
for the whole line introduced, read
a second time, and committed, 71.
Evidence taken before the Commons'
Committee, 72. Evidence before the
Lords' Committee, 73. The Bill
receives the Royal Assent, 74, Con-
struction of the line, 80. Opening
from London to Bristol, 80. Levels
and inclines, 80, 104. The Box
Tunnel, 81. The Bath and Bristol
stations, 84. Paddington station,
84. Branches and extensions of the
railway, 86, 88, 90. Adoption of
the broad gauge, 106, The perma-
IVYBRIDGE VIADUCT
nont way, 108, 111, Meeting of
shareholders on broad gauge. 111.
Extension of the Great Western
system, 116
' Great Western ' steam-ship, formation
of the company, 233. Details of
the construction of the vessel, 234
note^. Report on the selection of
the builders of the engines, 235,
Controversy with Dr. Lardner, 237.
Launch of the vessel,"'and voyage to
London, 241. Return to Bristol, 242.
Fire on board, and accident to Mr.
Brunei, 242. First voyage to New
York, 243. Subsequent history, 244.
Dimensions of ship and engines, 245
Gunnery experiments, 452
Guppy, T. R., 148, 233, 234, 247, 253,
254. Letter to, on iron-ship building,
259
HAMMOND, J. W., 65, 92
Hanwell, bridge at, destroyed by
fire, 190
Hanwell viaduct, 172
Harrison, Captain, 223. Appointed com-
mander of the ' Great Eastern,' 323.
Letter to, on the river tackle, 354.
At the launch, 362, 370, 382. 392
Haverfordwest, opening bridge at, 198
Hawkshaw, J., 57. Report on broad
gauge and permanent way, 107
Henley branch of the Great Western
Railway, 86
Hungerford Suspension Bridge, 57, 59
INDIA, railway works in, 91
Indian Cable expedition of the
• Great Eastern,' 414
Institution of Civil Engineers, 516 note"^,
621
Inventors, communications with, 485
Ireland, railway works in, 90
Italy, Mr. Brunei's railway works in,
91, 510
Ivybridge viaduct, 182
566
INDEX.
KENNET, BRIDGE OVER THE
IT-ENNET, bridge over the river, 175
»- Kidwelly, opening bridge at, 198
Kyanising process, 189, 421
LANDOKE, viaduct at, 183
Lane, Michael, 29
Lardner, Dr., 114 note '. Opinions re-
specting ocean steam navigation, 237
Llansamlet, flying arches near, 176
Llynvi Valley Eailway, 89
Locke, Joseph, 62, 74. His address on
the death of Mr. Brunei, 521
Locomotive power, comparison of, with
stationary power, 142, 166
Loughor, opening bridge at, 197
MAIDENHEAD bridge, 96, 173
Masonry, bridges in, 172
Maudslay and Field, 15, 148, 236, 284
Milford Haven, 88, 443
Monkwearmouth, docks at, 417, 418
Moulsford, bridge at, 174
NASMYTH, James, his steam ham-
mer designed, 252 note '. Letter
to, on gunnery experiments, 452
Neath, improvement of river, 438 note '
Newport viaduct, 185, 199
Neyland, pier at, 443
OCEAN STEAM NAVIGATION,
Mr. Brunei's connection with, 231,
313
Opening bridges, 195
Oxford, Mr. Brunei created a Doctor in
Civil Law at, 516
Oxford and Rugby extension of the
Great Western Railway, 90, 116
Oxford branch of the Great Western
Railway, 86
Oxford, Worcester, and Wolverhampton
Railway, 90, 116
RAILWATS
PADDINGTON station, 84
Paris Exhibition of 1855, letter
on decorations conferred at, 489
Parkes, Dr., medical superintendent of
Renkioi Hospital, 468. Report of,
on hospital buildings, 468
Patent laws, Mr. Brunei's opinions on
the, 212 note,'' 450, 451, 454, 485,
489, 497
Patterson, W., 234, 247, 263
Paxton, Sir Joseph, his design for the
Great Exhibition building, 447
Permanent way on the Great Western
Railway, 108, 535
Plymouth Great Western Docks, 433
Polygonal rifle, 449
Portishead, proposed pier at, 426
Prince Consort, H.R.H. the, opens the
Royal Albert Bridge, 226. Present at
floating of the ' Great Britain,' 269
Private life of Mr. Brunei, 499. Early
reminiscences, 500. Removal to Duke
Street, and marriage, 505. His taste
in art, 506. First journey to Italy,
608. Half-sovereign accident, 511.
Purchase of property in Devonshire,
514. Life at Watcombe, 516. Fail-
ing health, 516. Journeys to Switzer-
land and Egypt, 616. Letter from
Philae, 517. His last iUness, 520
AUAKER'S YARD, viaduct at, 89
RAILWAYS, sketch of, in England
prior to 1833, 61. Extent of
Mr. Brunei's, 79. Great Western,
80. Branches to Oxford, 86. Wind-
sor, 86. Wycombe, 86. Uxbridge,
86. Henley, 86. Brentford, 86.
Bristol and Exeter Railway, 86.
South Devon, 87. South Devon
and Tavistock, 87. Cornwall, 87.
Branch lines now incorporated with
Great Western Railway: Berks and
RAILWAY STRUCTURES
Hants, 88. Wilts and Somerset, 88.
Cheltenham and Great Western
Union, 88. Gloucester and Dean
Forest, 88. The South Wales, 88.
The Taff Vale, 89. The Vale of
Neath, 89. The Llynvi Valley, 89.
The South Wales Mineral, 89. Bris-
tol and South Wales Union, 90.
Bristol and Gloucester, 90. The
Oxford and Eugby, 90. Birming-
ham and Oxford Junction, 90.
Oxford, Worcester, and Wolrer-
hampton, 90. Ireland, 90. Italy,
91. India (Eastern Bengal), 91
Railway Structures, letter on the Royal
Commission on the Application of
Iron to, 192, 486
'Rattler' steam-ship, trials with the,
287
Rendel, J. M., 211, 433
Renkioi, hospital buildings at, 461.
Description of the buildings, 463.
Dr. Parkes's report on the formation
and general management of the hos-
pital, 468
Rennie, G. and J., 148
Richards, Westley, letters to, on poly-
gonal rifle, 450
Riveting, experiments on, 1 94, 228
Ropes and chains, experiments on.
228
Rotherhithe shaft of the Thames Tun-
nel, construction of the, 9
Royal Albert Bridge at Saltash, 211.
Plans for crossing the river Tamar
at Saltash, 211. Trial cylinder for
centre pier, 213. Report on making
bridge for a single line, 214. Mode
of construction of centre pier, 214.
Description of superstructure, 218.
Floating of first truss, 221. Lifting
of first truss, 224. Floating and
lifting of second truss, 225. Open-
ing by H.R.H. the Prince Consort, 226
Royal Society, 516 note *
Russell, J. Scott, builds the ' Victoria '
and ' Adelaide,' 290. Assists Mr.
Brunei in maturing designs of
INDEX. 567
STEPHENSON, ROBERT
the 'Great Eastern,' 291, 292, 297.
Letter to, on the form and dimen-
sions of the ship, 294. Tender
accepted for huU and paddle-engines,
301
ST. MARY'S viaduct, 181
St. Pinnock viaduct, 186
Saltash bridge. See Royal Albert
Bridge
Samuda J., 131, 134, 148, 160
Saunders, C. A., 92, 117, 119
Screw propeller, the, adopted for the
'Great Britain,' 254. Communica-
tions on, with the Board of Admiralty,
283. Trials with the 'Polyphemus,'
284. With the 'Rattler,' 287.
Report recommending adoption of,
539
Shield, Thames Tunnel, the, 11, 12
' Sirius ' steam-ship, 241
Skew bridges, 177
Smith, F. P., the screw propeller, 253,
287. Consulted by Mr. Brunei on the
'Great Eastern,' 297, 298
Smith, Sir F., member of the Gauge
Commission, 117
Smyth, C. Piazzi, Astronomer Eoyal for
Scotland, correspondence with Mr.
Brunei on astronomical instruments
for the ' Great Eastern,' 322
Sonning Cutting brickwork bridge,
175. Timber bridge, 179
South Devon and Tavistock Railway,
87. Viaducts, 188
South Devon Railway, 87. Course of
the line, 132. Atmospheric System
adopted on the, 138. Viaducts, 182
South Wales Mineral Railway, 89
South Wales Railway, 88. Viaducts,
183, 194
Standard drawings, 172 Jiote *
Stationary and locomotive power, com-
parison of, 142, 166
Statue of Mr. Bnmel, 520 note '
Stephenson, George, 61, 62, 70, 74, 99
Stephenson, Robert, 62, 106, 107, 134
568
INDEX.
STONEHOUSE VIADUCT
Atmospheric System, 136, 137 note ',
138, 144. Conway and Britannia
bridges, 221, 223. Launch of the
'Great Eastern,' 375, 376, 377, 378,
384«oi;e». 485,516,517,521
Stonehouse viaduct, 181
TAFF YALE Railway, 89, 104 note '
Tamar, plans for crossing the river,
6 note'', 46, 211
Telford, T., appointed referee to de-
cide upon the plans for the Clifton
Suspension Bridge, 51. Rejects Mr.
Brunei's plan, 51. Designs one him-
self, 52. His plan described, 52
Thames Tunnel, project of, first occupies
Sir Isambard Brunei's attention, 6.
Plans suggested for the construction
of a tunnel, 6. Borings, 7. Remarks
on borings, 8 note '. Commencement
of the work, 9. Construction of the
Rotherhithe shaft, 9. Description of
the shield, 12. Journals of Sir I.
Brunei of the progress of the work,
10, 11, 16. Mr. Brunei appointed
resident engineer of, 25 note '. First
irruption of the river, 29. Second
irruption, 35. Works suspended, 37.
Resumed, 38. The Wapping shaft,
38. Completed and opened, 39. Its
subsequent history, 39 note *
Thompson, Dr. Seth. Letter on the
half-sovereign accident, 511
Timber bridges and viaducts, 179
Timber, experiments on strength of, 1 82,
227
T^orquay branch of the South Devon
Railway, 87 .
Trussed bridges, 199 ■
WYCOMBE RAILWAY
UXBRIDGE branch of the Great
Western Railway, 86
VALE OF NEATH Railway, 89.
Viaducts, 171
Vick, Alderman William, his bequest
for a bridge at Clifton, 47
' Victoria ' steam-ship, built under Mr.
Brunei's direction, 290
Vignoles, C, 74
WALKER, J., 107
Walkham viaduct, 189
Wapping shaft of the Thames Tunnel,
construction of the, 38
Watcombe, Mr. Brunei's life at, 514
Watt, James & Co., 148. Tender ac-
cepted for screw engines of the
' Great" Eastern,' 301
West Cornwall Railway, 87. Viaducts,
189
Westminster Abbey, memorial window
in, 520 note *
Wilts and Somerset Railway, 88
Windsor branch of the Great Western
Railway, 86
Windsor bridge, 200. Description of
superstructure, 200. Mode of forming
piers, 201
Wire gun, 453
Witness, Mr. Brunei's reputation as a,
69, 93, 505
Wood, Nicholas, 101. Report on broad
gauge and permanent way, 107
Wrought-iron bridges, 192
Wrought-iron girder, experiments ou,
193
Wyatt, Sir M. D., 84
Wycombe extension of the Great West-
em Railway, 86
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